SOC101 Assignment 2 Social Movements Essay

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Introduction to Sociology (SOC101) Assignment Two: Social Movements Essay Lecturer: Brian Furze Student: Zabrina Dawber Student Number: 118 16756 Due Date: 31 st January 2023 Word Count: 1891 Turnitin Score: 12% Screenshot attached last page (27% including reference list)

In the tapestry of societal evolution, social movements emerge as dynamic threads, weaving narratives of collective action, challenging established norms, and catalysing transformative changes that ripple through the fabric of human existence. Charles Tilly (2007) defines a social movement as ‘a series of contentious performances, displays, and campaigns by which ordinary people make collective claims on others.’ The My Body, My Choice social movement initially began in December 1969 (Savas, 2023) as part of women’s protests for pro-abortion rights. However, commencing in the latter part of the 20th century, the phrase "My Body, My Choice" evolved into a mantra of empowerment and resistance, especially within the struggle for reproductive rights and the availability of accessible abortion services. This movement frequently advocates for the notion that individuals, especially women, should possess the liberty to make decisions about their reproductive well-being without external interference, coercion, or legal constraints. Throughout this essay, I will explore the efforts of the My Body, My Choice movement in influencing global public sentiment and governmental regulations concerning women's autonomy over their bodies and reproductive decisions. This essay will also examine various categories of social movements, with particular attention to the My Body, My Choice movement, providing a concise overview of its origins. Moreover, I will investigate how gender, feminism, and intersectionality have influenced the course of the movement. In addition to examining the influence and transformation of public opinion by the media, this paper will address alterations and enhancements in Australian laws. It argues that as long as complete autonomy over their bodies remains unrealised for all women and men, reproductive rights movements will persist. According to Byrne (2016), social movements can be characterised as substantial and typically informal assemblages of individuals and organisations dedicated to specific social and political causes, striving to bring about, resist, or overturn social transformations. Social movements typically emerge when a segment of society recognises the necessity for a shift in public sentiment and advocates for potential alterations in government policies (Byrne, 2016). The My Body My Choice social movement aims to raise global awareness about the reproductive rights of individuals. Byrne (2016) asserts that social movements can be classified into four categories. Initially, reform movements are committed to altering norms, typically those related to legal standards. Certain individuals argue for a shift in moral norms in addition to legal ones. Secondly, radical social movements are focused on restructuring societal arrangements, often on a broader scale compared to reform movements. Thirdly, temporary movements are short-lived and endure only until a particular goal is achieved. Finally, fusion movements occur when two or more social movements unite for a shared objective (Byrne, 2016). My Body My Choice is characterised as a reform

movement. This categorisation relies on its aim to alter societal views on abortion, promote women's ability to make independent decisions about their reproductive health and advocate for global women's access to safe abortion. This enduring movement has been a source of controversy throughout history and necessitates global legal and policy modifications. The My Body, My Choice movement is the most recent development in the global movements of reproductive rights campaigns. Byrne suggests that radical movements have the potential to evolve into reform movements as they become normalised. Reproductive rights movements can begin as radical, however as they grow more accepted by society, they can lead to reforms and raise awareness about body autonomy challenges. In 1914, Margaret Sanger initiated the release of a monthly publication named 'The Women Rebel.' Firmly advocating for women's control over their bodies, she authored articles such as "The Prevention of Contraception" and is credited as the first to coin the term 'birth control.' Margaret Sanger faced multiple arrests for allegedly violating the 1873 Comstock Act. This legislation, aimed at curbing obscene content, particularly through mail distribution, posed restrictions on the discourse and dissemination of birth control (Engelman, 2011). The objective was to provide education and enable women to obtain contraceptives, granting them autonomy over their bodies. Gradually, the use of birth control became widely accepted; in the 1960s, the contraceptive pill was groundbreaking, and access to birth control became a recognised right for both married and unmarried women. Numerous theories aid sociologists in comprehending gender, and socialisation theory is employed diversely to gain insights into the concept of gender. According to Parsons (Buiten, 2016), gender is a socially constructed concept instilled from infancy, and societal reinforcement of gender norms occurs through either rewarding or imposing negative sanctions on behaviour. The theory of socialisation proposes that gender rules and norms are typically embraced without questioning or resistance, perpetuating unequal power dynamics between men and women without a compelling reason for change (Buiten, 2016). Erving Goffman interprets gender within the framework of symbolic interactionism, asserting that individuals acquire the ability to recognise and enact diverse roles based on their surroundings and the specific moment (Buiten, 2016). While sociologists employ various approaches to comprehend gender, they collectively emphasise that gender imposes limitations on individuals' behaviours and the choices accessible to them (Buiten, 2016). Feminist theorists advocate for the necessity of taking action to attain a gender order characterised by equality, considering gender inequality as a significant issue that merits attention

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(Buiten, 2016). According to Buiten (2016), feminist theory encompasses three key elements, with the initial one emphasising the centrality of gender in shaping societal structures and life experiences. The second element posits that gender relations exhibit inequality, with patriarchy positioning women as subordinate within society (Buiten, 2016). The third crucial element entails feminism viewing the existing inequalities as unjust and requiring corrective action (Buiten, 2016). The My Body My Choice movement empowered women by offering them language that they could use to advocate for their reproductive rights, bodily autonomy, and the accessibility of abortion services. The My Body My Choice movement not only advocates for the right to access safe abortions and reproductive rights but also upholds a range of feminist principles. These encompass gender equality, efforts against domestic violence, the fight against sexual violence, the questioning of gender roles, and related concerns. Despite the feminist principles underpinning the My Body My Choice movement, there will inevitably be factions that dissent or disagree with the movement. These encompass Pro-Life organisations, governments with anti-abortion stances, and even diverse men's movements that contend women's rights have reached an excessive extent. Intersectionality refers to the overlapping of various social forces. Several feminist movements asserted the universal relevance of women's gender experiences, yet this perspective exclusively focused on the perspectives of women who are white, middle-class, heterosexual, and physically able. (Tilly, 2019). Gender-based discrimination intersected with diverse manifestations of oppression., including the challenges faced by black women in the context of racial inequality and the marginalisation experienced by homosexual women (Tilly, 2019). In Australia, there are records of Indigenous Australian women experiencing forced sterilisation, particularly during the period of the Stolen Generation (ABC News, 2003). As previously noted, feminist movements often focus primarily on the ordeals of white, middle-class, and able-bodied women, overlooking the Stolen Generation narrative. This narrative includes instances of sterilisation, unsafe abortions, and deliberate killings of Aboriginal children at birth. Additionally, considering the intersectionality of women experiencing poverty, those classified as 'low-income earners' in Australia who grapple with daily challenges are often perceived as victims. There are also reports of women facing barriers to accessing publicly funded healthcare because they are not categorised as low-income earners and do not meet the criteria for poverty (Belton, 2018). Engaging in public discourse on bodily autonomy, universal access to abortion, and healthcare for all women as routine medical matters is a revolutionary act, eliminating the stigma and guilt linked to abortion. The revolution brought about by social media and globalisation has accelerated the dissemination of information, and reproductive rights movements exemplify how

rapidly radical initiatives can transform into reform movements when information becomes widely available. Before the 1960s, social movements were predominantly oriented toward local and national contexts. Affordable travel and communication have facilitated the globalisation of social movements, as technology has made it simpler for individuals to connect with like-minded people on a global scale. (Cengage et al., 2014). The accessibility of information can bring about favourable effects on social movements, but it can also yield adverse consequences for both ongoing and upcoming social initiatives. Digital democracy suggests ongoing, electronically mediated opinion polling and voting as an economical and efficient alternative to traditional social movement activities such as association, meetings, marches, petitioning, and engaging with mass media (Tilly, 2019). This has the potential to diminish or heighten the importance of social movements in the future. In the United States in 1972, the Supreme Court declared that state or federal legislation may not limit the constitutional right to abortion (Roe v. Wade, 1973). In 2022, the Dobbs v. Jackson case altered the dynamics by potentially enabling Mississippi to impose restrictions on abortions after 15 weeks of gestation, transferring the authority to regulate abortion rights and restrictions to individual states (Dickman et al., 2021). Two days following the ruling, the Texas governor banned abortions for pregnancies that had progressed beyond six weeks from the patient's last menstrual cycle. (Dickman et al., 2021). Although the decision delegated to the states is analogous in Australia, it represents a regression from the objectives of the movement, which advocates for access to bodily autonomy, including safe abortion access. Protests in Australia regarding the rights and accessibility of bodily autonomy have existed since the beginning of historical women's movements. The rise of the My Body My Choice movement coincided with the reversal of Roe v. Wade in 2022. By 2021, all states in Australia, with South Australia being the last, had decriminalised abortion (Health Care (Safe Access) Amendment Act 2020, 2020). Although this signifies advancement for the movement, there is still no guarantee of securing access to services, particularly for people in rural regions, those with low incomes, and those with limited awareness (Shanker, et. al., 2017). In summary, the My Body, My Choice movement and other movements advocating for reproductive rights will persist in developing, working towards increasing awareness, and pushing for societal and governmental backing for women's autonomy over their bodies and their access to healthcare, including the right to secure and safe abortions. Reproductive rights movements initially emerged as a demand for access to information about birth control and have evolved into pro-choice movements. Social media, the media, and globalisation are facilitating increased discussions about

abortion, a traditionally taboo subject. As various theories within the realms of gender, feminism, and intersectionality undergo constant evolution across society, more concerns related to reproductive rights are coming to the forefront. While the focus of the My Body My Choice movement is on reproductive rights, it further contributes to heightening awareness and highlighting global issues related to sex education, reproductive health, safe relationships, sexuality, and the overall well-being of women. Additionally, the movement advocates for affordable childcare and support for women and their families post-birth. In Australia, legislation has been enacted to safeguard women's right to obtain abortions, but these laws have only been implemented nationwide in recent times. It is also observed that despite the existence of these laws, examining the legal changes in America illustrates that laws can be subject to modification. Reproductive rights movements will persist until every individual, regardless of gender, attains complete control over their reproductive rights and has access to safe and reasonably priced healthcare worldwide.

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References ABC News. (2003). Aboriginal women sterilised without their consent . ABC News https://www.abc.net.au/news/2003-12-05/aboriginal-women-sterilised-without- theirconsent/101008 Arvanitakis, J. (Ed.). (2016). Sociologic: Analysing everyday life and culture. Oxford University Press. Belton. S., (2018). Privatising abortion is not good for women’s health (or finances). Croakey Health Media. https://www.croakey.org/privatising-abortion-is-not-good-for- womens-health-or-finances/ Buiten. D. (2016). Sex and Gender. In Arvanitakis, J. (Ed.). (2016). Sociologic: Analysing everyday life and culture. (pp. 119-139). Oxford University Press. Byrne. M. (2016). Social Movements. In Arvanitakis, J. (Ed.). (2016). Sociologic: Analysing everyday life and culture. (pp. 403-418). Oxford University Press. Dickman, S. L., White, K. & Grossman, D. (2021). Affordability and Access to Abortion Care in the United States. JAMA Internal Medicine, 181 (9), 1157-1158. doi:10.1001/jamainternmed.2021.3502. Health Care (Safe Access) Amendment Act 2020 (SA), (2020). https://www.legislation.sa.gov.au/__legislation/lz/v/a/2020/health%20care%20(safe %20access)%20amendment%20act%202020_39/2020.39.un.pdf Roe et al. v. Wade, District Attorney of Dallas County, Volume 410 U.S. 113 (1973) https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=12334123945835207673&q=roe+v.

+wade&hl=en&as_sdt=20006 Sanger. M., (1914). The Woman Rebel , No. 1; 3/1914; General Records, 1905 - 1921; Records of the Post Office Department, Record Group 28; National Archives Building, Washington, DC. Savas, L. (2023) Unpacking ‘My Body My Choice’ https://www.crossway.org/articles/unpacking-my-body-my-choice/ Shankar, M., Black, K. I., Goldstone, P., Hussainy, S., Mazza, D., Petersen, K., Lucke, J., & Taft, A. (2017). Access, equity, and costs of induced abortion services in Australia: a cross- sectional study. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health, 41 (3), 309-314. https://ezproxy.csu.edu.au/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/scholarlyjournals/ access-equity-costs-induced-abortion-services/docview/2290562708/se-2 Tilly, C., Castañeda, E., & Wood, L. J. (2019). Social movements, 1768 - 2018. Taylor & Francis Group. Tilly, C., & Tarrow, S. (2007). Contentious politics. Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers. World Health Organisation. (2009). Reproductive Rights. https://web.archive.org/web/20090726150133/http://www.who.int// reproductivehealth/gender/index.html

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