First year anth notes
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Franz Boas-cultural determinism, cultural relativism, holism
Bronislaw Malinowski-developed participant observation
Mauss- a French anthropologist, was one of the first scholars to provide an in-depth exploration of reciprocity and the role that gifts play in cultural systems around the world.19 Mauss asked why humans feel obliged to reciprocate when they receive a gift. His answer was that giving and reciprocating gifts, whether these are material objects of our time, creates links between the people involved.
Sir James Frazer is well-known for his 1890 work The Golden Bough: A Study of Comparative Religions. Its title was later changed to A Study in Magic and Religion, and it was one of the first books to describe and record magical and religious beliefs of different culture groups around the
world. Yet, this book was not the outcome of extensive study in the field. Instead, Frazer relied on the accounts of others who had traveled, such as scholars, missionaries, and government officials, to formulate his study. Armchair anth
Sir EB tyler-defined culture in a way that is still used today. Significant anthropological writer who did not conduct fieldwork. Armchair anth
There is NO correlation between race, language and culture
Key Terms/Concepts (not a complete list!)
key anthropological perspectives -- holism, relativism, comparison, and fieldwork
Cultural relativism—understand a culture from within their own point of view, not your own
Cultural determinism: the idea that behavioral differences are a result of cultural, not racial or genetic causes.
Cultural relativism- the idea that we should seek to understand another person’s beliefs and behaviors from the perspective of their own culture and not our own.
Ethnocentrism
Four fields of anthropology-cultural, linguistic, biological/physical, archaeological
Culture
o
All people have it.
o
Culture is not the same as nature.
o
Culture is based on symbols.
o
Culture is learned.
o
Cultures are integrated.
o
Cultures interact and change.
Holism— perspective that every individual part of human life (whether it be related to culture, biology, or anything else) is interconnected with everything else. To understand one thing, you need to understand everything connected to it and how they all interact
Plasticity-- is the ability to learn and adapt to different cultures and languages. This also enforces
the idea that contrasts in race aren’t all that significant when looking at how similar all humans are, and how all humans could theoretically be a part of any culture
Evolutionism-idea that some cultures are less developed than others due to evolution
Diffusionism-study of geographical distribution and migration of cultures. Looks at cultures like a
patchwork.
Salvage Anthropology-documentation of indigenous American cultures that were considered to be dying
o
Malownski, Boas
Theorertical paradigms: Functionalism, Structural-Functionalism, French Structuralism, Mauss and gifting, cultural
materialism, Marxist anthropology, symbolic anthropology, interpretism
Fieldwork and fieldwork techniques—
o
Fieldwork involved observation, interviewing, and documentation of data in the form of ethnographies rather than novels
Participant observation- an inductive form of research that involves surrounding yourself with another culture and spending long periods of time with them, living as they do (Nelson and Braff
2020, 9). It also involves interviews and surveys. It is part of the ethnographic process and can provide access to knowledge that would be difficult to acquire from other research methods (Nelson and Braff 2020, 16). Participant observation was developed in the late 1800s to the early
1900s, around the same time frame that cultural relativism was being developed and ethnocentrism was being questioned (Nelson and Braff 2020, 9).
Ethnography (who wrote the first modern ethnography?)—fieldwork
Ethnography-a type of research in fieldwork that involves studying cultural practices
o
In cultural anthropology, fieldwork is referred to as ethnography.
o
A main method is participant observation
o
Both the process of fieldwork and the end result
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Ethnography, an important method of collecting data in fieldwork, involves creating a thorough study of the cultural practices, as well as the background of the practices and interpretations as to why they happen and why they are important (Nelson 2020, 48). Ethnographers collect data through artifacts, archival/historical sources, texts (this could
be plays, social media posts, stories, transcripts, etcetera), conversations, and observations (Surette 2020, Fieldwork and Ethics).
Microcultures
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microculture, or local culture, refers to distinct patterns of learned and shared behavior and ideas found in local regions and among particular groups.
o
Microcultures can be based on ethnicity/”race”, gender, age, class, institutions and more.
Deductive- reasoning from the general to the specific; the inverse of inductive reasoning. Deductive research is more common in the natural sciences than in anthropology. In a deductive
approach, the researcher creates a hypothesis and then designs a study to prove or disprove the
hypothesis. The results of deductive research can be generalizable to other settings.
o
hypotheses, concrete scientific data collected through observation, interviews. Etic data.
Quantitative data
Inductive- a type of reasoning that uses specific information to draw general conclusions. In an inductive approach, the researcher seeks to collect evidence without trying to definitively prove or disprove a hypothesis. The researcher usually first spends time in the field to become familiar with the people before identifying a hypothesis or research question. Inductive research usually is not generalizable to other settings.
o
no hypotheses. Emic data. Unstructured informal conversation etc. qualitative data
Emic-from the perspective of the studied culture. Their reasons for doing what they do
Etic-from the perspective of the observer, often scientific. Arises from conversations with professionals
Quantitative-seeks patterns in numerical data that can explain aspects of human behaviour
o
Eg. Anthropological nutritional analysis
o
Maps, charts, graphs
Qualitative- aims to comprehensively describe human behavior and the contexts in which it occurs. Interviews, field notes, etc
Globalization- the spread of people, their cultures and languages, products, money, ideas, and information around the world
Glocalization-when humans become internationally connected but still have individual cultures
Syncretism-combination of many beliefs. Example is candomblé and catholic because they both have personified saints. Could be a result of globalization
Candomble-afro-brazillian spirit possession religion that triggered a debate about the black matriarchy. Example of syncretism, the combination of religions. Many personified gods. Many candomblé also identify as christion
Fair trade-developed for farmers in developing countries. They agree upon a fair price. If the market rises the price will rise, but if the market drops they will still make a decent living. They set a minimum price, and wages cant drop below that
o
High quality standard, which makes it hard to invest in new people
o
Disrupts traditional gender roles
Multi-sited ethnographies-- examines specific topics and issues across different geographic field sites
Translocal field sites—studying an area that cannot be geographically defined
Language--what makes human language unique (see those language universals)
Language structure/formal properties: phonemes, morphemes, syntax
o
Phoneme-unit of sound-‘t’, ‘g’
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Morpheme-smallest part of a word that can still have meaning-‘ing’, ‘ice’
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Syntax-syntactic rules tell us how to put morphemes together and in the right order for proper grammar
Language Meaning: semantics, pragmatics, ethnosemantics
o
Pragmatics-social and cultural meaning behind what we are saying and the context. Eg. Move vs please move
o
Semantics-looks at the meaning of words and how they came to be. Eg. ‘Like’
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Ethnosemantics- the study of how language reflects and shapes cultural values, beliefs, and practices
Sapir-Whorf -- languages influence their speakers and the cultures of those speakers. Eg. Hopi time
Sociolinguistics-how society and culture effect language
What is the relationship between language and culture?
Linguistic determinism—language determines the way its speakers think
What is a symbol?-something that represents something else, often without natural connection
“Standard” language vs a dialect
Language variation-develops agross social class, region, language contact (eg English mixed with hindi), geography, migration routes
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Subsistence system-- the set of practices used by members of a society to acquire food.
Foodway-cultural norms and attitudes surrounding food
Carrying capacity- number of calories that can be extracted from a particular unit of land to support a human population. EG the amount of fish in a coral reef
Immediate return system -catching fish and eating it right after,
delayed return system-planting food and waiting six months for it to grow
Four modes of subsistence—see worksheet(Diet, Population Size, Type of Social Structure, Gender roles, Property, consumption, warfare, conflict resolution)
o
Foraging
Hunt fish gather
Broad spectrum diet
Small
Gender inequality
Move often
Egalitarian
o
Pastorialists-red neck cow people
Raise domesticated animals for food labour, trading
Nomadic, move several times a year
Animal, animal products, traded grain
Typical gender roles
Share larger resources like land but can accumulate wealth which makes power gaps
o
Hordiculturalists-hippie gardeners
Grow most of their food in their garden
Raise farm animals, hunt, or fish for protein
Move around for good food growing but never stray too far
Woman have ownership, men take on most of the obligations
Plants are basis of wealth
o
Agriculture-more modern technology
Use technology to cultivate land and domestic animals
Rapid growing population
Grow abundance of staple crop
Lawyers, doctors, less of a sense of need
Elitism, slavery
Exceptions to the forager standard-
o
Kwakwakawakw-surplus of fish-able to stay in one place-division of labout-chiefs
Pastoralism—how are animals integrated into society?-eg. Masaai rely on animals, live with them, etc
Pastorialists generally do not kill the animals!!
What is the difference between horticulture and agriculture? Traded and shared, not sold for profit!! Move more often!! Lack of technology
What was the impact of the domestication of animals and plants?-having to move and clear new
areas because resources are depleted. Dogs may have been the cause of extinction of wolly mammaths
How do foragers impact the environment?-selective clearing leads to wild orchards with good growing conditions for food. Eg. Nunak
Reciprocity-generalized, balanced, negative
Modes of consumption
Subsistence vs poverty
Subsistence and globalization—what kind of modes are found in Kelowna?
Fair Trade and El Cacao
How do people push back against globalization?
Describe some of the advantages and disadvantages of globalization?
o
Diseases, colonization, exploitation of poor countries, neoliberalism, negative use of social media by hate groups
o
sharing of technology, knowledge and resources, humanitarian efforts, international organization like the UN, crowdsourcing, and a general rise in awareness of issues
How can engaging in a fair trade system push back against globalization? Who benefits? Who doesn’t?
How has globalization changed anthropological fieldwork?
Read the case study on quinoa and think about how you could study this phenomena. Where would you
travel to, who would you talk to and what kind of questions could you ask?
Kinship
Types of descent
Endogamy vs exogamy
Who may you marry?—marriage as culturally defined
Types of kinship relations
Kinship chart Kinds of marriage
Kinds of families
What is a status?
What is a role?
What is a dowry vs a bridewealth?
Status versus role
Kinship term used to describe culturally recognized ties between members of a family, the social
statuses used to define family members, and the expected behaviors associated with these statuses.
Kinship systems- Kinship system: the pattern of culturally recognized relationships between family members.
Matrilineal and patrilineal descent (unilineal descent)
Double descent-both parents separately
Cognatic-both at the same time
Bilateral-both sides but not at the same time
unilineal descent recognizes only one sex-based “side” of the family. Unilineal descent can be patrilineal, recognizing only relatives through a line of male ancestors, or matrilineal, recognizing
only relatives through a line of female ancestors.
Descent groups- relationships that provide members with a sense of identity and social support based on ties of shared ancestry.
Kinship diagram- charts used by anthropologists to visually represent relationships between members of a kinship group.
Matriarchy versus patriarchy
Kinship terminology- Kinship terminology: the terms used in a language to describe relatives.
Clan- a group of people who have a general notion of common descent that is not attached to a specific biological ancestor.
Serial monogamy- marriage to a succession of spouses one after the other.
Nuclear family=conjugal family
Extended family
Stem family=nuclear family but with grandparents on one side. a version of an extended family that includes an older couple and one of their adult children with a spouse (or spouses) and children.
Joint family=big, multigeneration. Adult children of one gender stay in the household
Step/blended family
Polygamous family-married to multiple partners
Polyandry-marriages with one wife and multiple husbands
Endogamy =cultural expectatins to marry within the group
Exogamy=cultural expectations to marry outside of the group
Arranged marriages versus love matches
Polygyny- marriages in which there is one husband and multiple wives.
Sororal polygyny-marriage of one man to several sisters
Androgyny
Fraternal polyandry-marriage of one woman to a group of brothers
Sororate marriage- Sororate marriage: the practice of a man marrying the sister of his deceased wife.
levirate marriage- Levirate: the practice of a woman marrying one of her deceased husband’s brothers
Household/domestic group- a term that can be used to describe a group of people who live together even if members do not consider themselves to be family.
Family of orientation: the family in which an individual is raised.
Family of procreation: a new household formed for the purpose of conceiving and raising children.
Neolocal residence: newly married individuals establish a household separate from other family members.
Avunculocal: married individuals live with or near an uncle.
Matrilocal residence: married individuals live with or near the wife’s mother’s family.
Patrilocal residence: married individuals live with or near the husband’s father’s family.
Setting up your new home—where do family members live
Inheritance patterns
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Most common is to oldest male
Adoption
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US-babies that cant be raised by birth parents
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Some pacific islands-children are adopted to another family to honour adoptive parents.
They then have two sets of parents
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o
Taiwan-at one point, daughters were adopted to families as a future in law
What is the relationship between power, authority and legitimacy? What gives someone the right to rule?
Political integration: egalitarian, ranked, stratified
o
egalitarian—there is no great difference in status or power between individuals and there are as many valued status positions in the societies as there are persons able to fill
them
o
ranked societies; there are substantial differences in the wealth and social status of individuals based on how closely related they are to the chief. In ranked societies, there are a limited number of positions of power or status, and only a few can occupy them
o
stratified--There are large differences in the wealth, status, and power of individuals based on unequal access to resources and positions of power. Socio-economic classes, for instance, are forms of stratification in many state societies.8
Integration through age/grade sets, gifts and feasting, marriage, segmentary lineage, secret societies
Legitimacy- the perception that an individual has a valid right to leadership
o
Hereditary, religious spiritual, democracy
Reverse dominance- Reverse dominance: societies in which people reject attempts by any individual to exercise power.
o
Eg. Dobe/ju/’hoansi
Positive reinforcements- rewards for compliance; examples include medals, financial incentives, and other forms of public recognition.
Negative reinforcements: punishments for noncompliance through fines, imprisonment, and death sentences
Big man: a form of temporary or situational leadership; influence results from acquiring followers.
grade sets—
Age sets—named categories that men of a certain age are assigned at birth
Age grades-groups of men who are close in age and share similar duties. They cycle through different age grades with different responsibilities as they reach different ages
Bachelor associations and men’s houses-places where men or single men go to live, can cut off connections with female family members
o
Eg. Sanggai festival where teenagers go out into the forest with restrictions than come back to be in mens houses
Gifts and feasting
Marcel Mauss—gift giving is a way of keeping peace among groups and establishing relationships. Marriage can be a form of gift giving. Three rules-give, receive, repay
unilineal descent—patrilineal or matrilineal
lineage- individuals who can trace or demonstrate their descent through a line of males or females back to a founding ancestor.
cross-cousins (matrilineal and patrilineal) versus parallel cousins (matrilineal and patrilineal)
restricted exchange- a marriage system in which only two extended families can engage in this exchange.
o
Eg. Bilateral cross-cousin marriage
codified law- formal legal systems in which damages, crimes, remedies, and punishments are specified.
Oaths: the practice of calling on a deity to bear witness to the truth of what one says.
Ordeal: a test used to determine guilt or innocence by submitting the accused to dangerous, painful, or risky tests believed to be controlled by supernatural forces.
oaths and ordeals
Raids: short-term uses of physical force organized and planned to achieve a limited objective.
Caste system: the division of society into hierarchical levels; one’s position is determined by birth and remains fixed for life.
Feuds: disputes of long duration characterized by a state of recurring hostilities between families, lineages, or other kin groups
Potlach- The potlatch system of the Native American groups living in the United States and Canadian northwestern coastal area was long understood as an example of functional gift giving.
Traditionally, two groups of clans would perform highly ritualized exchanges of food, blankets, and ritual objects. The system produced status and prestige among participants: by giving away more goods than another person, a chief could build his reputation and gain new respect within the community. After contact with settlers, the excessive gift giving during potlatches escalated to the point that early anthropologists described it as a “war of property.” 33
State versus nation
Nation: an ethnic population.
State: the most complex form of political organization characterized by a central government that has a monopoly over legitimate uses of physical force, a sizeable bureaucracy, a system of formal laws, and a standing military force
What is race?
How can race impact an individual or society?
How is race different from an ethnic group?
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Eg. Race-black. Ethnicity-african American, African, etc
o
race is a social construction that defines groups of humans based on arbitrary physical and/or biological traits that are believed to distinguish them from other humans. An ethnic group, on the other hand, claims a distinct identity based on cultural characteristics and a shared ancestry that are believed to give its members a unique sense of peoplehood or heritage.
Ethnicity/ethnic group- a group of people who identify with each other based on some combination of shared cultural heritage, ancestry, history, country of origin, language, or dialect.
How does race and racial stereotypes play out in the world of sports?
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Black people succeeding in sports seen as proof of genetic differences
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Said to be bred that way during slavery
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Can provide opportunities and upward class mobility
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Boxing, basketball
What is reification?-- Reification refers to the process in which an inaccurate concept or idea is so heavily promoted and circulated among people that it begins to take on a life of its own. Eg. Race has been reified
Can human beings be easily classified into racial categories? Explain why or why not.
How can you explain traits like skin colour or lactose tolerance using evolution?
Compare the United States and Canada when it comes to issues of assimilation and acculturation
Carolus Linnaeus
Johann Blumenbach
Cline—gradual differences in the traits that occur in
populations across a geographical area. Eg. Differences in skin color across india
Pigmentocracy-- a society characterized by a strong correlation between a person’s skin color
and their social class. EG brazil
Symbolic ethnicity----expressions of pride/identity that are external and for the public. Eg. tattoos
Ethnogenesis—gradual creation of a new ethnicity in response to changing circumstances. Eg. African american
Acculturation-loss of a minority groups culture in relation to the dominant culture
Amalgamation: interactions between members of distinct ethnic and cultural groups that reduce
barriers between the groups over time.
Multiculturalism: maintenance of multiple cultural traditions in a single society.
Assimilation: pressure placed on minority groups to adopt the customs and traditions of the dominant culture.
Racial common-sense
Scientific racism
Samuel George Morton
Racial formation—when racial categories are determined by the culture, economy, social attitudes
Francis Galton
Eugenics--
the practice or advocacy of improving the human species by selectively mating people with specific desirable hereditary traits
.this can involve sterilizing or nazi germany
Phrenology-- detailed study of the shape and size of the cranium as a supposed indication of character and mental abilities.
What is the difference between gender and biologic sex? How is gender socially constructed?
What does it mean to be “male” and what does it mean to be “female” in Canada or other societies?
Heteronormativity: a term coined by French philosopher Michel Foucault to refer to the often-
unnoticed system of rights and privileges that accompany normative sexual choices and family formation. Eg. Straight couple in America is socially accepted, can get married Legitimizing ideologies: a set of complex belief systems, often developed by those in power, to rationalize, explain, and perpetuate systems of inequality.
How do societies divide things and institutions like the household, work, food, weather, clothing,
behavior, etc. by gender?
o
Mens work womens work
o
Man the hunter tale
o
Masculine femenine
What is masculine and what is feminine?
Describe the gender binary. Can people define themselves outside of this binary?
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How do some societies view menstruation?
Female bodily fluids, such as menstrual blood and vaginal secretions, can be dangerous, damaging to men, “impure,” and “polluting,” especially in ritual contexts. In other cases, however, menstrual blood is associated with positive power. A girl’s first menstruation may be celebrated publicly with elaborate community rituals, as among the Bemba in southern Africa, and subsequent monthly flows bring special privileges.20 Men in some small-scale societies go through ritualized nose-bleeding, sometimes called “male menstruation,” though the meanings are quite complex.21
Segregation
Spheres-women domestic men public
How do societies control sexuality?
o
Language, laws, religion, sex education, sanctions, shame, marriage
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Seeing women as threatening
How does marriage serve to regulate sexuality, gender and relationships?
How have societies like Canada and United States changed in relationship to LGBTQAIA individuals and communities?
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language
What is the difference between sex and gender? What aspects are at least partially shaped by culture? How do other cultures’ beliefs and practices regarding gender and sexuality differ from those commonly found in Canada?
o
Sex is biological, gender is shaped by culture and the individual
o
gender, which is socially and historically constructed.10 Gender is a set of culturally invented expectations and therefore constitutes a role one assumes, learns, and performs, more or less consciously. It is an “identity” one can in theory choose, at least in some societies, although there is tremendous pressure, as in the United States, to conform to the gender role and identity linked to your biologic sex
o
We learn very early (by at least age three) about the categories of gender in our culture
—that individuals are either “male” or “female” and that elaborate beliefs, behaviors, and meanings are associated with each gender. We can think of this complex set of ideas as a gender ideology or a cultural model of gender.
o
Biological determinism
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Hindu deities are difficult to distinguish as male/female
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Phyllis Kaberry, an anthropologist who studied the Nsaw of Cameroon in the 1940s, said males in that culture argued that land preparation for the rizga crop was “a woman’s job, which is too strenuous for the men” and that “women could carry heavy loads because they had stronger foreheads.” 7 Among the Aka who live in the present-day o
Lahu and Na asian cultures have different roles for men and women but value both equally
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!Kung androgynous culture
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Central African Republic, fathers have close, intimate, relationships with infants, play major roles in all aspects of infant-care, and can sometimes produce breast milk
o
Native American two-spirit
Key Terms: definition and significance/example
Gender ideology: a complex set of beliefs about gender and gendered capacities, propensities, preferences, identities and socially expected behaviors and interactions that apply to males, females, and other gender categories. Gender ideology can differ among cultures and is acquired through enculturation. Also known as a cultural model of gender.
biological determinism—most traits and characteristics are determined at conception rather than throughout their life
Binary
Binary model of gender: cultural definitions of gender that include only two identities–male and female
Third gender: a gender identity that exists in non-binary gender systems offering one or more gender roles separate from male or female.
Two-spirit
o
Androgynous individuals, males who preferred female roles or dress, and females who took on male roles, were not condemned but regarded as “two-spirits,” a label that had positive connotations. Two-spirits were considered embody a third gender combining elements of both male and female. The key to the two-spirit gender identity was behavior: what individuals did in their communities.16 If a person who was born with a male biological sex felt his identity and chosen lifestyle best matched the social role recognized as female, he could move into a third gender two-spirit category. Today, Native American groups set their own laws regarding same-sex marriage. Many recognize two-spirit individuals, and accept marriage of a two-spirit person to a person of the same biological sex. Although some nations still do not permit same-sex marriage between tribal members, one of the largest tribal nations, the Cherokee legalized same-
sex marriages in 2016.
Social regulation of relationships
Legitimizing ideologies== a set of complex belief systems, often developed by those in power, to rationalize, explain, and perpetuate systems of inequality.
Walking marriage
What is religion? How do difference societies define religion? What kinds of questions do religions try to
answer?
How did early anthropologists and others study religion?
Examples: Sir James Frazer, EB Tylor, Emile Durkheim, etc
What are some theories about the origin or function of religion?
Douglas, Durkheim, Freud, Marx, Harris, Geertz
Douglas-examined religion view on pure and unpure things
How can religion govern behavior?
Name and describe the four elements of religion.
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Cosmology-explanation of the history of the world, origin story
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belief in the supernatural, a realm beyond direct human experience. This belief could include a God or gods, but this is not a requirement
o
rules governing behviour
o
ritual-- practices or ceremonies that serve a religious purpose and are usually supervised by religious specialists. Rituals may be oriented toward the supernatural, such as rituals designed to please the gods, but at the same time they address the needs
of individuals or the community as a whole.
rite of passage--a ceremony designed to transition individuals between life stages.
Rite of intensification, actions designed to bring a community together, often following a period of crisis.39
o
Nagol land diving-bring community together, display of bravery
Revitalization rituals, which also often follow periods of crisis in a community, are ambitious attempts to resolve serious problems, such as war, famine, or poverty through a spiritual or supernatural intervention
o
John frum ritual- Each year on February fifteenth, Tanna island’s residents construct copies of U.S. airplanes, runways, or towers and march in military formation with replicas of military rifles and American blue jeans. The ritual is intended to attract John Frum, and the material wealth he controls, back to the island.
Name and describe the three types of religious specialists
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-preist-full time religious practitioner. Set rules according to religion. Hindu punjari
o
Shaman-part time religious practitioner. Can transcend into the spiritual world to heal people or for other purposes. Medicine man
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. Prophet-direct contact with god. Islam-prophet muhammed
Key Terms: definition and significance/example
Religion
o
can be defined as “the means by which human society and culture is extended to include the nonhuman.”
o
magic can be defined as practices intended to bring supernatural forces under one’s personal control.
Sorcerers are individuals who seek to use magic for their own purposes.
o
It is important to remember that both magic and sorcery are labels that have historically been used by outsiders, including anthropologists, to describe spiritual beliefs with which they are unfamiliar. Words from the local language are almost always
preferable for representing how people think about themselves
Sacred objects or ideas are set apart from the ordinary and treated with great respect or care
profane objects or ideas are ordinary and can be treated with disregard or contemp
Supernatural: describes entities or forces not governed by natural laws.
Magic-practices to bring supernatural forces under ones control
Alfred Kroeber-studied indigenos cultures, focused on language
Animatism-type of religion that believes in an impersonal supernatural force. Eg. Mana.
Mana-example of animatism-powerful wind/lightning/storm
Animism: a religious system organized around a belief that plants, animals, inanimate objects, or
natural phenomena have a spiritual or supernatural element.
Anthropomorphic: an object or being that has human characteristics.
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Collective effervescence: the passion or energy that arises when groups of people share the same thoughts and emotions. Eg. Encore, stadium where everybody stands up and cheers
Cosmology: an explanation for the origin or history of the world.
Zoomorphic—god imagined in animal form
Monotheistic: religious systems that recognize a single supreme God.
Polytheistic: religious systems that recognize several gods.
Reincarnation: the idea that a living being can begin another life in a new body after death.
REMEMBER THAT YOUR ESSAYS AND DEFINITIONS WILL NEED EXAMPLES
Potential Essay Questions (practicing these should help you answer the multiple choice (make sure you know the names of anthropologists and other historical figures and what they accomplished/historical role):
Describe ethnography and the history of ethnographic fieldwork from armchair anthropology to participant observation. What methods were used and how were people being studied viewed? Why were American anthropologists like Kroeber and Boas particularly concerned with conducting salvage ethnography?
o
Ethnography-in depth study of everyday lives of a culture, to understand the culture and
why they do what they do. Months to years living in a community
Originally developed to understand small remote cultures
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Armchair anthropology
o
o
Romanticize indigenous culture
o
Participant observation-going to live with the culture, documenting observations and everything
o
Feildwork-to describe a culture from within, to make unusual traits seem familiar
As an anthropologist, who are you ethically responsible to according to the American Anthropological Association’s code of ethics? Describe some of the main issues and how has fieldwork changed over the last hundred years. Draw on examples from class to illustrate your answer.
Describe and define the four central concepts of anthropology—culture, holism, plasticity and participant observation—and their significance to the discipline. How did the examination of these themes and adoption of these methods pushed back against 19th century understandings of race and human culture and society?
Anthropology is the study of humans: our biology, cultures, languages, artifacts, and history. It is the comparison of different groups to see what we have in common, and how we differ (Nelson and Braff 2020, 5). Its four major subgroups are archaeology, biological anthropology, linguistic anthropology, and cultural anthropology (Nelson and Braff 2020, 10). Some key terms in anthropology are culture, holism, plasticity, and participant observation.
Culture refers to the beliefs, practices, and ways of life shared by a group of people. It includes food, technology, symbols, language, laws, attitudes, and religious beliefs (Nelson and Braff 2020, 6). Culture is uniquely human and is something that is learned through the world around us. No culture is stagnant in that they are all ever-changing through globalization and interactions with other cultures (Nelson and Braff 2020, 7; Surette 2020, What is cultural
anthropology?). Culture is intertwined with and impacted by our basic human needs (food, sleep, sex, etc.). Everyone practices culture in some way-and although they are interrelated, cultures differ around the world. An example of this would be symbols; symbols that have one shared meaning in one culture could mean something completely different to another culture (Nelson and Braff 2020, 7).
Holism is the perspective that every individual part of human life (whether it be related to culture, biology, or anything else) is interconnected with everything else. To understand one thing, you need to understand everything connected to it and how they all interact (Nelson and Braff 2020, 15).
Plasticity is the ability to learn and adapt to different cultures and languages. This also enforces the idea that contrasts in race aren’t all that significant when looking at how similar all humans are, and how all humans could theoretically be a part of any culture (Surette 2020, What is cultural anthropology?).
Participant observation is an inductive form of research that involves surrounding yourself with another culture and spending long periods of time with them, living as they do (Nelson and Braff 2020, 9). It also involves interviews and surveys. It is part of the ethnographic process and can provide access to knowledge that would be difficult to acquire from other research methods (Nelson and Braff 2020, 16). Participant observation was developed in the late 1800s to the early 1900s, around the same time frame that cultural relativism was being developed and ethnocentrism was being questioned (Nelson and Braff 2020, 9).
What is the relationship between race and biology in the context of scientific racism? Make sure you define what you mean by “race” as used in modern anthropology. Use skin colour as an example (or another if you have one) and describe how biology addresses human variation and socially constructed racial categories.
Describe the four levels of socio-cultural integration (band, tribe, chiefdom and state) in relation
to THREE of the, following characteristics: population size, power and authority, type of integration (egalitarian, ranked and stratified, law and warfare. Give specific examples for each level.
o
Band
Ju’/hoansi
Egalitarian
Rarely over 100 people
No formal rules/rulers-maybe shamans or mediators
o
Tribe
Cherokee
war-raids, feuds
Egalitarian
Can have leaders but don’t really have formal leadership rules
Mediation
Men houses, age sets
o
Chiefdom
Maori
Ranked, power and wealth differences
Official chief with successor
Economic redistribution system
Mediation, possible religious leaders
o
State
Official leader
Laws and police/military
Physical control if needed
Senate, tax, identity
War-desire to expand reign of power
Why do humans give gifts? What kind of rules shape gift giving? Use the example of the potlach to explain how gift giving can forge and maintain social and political relationships.
o
Keeping peace (like in tribal societies) fostering connections (like the ju/’hoansi), status and power (potlatch,, oongka)
o
Mauss, a French anthropologist, was one of the first scholars to provide an in-depth exploration of reciprocity and the role that gifts play in cultural systems around the world.19 Mauss asked why humans feel obliged to reciprocate when they receive a gift. His answer was that giving and reciprocating gifts, whether these are material objects of
our time, creates links between the people involved.
o
The potlatch system of the Native American groups living in the United States and Canadian northwestern coastal area was long understood as an example of functional gift giving. Traditionally, two groups of clans would perform highly ritualized exchanges of food, blankets, and ritual objects. The system produced status and prestige among participants: by giving away more goods than another person, a chief could build his reputation and gain new respect within the community. After contact with settlers, the excessive gift giving during potlatches escalated to the point that early anthropologists described it as a “war of property.” 33 Later anthropological studies of the potlatch revealed that rather than wasting, burning, or giving away their property to display their
wealth, the groups were actually giving away goods that other groups could use and then waiting for a later potlatch when they would receive things not available in their own region. This was important because the availability of food hunted, fished, and foraged by native communities could be highly variable. The anthropologist Stuart Piddocke found that the pot131 latch primarily served a livelihood function by ensuring the redistribution of goods between groups with surpluses and those with deficits.34
Who do we consider kin? Why is it important for anthropologists to understand the kinship, descent, and family relationships that exist in the cultures they study? In what ways can family relationships structure the lives of individuals?
o
Speaks to cultural beliefs, gender roles, marriage, bloodlines, biology, politics, money, flow of inheritance, social status, living arrangements, descent groups
Compare and contrast the Mosuo “walking marriage” with the Western idea of a nuclear family on the basis of household members, location and organization, the impact of divorce and the
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distribution of labor responsibilities. How have walking marriages and nuclear families changed in the recent past and why?
What is the relationship between race and biology and discuss how race is socially constructed. Use skin colour as an example (or another if you have one), how does biology address human variation?
Race is more of a subjective social construct than a scientific fact (Garcia 2020, 219-223). People
can not be divided neatly into categories of race. For example, the farther north of the equator ones genetic heritage is, the lighter their skin generally is (with some exceptions). This change in skin tone is on a continuum. There is no border where one skin tone exists on one side and one on the other, because the change is so subtle. Another example is hooded eyes, which are typically associated with Asian heritage. However, hooded eyes exist among people from other continents as well, and there is a lot of variation in eye type among people labelled as belonging
to the Asian race. Genetic and biological differences can be larger among groups perceived to be the same race than between groups perceived to be different races (Garcia 2020, 224). There is variation among biological and genetic traits like skin color (and that variation does often correlate with where one’s ancestors are from), but this variation exists on a spectrum, you can not divide people into specific categories like race based upon skin color, eye type, etc. Although the idea of biological race is not backed up by science, race does still exist in a social context. Races like ‘black’ and ‘white’ can reflect culture, and the way society perceives you based on your physical traits, especially your skin color. Race is not really something that someone is born with but rather something that they are labelled as and that they internalize. Race and ethnicity do overlap but are not the same (Garcia 2020, 231). Ethnicity is fluid, can change over time, and is also related to one’s social location. One’s ethnicity is based upon how
connected they feel to a specific ethnic group (a group that has a unique identity based on shared ancestry and culture).
Racism (which is built from the concept of race) is a huge cause of inequality. Racial common-
sense is the belief that it only takes a glance to recognize someone’s race, and that their race coincides with their personality and culture (Surette 2020, Race and Ethnicity). This idea, which is largely accepted as being the truth, can increase misconceptions and stereotypes about races, which can then enable discrimination and systemic inequality. For example, racial stratification occurs when people have differing levels of access to resources based simply on their race. Scientific racism also contributes to inequality because it categorizes different races as being superior or inferior. Scientific racism is a theory that uses characteristics like skin color to divide people into racial categories. Scientific racism theorizes that different races essentially have different levels of worth, with white people being above everyone, and sub-Saharan African people being ranked at the bottom. Scientific racism claims that race comes from biology, and that people can be classified as being a specific race based on their biological features. While scientific racism is based on characteristics like skin color that can be connected
to biology, it is also based upon traits like skull shape, which have been proven to be a result of one’s environment rather than their genetic heritage (Garcia 2020, 224). Racial constructions can also lead to lack of recognition for different ethnic groups. For example, Japan did not recognize the Ainu, an Indigenous group, as being a distinct culture until 2008 (Surette 2020, Race and Ethnicity)
Define globalization. What are the five “scapes” of Globalization as described by Arjun Appadurai? How does clothing or another commodity or product involve all five “scapes”?
o
ethnoscape (the movement of people across countries and the world), o
financesape (the movement and circulation of money throughout the world), o
mediascape (how media reaches different people in different parts of the world), o
ideoscape (the sharing of ideas across countries or the world)
o
technoscape (how technology is shared and spread across the world/different regions)
Western gender ideologies are shaped by the origin myth, “Man the Hunter”. Describe how this origin myth is used to explain behavioral differences between men and women set in a binary gender dynamic. How has recent scholarship challenged this myth?
o
Research on primates shows that society often revolves around the females, who can be
quite dominant
o
Hunting was actually not the primary mode of subsistence
o
Hunting was not limited to just men, and not so sensationalized with long hard trips coming back with big animals. Eg. Mbuti of central African rainforest-families worked together to herd animals into nets
o
Women have worked for most of history so were not dependent on men
o
Motherhood and childbearing was not as debilitating as made out to seem
You are planning to start a research project that will involve traveling to another community to work with a community there. What are the steps you need to take and the factors you need to consider before you go to the field, while you are there and after you leave?
o
Choose a subject, travel plans, study culture, language, learn how to build trust, o
Communication, and language, government restriction og study topics, funding, housing, local rules and attitudes, culture shock, use of electronic devices, difficulty relating, exploitation, safety and privacy of subjects, consent, accessibility of research, fabrication of data, theft of artifacts
What did early anthropologists study and how has this changed over time?
o
1.Proto-anthropology-comparing to your own culture, researching from a distance
Sophists-believe in no absolute truth, depends on the context
Hetotodos
Both were missing evidence or theory
o
2.Armchair Anthropology of the pre-modern period
Studying from far
Eg. Descriptions of akephaloi/headless people
o
3.The rise of Anthropology as a artefact of colonialism
Colonization led to people being able to travel
Empirical/scientific way of thinking
Moral philosophies and social theories about differences
o
1.Evolutionism vs Diffusionism
Evolutionism-other cultures are primitive and less evolved
James George fraser-last evolutionist
Diffusionism-studied the geographical distribution and migration of cultural traits, and posited that cultures were to some extent random patchworks of traits with various origins and histories.
Example: William H.R. Rivers’ (1914) The History of Melanesian Society, a comprehensive overview of the immense cultural variation of Melanesia
o
2.Urgent and Salvage anthropology
Urgent anthropology-researching first nations groups and groups that are being destroyed or may not be here much longer
Lewis henry morgan, franz boas
Looking at everything possible about a culture
o
4.Major schools of thought, method and scholars
Margaret mead-studied experiences of teenagehood in samoa
Ruth benedict-culture shapes behavioural tendencies
Broinslaw Malinowski-functionalism, participant observation
Functionalism-each part of society/social institution comes together as an integrated whole to support each individual. Traditions are developed from some sort of a physical or psychological need
Participant observation
Alfred Radcliffe-brown-structural functionalism-how social structures like family function to maintain stability in society
Cultural relativism, holism, cultural determinism-developed by franz boas
o
1.1900-1950
o
2.Post 1950s
French structuralism-focuses on a cultures stories
Interpretivism-focuses on cultures uses of symbols
Marxist anthropology-economics, production,exploitation of the working class
Cultural materialism-marvin harris
Modern anthropology-more scientific approach
Zhang Quian and Abu Abdullah Muhammad --early anthropologists who did study cultures that they observed firsthand throughout their travels
Man the hunter
All cultures have “creation” stories. Many have elaborate gender-related creation stories that describe the origins of males and females, their gender-specific traits, their relationships and sexual proclivities, and, sometimes, how one gender came to “dominate” the other. Our culture is no different. The JudeoChristian Bible, like the Koran and other religious texts, addresses origins and gender (think of Adam and Eve), and traditional folk tales, songs, dances, and epic stories, such as the Ramayana in Hinduism and Shakespeare’s The Taming of the Shrew, treat similar themes. Science, too, has sought to understand gender differences. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a number of
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scientists, immersed in Darwinian theories, began to explore the evolutionary 244 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Figure 13: Female baboon in estrus. Figure 14: Baboon pair in tree: male-female voluntary relations. roots of what they assumed to be universal: male dominance. Of course, scientists, like the rest of us, view the world partially through their own cultural lenses and through a gendered version. Prior to the 1970s, women and gender relations were largely invisible in the research literature and most researchers were male so it is not surprising that 1960s theories reflected prevailing male-oriented folk beliefs about gender. 46 The Hunting Way of
Life “Molds Man” (and Woman) The most popular and persistent theories argued that male dominance is universal, rooted in specieswide gendered biological traits that we acquired, first as part of our primate heritage, and further developed as we evolved from apes into humans. Emergence of “the hunting way of life” plays a major role in this story. Crucial components include: a diet consisting primarily of meat, obtained through planned, cooperative hunts, by all-male groups, that lasted several days and covered a wide territory. Such hunts would require persistence, skill, and physical stamina; tool kits to kill, butcher, transport, preserve, and share the meat; and a social organization consisting of a stable home base and a monogamous nuclear family. Several biological changes were attributed to
adopting this way of life: a larger and more complex brain, human language, an upright posture (and humans’ unique foot and stride), loss of body hair, a long period of infant dependency, and the absence of “estrus” (ovulation-related female sexual arousal) (Figure 13), which made females sexually “receptive” throughout the monthly cycle. Other human characteristics purportedly made sex more enjoyable: frontal sex and fleshier breasts, buttocks, and genitals, especially the human penis. Making sex “sexier,” some speculated, cemented the pair-bond, helping to keep the man “around” and the family unit stable.47 Hunting was also linked to a “world view” in which the flight of animals from humans seemed natural and (male) aggression became normal, frequent, easy to learn, rewarded, and enjoyable. War, some have suggested, might psychologically be simply a form of hunting and pleasurable for male participants.48 The Hunting Way of Life, in short, “molded man,” giving our species its distinctive characteristics. And as a result, we contemporary humans cannot erase the effects of our hunting past even though we live in cities, stalk nothing but a parking place, and can omit meat from our diets. The biology, psychology, and
customs that separate us from the apes—all these we owe to the hunters of time past. And, although the record is incomplete and speculation looms larger than fact, for those who would understand the origin and nature of human behavior there is no choice but to try to understand “Man the Hunter.” —Washburn and Lancaster (1974)49 Gender roles and male dominance were supposed to be part of our evolutionary heritage. Males evolved to be food-providers—stronger, more aggressive, more effective leaders with cooperative and bonding capacities, planning skills, and technological inventiveness (tool-making). In this creation story, females never acquired those capacities because they were burdened by their reproductive 245 roles—pregnancy, giving birth, lactation, and child care—and thus became dependent on males for food and protection. The gender gap widened over time. As males initiated, explored, invented, women stayed at home, nurtured, immersed themselves in domestic life. The result: men are active, women are passive; men are leaders, women are followers; men are dominant, women are subordinate. Many of us have
heard pieces of this Hunting Way of Life story. Some of the men Mukhopadhyay interviewed
in Los Angeles in the late 1970s invoked “our hunting past” to explain why they—and men generally—operated barbeques rather than their wives. Women’s qualifications to be president were questioned on biological grounds such as “stamina” and “toughness.” Her women informants, all hospital nurses, doubted their navigational abilities, courage, and strength despite working in intensive care and regularly lifting heavy male patients. Mukhopadhyay encountered serious scholars who cited women’s menstrual cycle and “emotional instability” during ovulation to explain why women “can’t” hunt. Similar stories are invoked today for everything from some men’s love of hunting to why men dominate “technical” fields, accumulate tools, have extra-marital affairs or commit the vast majority of
homicides. Strength and toughness remain defining characteristics of masculinity in the United States, and these themes often permeate national political debates.50 One element in the complex debate over gun control is the male-masculine strength-through-guns and man-the-hunter association, and it is still difficult for some males in the United States to feel
comfortable with their soft, nurturant, emotional, and artistic sides.51 What is most striking about man-the-hunter scenarios is how closely they resemble 1950s U.S. models of family and gender, which were rooted in the late nineteenth century “cult of domesticity” and “true womanhood.” Father is “head” of the family and the final authority, whether in household decisions or in disciplining children. As “provider,” Father goes “outside” into the cold, cruel world, hunting for work. Mother, as “chief mom,” remains “inside” at the home base, creating a domestic refuge against the “survival of the fittest” “jungle.” American anthropologists seemed to have subconsciously projected their own folk models onto our early human ancestors. Altering this supposedly “fundamental” gender system, according to
widely read authors in the 1970s, would go against our basic “human nature.” This belief was applied to the political arena, then a virtually all-male domain, especially at state and national levels. The following quote from 1971 is particularly relevant and worthy of critical evaluation since, for the first time, a major U.S. political party selected a woman as its 2016 presidential candidate (See Text Box 3, Gender and the Presidential Election). To make women equal participants in the political process, we will have to change the very process itself, which means changing a pattern bred into our behavior over the millennia. —Lionel Tiger and Robin Fox 52 Replacing Stories with Reality Decades of research, much of it by a new generation of women scholars, have altered our view of the hunting way of life in our evolutionary past.53 For example, the old stereotype of primates as living in male-centered, male-dominated groups does not accurately describe our closest primate relatives, gorillas, chimpanzees, and bonobos. The stereotypes came from 1960s research on savannah, grounddwelling baboons that suggested they were organized socially by a stable male-
dominance hierarchy, the “core” of the group, that was established through force, regulated
sexual access to females, and provided internal and external defense of the “troop” in a supposedly hostile savannah environment.54 Females lacked hierarchies or coalitions, were passive, and were part of dominant male “harems.” 246 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Figure 15: Rhesus monkeys at the Periyar Reserve in Kerala, India. Figure 16: Baboon group with infants being carried by male. Critics first argued that baboons, as monkeys rather than apes, were too far removed from humans
evolutionarily to tell us much about early human social organization. Then, further research
on baboons living in other environments by primatologists such as Thelma Rowell discovered that those baboons were neither male-focused nor male-dominated. Instead, the stable group core was matrifocal—a mother and her offspring constituted the central and enduring ties. Nor did males control female sexuality. Quite the contrary in fact. Females mated freely and frequently, choosing males of all ages, sometimes establishing special relationships— “friends with favors.” Dominance, while infrequent, was not based simply on size or strength; it was learned, situational, and often stress-induced. And like other primates, both male and female baboons used sophisticated strategies, dubbed “primate politics,” to predict and manipulate the intricate social networks in which they lived.55 Rowell also restudied the savannah baboons. Even they did not fit the baboon “stereotype.” She found that their groups were loosely structured with no specialized stable male-leadership coalitions and were sociable, matrifocal, and infantcentered much like the Rhesus monkeys pictured below (see Figure 15). Females actively initiated sexual encounters with a variety of male partners. When attacked by predators or frightened by some other major threat, males, rather than “defending the troop,” typically would flee, running away first and leaving the females carrying infants to follow behind (Figures 16).56 Man the Hunter, the Meat-Eater? The second, more important challenge was to key assumptions about the hunting way of life. Archaeological and paleontological fossil evidence and ethnographic data from contemporary foragers revealed that hunting and meat it provided were not the primary subsistence mode. Instead, gathered foods such as plants, nuts, fruits, roots and small fish found in rivers and ponds constituted the bulk of such diets and provided the most stable food source in all but a few settings (northerly climates, herd migration routes, and specific geographical and historical settings). When meat was important, it was more often “scavenged” or “caught” than hunted. A major symposium on human evolution concluded that “opportunistic” “scavenging” was probably the best description of early human hunting activities. Often, tools found in pre-modern human sites such as caves would have been more appropriate for “smashing” scavenged bones than hunting live animals.57 Hunting, when carried out, generally did not involve large-scale, all-male, cooperative expeditions involving extensive planning and lengthy expeditions over a wide territorial range. Instead, as among the Hadza of Tanzania, hunting was likely typically conducted by a single male, or perhaps two males, for a couple of hours, often without success. When hunting collectively, as occurs among the Mbuti in the Central African rainforest, groups of families likely participated with women and men driving animals into nets. Among the Agta of the Philippines, women rather than men hunt collectively 247 Figure 17: Collecting firewood in Bansankusu, Democratic Republic of Congo. using dogs to herd animals to a place where they can be killed.58 And !Kung San men, despite what was shown in the 1957 ethnographic film The Hunters, do not normally hunt giraffe; they usually pursue small animals such as hares, rats, and gophers. Discrediting the Hunting Hypothesis Once the “hunting-meat” hypothesis was discredited, other parts of the theory began to unravel, especially the link between male dominance and female economic dependency. We now know that for most of human history—99 percent of it prior
to the invention of agriculture some 10,000 or so years ago—women have “worked,” often providing the stable sources of food for their family. Richard Lee, Marjorie Shostak, and others have detailed, with caloric counts and time-work estimates, the significance of
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women’s gathering contributions even in societies such as the !Kung San, in which hunting occurs regularly. 59 In foraging societies that rely primarily on fish, women also play a major role, “collecting” fish from rivers, lakes, and ponds. The exceptions are atypical environments such as the Arctic. Of course, “meat-getting” is a narrow definition of “food getting” or “subsistence” work. Many food processing activities are time-consuming. Collecting water and firewood is crucial, heavy work and is often done by women (Figure 17). Making and maintaining clothing, housing, and tools also occupy a significant amount of
time. Early humans, both male and female, invented an array of items for carrying things (babies, wood, water), dug tubers, processed nuts, and cooked food. The invention of string some 24,000 years ago, a discovery so essential that it produced what some have called the “String Revolution,” is attributed to women.60 There is the “work of kinship,” of “healing,” of “ritual,” of “teaching” the next generation, and emotional “work. All are part of the work of living and of the “invisible” work that women do. Nor is it just hunting that requires intelligence, planning, cooperation, and detailed knowledge. Foragers have lived in a wide variety of environments across the globe, some more challenging than others (such as Alaska). In all of these groups, both males and females have needed and have developed intensive detailed knowledge of local flora and fauna and strategies for using those resources. Human social interactions also require sophisticated mental and communication skills, both verbal and nonverbal. In short, humans’ complex brains and other modern traits developed as an adaptation to complex social life, a lengthy period of child-dependency and child-rearing that required cooperative nurturing, and many different kinds of “work” that even the simplest human societies performed. Refuting Pregnancy and Motherhood as Debilitating Finally, cross-cultural data refutes another central man-the-hunter stereotype: the “burden” of pregnancy and child care. Women’s reproductive roles do not generally prevent them from food-getting, including hunting; among the Agta, women hunt when pregnant. Foraging societies accommodate the work-reproduction “conflict” by spacing out their pregnancies using indigenous methods of “family 248 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY planning” such as prolonged breast feeding,
long post-pregnancy periods of sexual inactivity, and native herbs and medicinal plants. Child care, even for infants, is rarely solely the responsibility of the birth mother. Instead, multiple caretakers are the norm: spouses, children, other relatives, and neighbors.61 Reciprocity is the key to human social life and to survival in small-scale societies, and reciprocal child care is but one example of such reciprocity. Children and infants accompany their mothers (or fathers) on gathering trips, as among the !Kung San, and on Aka collective net-hunting expeditions. Agta women carry nursing infants with them when gathering-
hunting, leaving older children at home in the care of spouses or other relatives.62 In pre-
industrial horticultural and agricultural societies, having children and “working” are not incompatible—quite the opposite! Anthropologists long ago identified “female farming systems,” especially in parts of Africa and Southeast Asia, in which farming is predominantly a woman’s job and men “help out” as needed.63 In most agricultural societies, women who do not come from high-status or wealthy families perform a significant amount of agricultural labor, though it often goes unrecognized in the dominant gender ideology. Wet-
rice agriculture, common in south and southeast Asia, is labor-intensive, particularly weeding and transplanting rice seedlings, which are often done by women (Figure 10).
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Harvesting rice, wheat, and other grains also entails essential input by women. Yet the Indian Census traditionally records only male family members as “farmers.” In the United States, women’s work on family-owned farms is often invisible.64 Women may accommodate their reproductive and child-rearing roles by engaging in work that is more compatible with child care, such as cooking, and in activities that occur closer to home and are interruptible and perhaps less dangerous, though cooking fires, stoves, and implements such as knives certainly can cause harm!65 More often, women adjust their food-getting “work” in response to the demands of pregnancy, breast-feeding, and other child care activities. They gather or process nuts while their children are napping; they take their children with them to the fields to weed or harvest and, in more recent times, to urban construction sites in places such as India, where women often do the heaviest (and lowest-
paid) work. In the United States, despite a long-standing cultural model of the stay-at-home mom, some mothers have always worked outside the home, mainly out of economic necessity. This shifting group includes single-divorced-widowed mothers and married African-Americans (pre- and post-slavery), immigrants, and Euro-American women with limited financial resources. But workplace policies (except during World War II) have historically made it harder rather than easier for women (and men) to carry out family responsibilities, including requiring married women and pregnant women to quit their jobs.66 Circumstances have not improved much. While pregnant women in the United States are no longer automatically dismissed from their jobs—at least not legally—the United States lags far behind most European countries in providing affordable child care and
paid parental leave.
Language
Hockets list/design features of all communication systems of all species
o
Hockett’s Design Features The communication systems of all species share the following features: o
1. A mode of communication by which messages are transmitted through a system of signs, using one or more sensory systems to transmit and interpret, such as vocal-auditory, visual, tactile, or kinesic;
o
2. Semanticity: the signs carry meaning for the users, and o
3. Pragmatic function: all signs serve a useful purpose in the life of the users,
from survival functions to influencing others’ behavior. Some communication systems (including humans) also exhibit the following features:
o
4. Interchangeability: the ability of individuals within a species to both send and receive messages. One species that lacks this feature is the honeybee. Only a female “worker bee” can perform the dance that conveys to her hive-mates the location of a newly discovered food source. Another example is the mockingbird whose songs are performed only by the males to attract a mate and mark his territory.
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o
5. Cultural transmission: the need for some aspects of the system to be learned through interaction with others, rather than being 100 percent innate or genetically programmed. The mockingbird learns its songs from other birds, or even from other sounds in its environment that appeal to it. o
6. Arbitrariness: the form of a sign is not inherently or logically related to its meaning; signs are symbols. It could be said that the movements in the honeybees’ dance are arbitrary since anyone who is not a honeybee could not interpret their meaning. Only true human language also has the following characteristics: o
7. Discreteness: every human language is made up of a small number of meaningless discrete sounds. That is, the sounds can be isolated from each other, for purposes of study by linguists, or to be represented in a writing system.
o
8. Duality of patterning (two levels of combination): at the first level of patterning, these meaningless discrete sounds, called phonemes, are combined to form words and parts of words that carry meaning, or morphemes. In the second level of patterning, morphemes are recombined to form an infinite possible number of longer messages such as phrases and sentences according to a set of rules called syntax. It is this level of combination that is entirely lacking in the communication abilities of all other animals and makes human language an open system while all other animal systems are closed.
o
9. Displacement: the ability to communicate about things that are outside of the here and now made possible by the features of discreteness and duality of patterning. While other species are limited to communicating about their immediate time and place, we can talk about any time in the future or past, about any place in the universe, or even fictional places.
o
10. Productivity/creativity: the ability to produce and understand messages that have never been expressed before or to express new ideas. People do not speak according to prepared scripts, as if they were in a movie or a play;
they create their utterances spontaneously, according to the rules of their language. It also makes possible the creation of new words and even the ability to lie.
Universals of language
o
1. All human cultures have a human language and use it to communicate. o
2. All human languages change over time, a reflection of the fact that all cultures are also constantly changing
o
. 3. All languages are systematic, rule driven, and equally complex overall, and equally capable of expressing any idea that the speaker wishes to convey. There are no primitive languages
o
. 4. All languages are symbolic systems.
o
5. All languages have a basic word order of elements, like subject, verb, and
object, with variations.
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6. All languages have similar basic grammatical categories such as nouns and verbs.
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7. Every spoken language is made up of discrete sounds that can be categorized as vowels or consonants.
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8. The underlying structure of all languages is characterized by the feature duality of patterning, which permits any speaker to utter any message they need or wish to convey, and any speaker of the same language to understand the message.
ETHNOGRAPHY
FINDING THE FIELD Fieldwork is the most important method by which cultural anthropologists gather data to answer their research questions. While interacting on a daily basis with a group of people, cultural anthropologists document their observations and perceptions and adjust the focus of their research as needed. They typically spend a few months to a few years living among the people they are studying. The “field” can be anywhere the people are—a village in highland Papua New Guinea or a supermarket in downtown Minneapolis. Just as marine biologists spend time in the ocean to learn about
the behavior of marine animals and geologists travel to a mountain range to observe rock formations, anthropologists go to places where people are. Doing Anthropology In this short film, Stefan Helmreich, Erica James, and Heather Paxson, three members of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Anthropology Department, talk about their current work and the process of doing fieldwork. Making the
Strange Familiar and the Familiar Strange The cultural anthropologist’s goal during fieldwork is to describe a group of people to others in a way that makes strange or unusual features of the culture seem familiar and familiar traits seem extraordinary. The point is to help people think in new ways about aspects of their own culture by comparing them with other cultures. The research anthropologist Margaret Mead describes in her monograph Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) is a famous example of this.
In 1925, Mead went to American Samoa, where she conducted ethnographic research on adolescent girls and their experiences with sexuality and growing up. Mead’s mentor, anthropologist Franz Boas, was a strong proponent of cultural determinism, the idea that one’s cultural upbringing and social environment, rather than one’s biology, primarily determine behavior. Boas encouraged Mead to travel to Samoa to study adolescent behavior there and to compare their culture and behavior with that of adolescents in the United States to lend support to his hypothesis. In the foreword of Coming of Age in Samoa, Boas described what he saw as the key insight of her research: “The results of her painstaking investigation confirm the suspicion long held by anthropologists that much of what we ascribe to human
nature is no more than a reaction to the restraints put upon us by our civilization.” 1 Mead studied 25 young women in three villages in Samoa and found that the stress, anxiety, and turmoil of American adolescence were not found among Samoan youth. Rather, young women in Samoa experienced a smooth transition to adulthood with relatively little stress or difficulty. She documented 47 instances of socially accepted sexual experimentation, lack of sexual jealousy and rape, and a general sense of casualness that marked Samoan adolescence. Coming of Age in Samoa quickly became popular, launching Mead’s career as one of the most well-known anthropologists in the United States and perhaps the world. The book encouraged American readers to reconsider their own cultural assumptions about what adolescence in the United States should be like, particularly in terms of the sexual repression and turmoil that seemed to characterize the teenage experience in mid-twentieth century America. Through her analysis of the differences between Samoan and American society, Mead
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also persuasively called for changes in education and parenting for U.S. children and adolescents. Another classic example of a style of anthropological writing that attempted to make the familiar strange and encouraged readers to consider their own cultures in a different way is Horace Miner’s Body
Ritual among the Nacirema (1956). The essay described oral hygiene practices of the Nacirema (“American” spelled backward) in a way that, to cultural insiders, sounded extreme, exaggerated, and out of context. He presented the Nacirema as if they were a little-known cultural group with strange, exotic practices. Miner wrote the essay during an era in which anthropologists were just beginning to expand their focus beyond small-scale traditional societies far from home to large-scale post-industrial societies such as the United States. He wrote the essay primarily as a satire of how anthropologists often
wrote about “the Other” in ways that made other cultures seem exotic and glossed over features that the Other had in common with the anthropologist’s culture. The essay also challenged U.S. readers in general and anthropologists in particular to think differently about their own cultures and re-examine their cultural assumptions about what is “normal.” Emic and Etic Perspectives When anthropologists conduct fieldwork, they gather data. An important tool for gathering anthropological data is ethnography—the in-depth study of everyday practices and lives of a people. Ethnography produces a detailed description of the studied group at a particular time and location, also known as a “thick description,” a term coined by anthropologist Clifford Geertz in his 1973 book The Interpretation of Cultures to describe this type of research and writing. A thick description explains not only the behavior or cultural event in question but also the context in which it occurs and anthropological interpretations of it. Such descriptions help readers better understand the internal logic of why people in a culture behave as they do and why the behaviors are meaningful to them. This is important because understanding the attitudes, perspectives, and motivations of cultural insiders is at the heart of anthropology. Ethnographers gather data from many different sources. One source is the anthropologist’s own observations and thoughts. Ethnographers keep field notebooks that document their ideas and reflections as well as what they do and observe when participating in activities with the people they are studying, a research technique known as participant observation. Other sources of data include informal conversations and more-formal interviews that are recorded and transcribed. They also
collect documents such as letters, photographs, artifacts, public records, books, and reports. Different types of data produce different kinds of ethnographic descriptions, which also vary in terms of perspective—from the perspective of the studied culture (emic) or from the perspective of the observer (etic). Emic perspectives refer to descriptions of behaviors and beliefs in terms that are meaningful to people who belong to a specific culture, e.g., how people perceive and categorize their culture and experiences, why people believe they do what they do, how they imagine and explain things. To uncover
emic perspectives, ethnographers talk to people, observe what they do, and participate in 48 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY their daily activities with them.
Emic perspectives are essential for anthropologists’ efforts to obtain a detailed understanding of a culture and to avoid interpreting others through their own cultural beliefs. Etic perspectives refer to explanations for behavior by an outside observer in ways that are meaningful to the observer. For an anthropologist, etic descriptions typically arise from conversations between the ethnographer and the anthropological community. These explanations tend to be based in science and are informed by historical, political, and economic studies and other types of research. The etic approach acknowledges that members of a culture are unlikely to view the things they do as noteworthy or unusual. They cannot
easily stand back and view their own behavior objectively or from another perspective. For example, you
may have never thought twice about the way you brush your teeth and the practice of going to the
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dentist or how you experienced your teenage years. For you, these parts of your culture are so normal and “natural” you probably would never consider questioning them. An emic lens gives us an alternative
perspective that is essential when constructing a comprehensive view of a people. Most often, ethnographers include both emic and etic perspectives in their research and writing. They first uncover a
studied people’s understanding of what they do and why and then develop additional explanations for the behavior based on anthropological theory and analysis. Both perspectives are important, and it can be challenging to move back and forth between the two. Nevertheless, that is exactly what good ethnographers must do. TRADITIONAL ETHNOGRAPHIC APPROACHES Early Armchair Anthropology Before ethnography was a fully developed research method, anthropologists in the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries used techniques that were much less reliable to gather data about people throughout the world. From the comfort of their homes and library armchairs, early scholars collected others’ travel accounts and used them to come to conclusions about far-flung cultures and peoples. The reports typically came from missionaries, colonists, adventurers, and business travelers and were often incomplete, inaccurate, and/or misleading, exaggerated or omitted important information, and romanticized the culture. Early scholars such as Wilhelm Schmidt and Sir E. B. Tylor sifted through artifacts and stories brought back by travelers or missionaries and selected the ones that best fit their frequently pre-conceived ideas about the peoples involved. By relying on this flawed data, they often drew inaccurate or even racist conclusions. They had no way of knowing how accurate the information was and no way to understand the full context in which it was gathered. The work of Sir James Frazer (1854–1941) provides a good example of the problems associated with such anthropological endeavors. Frazer was a Scottish social anthropologist who was interested in myths and religions around the world. He read historical documents and religious texts found in libraries and book collections. He also sent questionnaires to missionaries and colonists in various parts of the world asking them about the people with whom they were in contact. He then used the information to draw sweeping conclusions about human belief systems. In his most famous book, The Golden Bough, he described similarities and differences in magical and religious practices around the world and concluded that human beliefs progressed through three stages: from primitive magic to religion and from religion to science. This theory implied that some people were less evolved and more 49 primitive than others. Of course, contemporary anthropologists do not view any people as less evolved than another. Instead, anthropologists today seek to uncover the historical, political, and cultural reasons behind peoples’ behaviors rather than assuming that one culture or society is more advanced than another. The main problem with Frazer’s conclusion can be traced back to the fact that he did not do any research himself and none of the information he relied on was collected by an anthropologist. He never spent time with the people he was researching. He never observed the religious ceremonies he wrote about and certainly never participated in them. Had he done so, he might have been able to appreciate that all human groups at the time (and now) were equally pragmatic, thoughtful, intelligent, logical, and “evolved.” He might also have appreciated the fact that how and why the information is gathered affects the quality of the information. For instance, if a colonial administrator offered to pay people for their stories, some of the storytellers might have exaggerated or even made up stories for financial gain.
If a Christian missionary asked recently converted parishioners to describe their religious practices, they likely would have omitted non-Christian practices and beliefs to avoid disapproval and maintain their positions in the church. A male traveler who attempted to document rite-of-passage traditions in a culture that prohibited men from asking such questions of women would generate data that could erroneously suggest that women did not participate in such activities. All of these examples illustrate the
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pitfalls of armchair anthropology. Off the Veranda Fortunately, the reign of armchair anthropology was brief. Around the turn of the twentieth century, anthropologists trained in the natural sciences began to reimagine what a science of humanity should look like and how social scientists ought to go about studying cultural groups. Some of those anthropologists insisted that one should at least spend significant time actually observing and talking to the people studied. Early ethnographers such as Franz Boas and Alfred Cort Haddon typically traveled to the remote locations where the people in question lived and spent a few weeks to a few months there. They sought out a local Western host who was familiar with the people and the area (such as a colonial official, missionary, or businessman) and found accommodations through them. Although they did at times venture into the community without a guide, they generally did not spend significant time with the local people. Thus, their observations were primarily conducted from the relative comfort and safety of a porch—from their verandas. Polish anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski’s (1884–1942) pioneering method of participant observation fundamentally changed the relationship between ethnographers and the people under study. In 1914, he traveled to the Trobriand Islands and ended up spending nearly four years conducting fieldwork among the people there. In the process, he developed a rigorous set of detailed ethnographic techniques he viewed as best-suited to gathering accurate and comprehensive ethnographic data. One of the hallmarks of his method was that it required the researcher to get off the veranda to interact with
and even live among the natives. In a well-known book about his research, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922), Malinowski described his research techniques and the role they played in his analysis of the Kula ceremony, an exchange of coral armbands and trinkets among members of the social elite. He concluded that the ceremonies were at the center of Trobriand life and represented the culmination of an elaborate multi-year venture called the Kula Ring that involved dangerous expeditions and careful planning. Ultimately, the key to his discovering the importance of the ceremony was that he not only observed the Kula Ring but also participated in it. This technique of participant observation is central to anthro50 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Bronislaw Malinowski (center) with Trobriand Islanders circa 1918 pological research today. Malinowski did more than just observe people from afar; he actively interacted with them and participated in their daily activities. And unlike early anthropologists who worked through translators, Malinowski learned the native language, which allowed him to immerse himself in the culture. He carefully documented all of his observations and thoughts. Malinowski’s techniques are now central components of ethnographic fieldwork. Salvage Ethnography Despite Malinowski’s tremendous contributions to ethnography and anthropology generally, he was nevertheless a man of his time. A common view in the first half of the twentieth century was that many “primitive” cultures were quickly disappearing and features of those cultures needed to be preserved (salvaged) before they were lost. Anthropologists such as Malinowski, Franz Boas, and many of their students sought to document, photograph, and otherwise preserve cultural traditions in “dying” cultures in groups such as Native Americans and other traditional societies experiencing rapid change due to modernization, dislocation, and contact with outside groups. They also
collected cultural artifacts, removing property from the communities and placing it in museums and private collections. Others who were not formally trained in the sciences or in anthropology also participated in salvage activities. For instance, in his “documentary” film Nanook of the North (1922), Robery Flaherty filmed the life of an Inuit man named Nanook and his family in the Canadian Arctic. In an effort to preserve on film what many believed was a traditional way of life soon to be lost, Flaherty took considerable artistic license to represent the culture as he imagined it was in the past, including staging certain scenes and asking the Inuit men to use spears instead of rifles to make the film seem
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more “authentic.” Photographers and artists have likewise attempted to capture and preserve traditional indigenous life in paintings and photographs. Renowned painter George Catlin (1796–1872), for example, is known to have embellished scenes or painted them in ways that glossed over the difficult
reality that native people in the nineteenth century were actively persecuted by the government, displaced from their lands, and forced into unsustainable lifestyles that led to starvation and warfare. Photographer Edward S. Curtis (1868–1952) has been criticized for reinforcing romanticized images of “authentic” native scenes. In particular, he is accused of having perpetuated the problematic idea of the noble savage and, in the process, distracted attention from the serious social, political, and economic problems faced by native people.2 Today, anthropologists recognize that human cultures constantly change as people respond to social, political, economic, and other external and internal influences—that
there is no moment when a culture is more authentic or more primitive. They acknowledge that culture is fluid and cannot be treated as isolated in time and space. Just as we should not portray people as primitive vestiges of an earlier stage of human development, we also should not romanticize a culture or
idealize another’s suffering as more authentic or natural. 51 Holism In the throes of salvage ethnography, anthropologists in the first half of the twentieth century actively documented anything and everything they could about the cultures they viewed as endangered. They collected artifacts, excavated ancient sites, wrote dictionaries of non-literate languages, and documented cultural traditions, stories, and beliefs. In the United States, those efforts developed into what is known today as the four-field approach or simply as general anthropology. This approach integrates multiple scientific and humanistic perspectives into a single comprehensive discipline composed of cultural, archaeological, biological/physical, and linguistic anthropology. A hallmark of the four-field approach is its holistic perspective: anthropologists are interested in studying everything that makes us human. Thus, they use multiple approaches to understanding humans throughout time and throughout the world. They also acknowledge that to understand people fully one cannot look solely at biology, culture, history, or language; rather, all of those things must be considered. The interrelationships between the four subfields of anthropology are important for many anthropologists today. Linguistic anthropologists Edward Sapir and Benjamin Whorf, for instance, examined interrelationships between culture, language,
and cognition. They argued that the language one speaks plays a critical role in determining how one thinks, particularly in terms of understanding time, space, and matter. They proposed that people who speak different languages view the world differently as a result. In a well-known example, Whorf contrasted the Hopi and English languages. Because verbs in Hopi contained no future or past tenses, Whorf argued that Hopi-speakers understand time in a fundamentally different way than English-
speakers. An observation by an English-speaker would focus on the difference in time while an observation by a Hopi-speaker would focus on validity. 3 52 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO
CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY A chart from a 1940 publication by Whorf illustrates differences between a “temporal” language (English) and a “timeless” language (Hopi). In another example, Peter Gordon spent many years living among the Pirahã tribe of Brazil learning their language and culture. He noted that the Pirahã have only three words for numbers: one, two, and many. He also observed that they found it difficult to remember quantities and numbers beyond three even after learning the Portuguese words for such numbers.4 Pirahã Numerical Terms In this short film, linguist Daniel Everett illustrates Pirahã numerical terms. Although some scholars have criticized Whorf and Gordon’s conclusions as overly deterministic, their work certainly illustrates the presence of a relationship between language and thought and between cultural and biological influences. Words may not force people to think a particular way, but they can influence our thought processes and how we view the world around us. The
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holistic perspective of anthropology helps us to appreciate that our culture, language, and physical and cognitive capacities for language are interrelated in complex ways. 53 ETHNOGRAPHY TODAY Anthropology’s Distinctive Research Strategy Ethnography is cultural anthropology’s distinctive research strategy. It was originally developed by anthropologists to study small-scale, relatively isolated cultural groups. Typically, those groups had relatively simple economies and technologies and limited access to larger, more technologically advanced societies. Early ethnographers sought to understand the entirety of a particular culture. They spent months to years living in the community, and in that time, they documented in great detail every dimension of people’s lives, including their language, subsistence strategies, political systems, formation of families and marriages, and religious beliefs. This was important because it helped researchers appreciate the interconnectedness of all dimensions of social life. The key to the success of this ethnographic approach was not only to spend considerable time observing people in their home settings engaged in day-to-day activities but also to participate in those activities. Participation informed an emic perspective of the culture, something that had been missing in earlier social science research. Because of how useful the ethnographic research strategy is in developing an emic perspective, it has been adopted by many other disciplines including sociology, education, psychology, and political science. Education researchers, for example, use ethnography to study children in classrooms to identify their learning strategies and how they understand and make sense of learning experiences. Sociologists use ethnography to study emerging social movements and how participants in such movements stay motivated and connected despite their sometimes-conflicting goals. New Sites for Ethnographic Fieldwork Like the cultures and peoples studied, anthropology and ethnography are evolving. Field sites for ethnographic research are no longer exclusively located in far-
flung, isolated, non-industrialized societies. Increasingly, anthropologists are conducting ethnographic research in complex, technologically advanced societies such as the United States and in urban environments elsewhere in the world. For instance, my doctoral research took place in the United States. I studied identity formation among undocumented Mexican immigrant college students in Minnesota. Because some of my informants were living in Mexico when my fieldwork ended, I also traveled to Veracruz, Mexico, and spent time conducting research there. Often, anthropologists who study migration, diasporas, and people in motion must conduct research in multiple locations. This is known as multi-sited ethnography. Anthropologists use ethnography to study people wherever they are and however they interact with others. Think of the many ways you ordinarily interact with your friends,
family, professors, and boss. Is it all face-to-face communication or do you sometimes use text messages
to chat with your friends? Do you also sometimes email your professor to ask for clarification on an assignment and then call your boss to discuss your schedule? Do you share funny videos with others on Facebook and then later make a Skype video call to a relative? These new technological “sites” of human
interaction are fascinating to many ethnographers and have expanded the definition of fieldwork. Problem-Oriented Research 54 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
In the early years, ethnographers were interested in exploring the entirety of a culture. Taking an inductive approach, they generally were not concerned about arriving with a relatively narrow predefined research topic. Instead, the goal was to explore the people, their culture, and their homelands and what had previously been written about them. The focus of the study was allowed to emerge gradually during their time in the field. Often, this approach to ethnography resulted in rather general ethnographic descriptions. Today, anthropologists are increasingly taking a more deductive approach to ethnographic research. Rather than arriving at the field site with only general ideas about the goals of the study, they tend to select a particular problem before arriving and then let that problem
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guide their research. In my case, I was interested in how undocumented Mexican immigrant youth in Minnesota formed a sense of identity while living in a society that used a variety of dehumanizing labels such as illegal and alien to refer to them. That was my research “problem,” and it oriented and guided my study from beginning to end. I did not document every dimension of my informants’ lives; instead, I focused on the things most closely related to my research problem. Quantitative Methods Increasingly, cultural anthropologists are using quantitative research methods to complement qualitative approaches.
Qualitative research in anthropology aims to comprehensively describe human behavior and the contexts in which it occurs while quantitative research seeks patterns in numerical data that can explain aspects of human behavior. Quantitative patterns can be gleaned from statistical analyses, maps, charts,
graphs, and textual descriptions. Surveys are a common quantitative technique that usually involves closed-ended questions in which respondents select their responses from a list of pre-defined choices such as their degree of agreement or disagreement, multiple-choice answers, and rankings of items. While surveys usually lack the sort of contextual detail associated with qualitative research, they tend to
be relatively easy to code numerically and, as a result, can be easier to analyze than qualitative data. Surveys are also useful for gathering specific data points within a large population, something that is challenging to do with many qualitative techniques. Anthropological nutritional analysis is an area of research that commonly relies on collecting quantitative data. Nutritional anthropologists explore how factors such as culture, the environment, and economic and political systems interplay to impact human health and nutrition. They may count the calories people consume and expend, document patterns of food consumption, measure body weight and body mass, and test for the presence of parasite infections
or nutritional deficiencies. In her ethnography Dancing Skeletons: Life and Death in West Africa (1993), Katherine Dettwyler described how she conducted nutritional research in Mali, which involved weighing,
measuring, and testing her research subjects to collect a variety of quantitative data to help her understand the causes and consequences of child malnutrition. Mixed Methods In recent years, anthropologists have begun to combine ethnography with other types of research methods. These mixed-method approaches integrate qualitative and quantitative evidence to provide a more comprehensive analysis. For instance, anthropologists can combine ethnographic data with questionnaires, statistical data, and a media analysis. Anthropologist Leo Chavez used mixed methods to
55 conduct the research for his book The Latino Threat: Constructing Immigrants, Citizens, and the Nation (2008). He started with a problem: how has citizenship been discussed as an identity marker in the mainstream media in the United States, especially among those labeled as Latinos. He then looked for a variety of types of data and relied on ethnographic case studies and on quantitative data from surveys and questionnaires. Chavez also analyzed a series of visual images from photographs, magazine covers, and cartoons that depicted Latinos to explore how they are represented in the American mainstream. Mixed methods can be particularly useful when conducting problem-oriented research on complex, technologically advanced societies such as the United States. Detailed statistical and quantitative data are often available for those types of societies. Additionally, the general population is usually literate and somewhat comfortable with the idea of filling out a questionnaire. ETHNOGRAPHIC TECHNIQUES AND PERSPECTIVES Cultural Relativism and Ethnocentrism The guiding philosophy of modern anthropology is cultural relativism—the idea that we should seek to understand another person’s beliefs and behaviors from the perspective of their culture rather than our own. Anthropologists do not judge other cultures based on their values nor view other cultural ways of doing things as inferior. Instead, anthropologists seek to understand people’s beliefs within the system they have for explaining things. Cultural relativism is an important methodological consideration when
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conducting research. In the field, anthropologists must temporarily suspend their own value, moral, and esthetic judgments and seek to understand and respect the values, morals, and esthetics of the other culture on their terms. This can be a challenging task, particularly when a culture is significantly different
from the one in which they were raised. During my first field experience in Brazil, I learned firsthand how challenging cultural relativism could be. Preferences for physical proximity and comfort talking about one’s body are among the first differences likely to be noticed by U.S. visitors to Brazil. Compared to Americans, Brazilians generally are much more comfortable standing close, touching, holding hands, and even smelling one another and often discuss each other’s bodies. Children and adults commonly refer to each other using playful nicknames that refer to their body size, body shape, or skin color. Neighbors and even strangers frequently stopped me on the street to comment on the color of my skin (It concerned some as being overly pale or pink—Was I ill? Was I sunburned?), the texture of my hair (How did I get it so smooth? Did I straighten my hair?), and my body size and shape (“You have a nice bust, but if you lost a little weight around the middle you would be even more attractive!”). During my first few months in Brazil, I had to remind myself constantly that these comments were not rude, disrespectful, or inappropriate as I would have perceived them to be in the United States. On the contrary, it was one of the ways that people showed affection toward me. From a culturally relativistic perspective, the comments demonstrated that they cared about me, were concerned with my well-
being, and wanted me to be part of the community. Had I not taken a culturally relativistic view at the outset and instead judged the actions based on my cultural perspective, I would have been continually frustrated and likely would have confused and offended people in the community. And offending your informants and the rest of the community certainly is not conducive to completing high-qual56 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY ity ethnography! Had I not fully understood the importance of body contact and physical proximity in communication in Brazil, I would have missed an important component of the culture. Another perspective that has been rejected by anthropologists is ethnocentrism—the tendency to view one’s own culture as most important and correct and as a stick by which to measure all other cultures. People who are ethnocentric view their own cultures as central and normal and reject all other cultures as inferior and morally suspect. As it turns out, many people and cultures are ethnocentric to some degree; ethnocentrism is a common human experience. Why do we respond the way we do? Why do we behave the way we do? Why do we believe what we believe? Most people find these kinds of questions difficult to answer. Often the answer is simply “because that is how it is done.” They believe what they believe because that is what one normally believes and doing things any other way seems wrong. Ethnocentrism is not a useful perspective in contexts in which people from different cultural backgrounds come into close contact with one another, as is the case in many cities and communities throughout the world. People increasingly find that they must adopt culturally relativistic perspectives in governing communities and as a guide for their interactions with members of the community. For anthropologists in the field, cultural relativism is especially important. We must set aside our innate ethnocentrisms and let cultural relativism guide our inquiries and interactions with others so that our observations are not biased. Cultural relativism is at the core of the discipline of anthropology. Objectivity and Activist Anthropology Despite the importance of cultural relativism, it is not always possible and at times is inappropriate to maintain complete objectivity in the field. Researchers may encounter cultural practices that are an affront to strongly held moral values or that violate the human rights of a segment of a population. In other cases, they may be conducting research in part to advocate for a particular issue or for the rights of a marginalized group. Take, for example, the practice of female genital cutting (FGC), also known as
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female genital mutilation (FGM), a practice that is common in various regions of the world, especially in parts of Africa and the Middle East. Such practices involving modification of female genitals for non-
medical and cultural reasons range from clitoridectomy (partial or full removal of the clitoris) to infibulation, which involves removal of the clitoris and the inner and outer labia and suturing to narrow the vaginal opening, leaving only a small hole for the passage of urine and menstrual fluid Anthropologists working in regions where such practices are common often understandably have a strong negative opinion, viewing the practice as unnecessary medically and posing a risk of serious infection, infertility, and complications from childbirth. They may also be opposed to it because they feel
that it violates the right of women to experience sexual pleasure, something they likely view as a fundamental human right. Should the anthropologist intervene to prevent girls and women from being subjected to this practice? Anthropologist Janice Boddy studied FGC/FGM in rural northern Sudan and sought to explain it from a culturally relativistic perspective. She found that the practice persists, in part,
because it is believed to preserve a woman’s chastity and curb her sexual desire, making her less likely to have affairs once she is married. Boddy’s research showed how the practice makes sense in the context of a culture in which a woman’s sexual conduct is a symbol of her family’s honor, which is important culturally. 5 Boddy’s relativistic explanation helps make the practice comprehensible and allows cultural outsiders to understand how it is internally culturally coherent. But the question remains.
Once anthropologists understand why people practice FGC/FGM, should they accept it? Because they uncover the cultural 57 meaning of a practice, must they maintain a neutral stance or should they fight a
practice viewed as an injustice? How does an anthropologist know what is right? Unfortunately, answers
to these questions are rarely simple, and anthropologists as a group do not always agree on an appropriate professional stance and responsibility. Nevertheless, examining practices such as FGC/FGM can help us understand the debate over objectivity versus “activism” in anthropology more clearly. Some anthropologists feel that striving for objectivity in ethnography is paramount. That even if objectivity cannot be completely achieved, anthropologists’ ethnography should be free from as much subjective opinion as possible. Others take the opposite stance and produce anthropological research and writing as a means of fighting for equality and justice for disempowered or voiceless groups. The debate over how much (if any) activism is acceptable is ongoing. What is clear is that anthropologists are
continuing to grapple with the contentious relationship between objectivity and activism in ethnographic research. Science and Humanism Anthropologists have described their field as the most humanistic of the sciences and the most scientific of the humanities. Early anthropologists fought to legitimize anthropology as a robust scientific field of study. To do so, they borrowed methods and techniques from the physical sciences and applied them to anthropological inquiry. Indeed, anthropology today is categorized as a social science in most academic institutions in the United States alongside sociology, psychology, economics, and political science. However, in recent decades, many cultural anthropologists have distanced themselves from science-oriented research and embraced more-humanistic approaches, including symbolic and interpretive perspectives. Interpretive anthropology treats culture as a body of “texts” rather than attempting to test a hypothesis based on deductive or inductive reasoning. The texts present a particular picture from a particular subjective point of view. Interpretive anthropologists believe that it is not necessary (or even possible) to objectively interrogate a text. Rather, they study the texts to untangle the various webs of meaning embedded in them. Consequently, interpretive anthropologists include the context of their interpretations, their own perspectives and, importantly, how the research participants view themselves
and the meanings they attribute to their lives. Anthropologists are unlikely to conclude that a single
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approach is best. Instead, anthropologists can apply any and all of the approaches that best suit their particular problem. Anthropology is unique among academic disciplines for the diversity of approaches used to conduct research and for the broad range of orientations that fall under its umbrella. Science in Anthropology For a discussion of science in anthropology, see the following article published by the American Anthropological Association: AAA Responds to Public Controversy Over Science in Anthropology. Observation and Participant Observation Of the various techniques and tools used to conduct ethnographic research, observation in general and participant observation in particular are among the most important. Ethnographers are trained to pay attention to everything happening around them when in the field—from routine daily activities 58 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY such as cooking dinner to major events such as an annual religious celebration. They observe how people interact with each other, how the environment affects people, and how people affect the environment. It is essential for anthropologists to rigorously document their observations, usually by writing field notes and recording their feelings and perceptions in a personal journal or diary. As previously mentioned, participant observation involves ethnographers observing while they participate in activities with their informants. This technique is important because it allows the researcher to better understand why people do what they do from an emic perspective. Malinowski noted that participant observation is an important tool by which “to grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life, to realize his vision of his world.” 6 To conduct participant observation, ethnographers must live with or spend considerable time with their informants to establish a strong rapport with them.
Rapport is a sense of trust and a comfortable working relationship in which the informant and the ethnographer are at ease with each other and agreeable to working together. Participant observation was an important part of my own research. In 2003, I spent six months living in two Mayan villages in highland Chiapas, Mexico. I was conducting ethnographic research on behalf of the Science Museum of Minnesota to document changes in huipil textile designs. Huipiles (pronounced “we-peel-ayes”) are a type of hand-woven blouse that Mayan women in the region weave and wear, and every town has its own style and designs. At a large city market, one can easily identify the town each weaver is from by the colors and designs of her huipiles. For hundreds of years, huipil designs changed very little. Then, starting around 1960, the designs and colors of huipiles in some of the towns began to change rapidly. I was interested in learning why some towns’ designs were changing more rapidly than other towns’ were
and in collecting examples of huipiles to supplement the museum’s existing collection. I spent time in two towns, Zinacantán and San Andrés Larráinzar. Zinacantán was located near the main city, San Cristóbal de las Casas. It received many tourists each year and had regularly established bus and van routes that locals used to travel to San Cristóbal to buy food and other goods. Some of the men in the town had worked in the United States and returned with money to build or improve their family homes and businesses. Other families were supported by remittances from relatives working in the United States or in other parts of Mexico. San Andrés, on the other hand, was relatively isolated and much further from San Cristóbal. Most families there relied on subsistence farming or intermittent agricultural labor and had limited access to tourism or to outside communities. San Andrés was also the site of a major indigenous revolt in the mid-1990s that resulted in greater autonomy, recognition, and rights for indigenous groups throughout Mexico. Politically and socially, it was a progressive community in many ways but remained conservative in others. I first asked people in Zinacantán why their huipil designs, motifs, and colors seemed to change almost every year. Many women said that they did not know. Others stated that weaving was easy and could be boring so they liked to make changes to keep the huipiles interesting and to keep weaving from getting dull. When I asked people in San Andrés what they
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thought about what the women in Zinacantán had said, the San Andrés women replied that “Yes, perhaps they do get bored easily. But we in San Andrés are superior weavers and we don’t need to change our designs.” Neither response seemed like the full story behind the difference. Though I spent hundreds of hours observing women preparing to weave, weaving, and selling their textiles to tourists, I did not truly understand what the women were telling me until I tried weaving myself. When I watched them, the process seemed so easy and simple. They attached strings of thread vertically to two ends of the back-strap looms. When weaving, they increased and decreased the tension on the vertical threads by leaning backward and forward with the back strap and teased individual 59 threads horizontally through the vertical threads to create the desired pattern. After each thread was placed, they pushed it down with great force using a smooth, flat wooden trowel. They did the entire process with great ease and fluidity. When I only watched and did not participate, I could believe the Zinacantán women when they told me weaving was easy. When I began to weave, it took me several days simply to learn how to sit correctly with a backstrap loom and achieve the appropriate tension. I failed repeatedly at setting up the loom with vertically strung threads and never got close to being able to create a design. Thus, I learned through participant observation that weaving is an exceptionally difficult task. Even expert weavers who had decades of experience sometimes made mistakes as half-finished weavings and rejected textiles littered many homes. Although the women appeared to be able to multi-task while weaving (stoking the fire, calling after small children, cooking food), weaving still required a great deal of
concentration to do well. Through participant observation, I was able to recognize that other factors likely drove the changes in their textiles. I ultimately concluded that the rate of change in huipil design in
Zinacantán was likely related to the pace of cultural change broadly in the community resulting from interactions between its residents and tourists and relatively frequent travel to a more-urban environment. Participant observation was an important tool in my research and is central to most ethnographic studies today. Conversations and Interviews Another primary technique for gathering ethnographic data is simply talking with people—from casual, unstructured conversations about ordinary topics to formal scheduled interviews about a particular topic. An important element for successful conversations and interviews is establishing rapport with informants. Sometimes, engaging in conversation is part of establishing that rapport. Ethnographers frequently use multiple forms of conversation and interviewing for a single research project based on their particular needs. They sometimes record the conversations and interviews with an audio recording device but more often they simply engage in the conversation and then later write down everything they recall about it. Conversations and interviews are an essential part of most ethnographic research designs because spoken communication is central to humans’ experiences. Gathering Life Histories Collecting a personal narrative of someone’s life is a valuable ethnographic technique and is often combined with other techniques. Life histories provide the context in which culture is experienced and created by individuals and describe how individuals have reacted, responded, and contributed to changes that occurred during
their lives. They also help anthropologists be more aware of what makes life meaningful to an individual and to focus on the particulars of individual lives, on the tenor of their experiences and the patterns that
are important to them. Researchers often include life histories in their ethnographic texts as a way of intimately connecting the reader to the lives of the informants. The Genealogical Method The genealogical (kinship) method has a long tradition in ethnography. Developed in the early years of anthropological research to document the family systems of tribal groups, it is still used today to 60 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY discover connections of kinship, descent, marriage, and the overall social system. Because kinship and genealogy are so
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important in many nonindustrial societies, the technique is used to collect data on important relationships that form the foundation of the society and to trace social relationships more broadly in communities. When used by anthropologists, the genealogical method involves using symbols and diagrams to document relationships. Circles represent women and girls, triangles represent men and boys, and squares represent ambiguous or unknown gender. Equal signs between individuals represent their union or marriage and vertical lines descending from a union represent parent-child relationships. The death of an individual and the termination of a marriage are denoted by diagonal lines drawn across
the shapes and equal signs. Kinship charts are diagramed from the perspective of one person who is called the Ego, and all of the relationships in the chart are based on how the others are related to the Ego. Individuals in a chart are sometimes identified by numbers or names, and an accompanying list provides moredetailed information. Anthropological Kinship Chart Created by one of Katie Nelson’s Cultural Anthropology Students Key Informants Within any culture or subculture, there are always particular individuals who are more knowledgeable about the culture than others and who may have more-detailed or privileged knowledge. Anthropologists conducting ethnographic research in the field often seek out such cultural specialists to gain a greater understanding of certain issues and to answer questions they otherwise could not answer. When an anthropologist establishes a rapport with these individuals and begins to rely more on them for information than on others, the cultural specialists are referred to as key informants or key cultural consultants. Key informants can be exceptional assets in the field, allowing the ethnographer to uncover the meanings of behaviors and practices the researcher cannot otherwise understand. Key informants can also help researchers by directly observing others and
reporting those observations to the researchers, 61 especially in situations in which the researcher is not
allowed to be present or when the researcher’s presence could alter the participants’ behavior. In addition, ethnographers can check information they obtained from other informants, contextualize it, and review it for accuracy. Having a key informant in the field is like having a research ally. The relationship can grow and become enormously fruitful. A famous example of the central role that key informants can play in an ethnographer’s research is a man named Doc in William Foote Whyte’s Street Corner Society (1943). In the late 1930s, Whyte studied social relations between street gangs and “corner boys” in a Boston urban slum inhabited by first- and second-generation Italian immigrants. A social worker introduced Whyte to Doc and the two hit it off. Doc proved instrumental to the success of Whyte’s research. He introduced Whyte to his family and social group and vouched for him in the tight-
knit community, providing access that Whyte could not have gained otherwise. Field Notes Field notes are indispensable when conducting ethnographic research. Although making such notes is time-
consuming, they form the primary record of one’s observations. Generally speaking, ethnographers write two kinds of notes: field notes and personal reflections. Field notes are detailed descriptions of everything the ethnographer observes and experiences. They include specific details about what happened at the field site, the ethnographer’s sensory impressions, and specific words and phrases used
by the people observed. They also frequently include the content of conversations the ethnographer had and things the ethnographer overheard others say. Ethnographers also sometimes include their personal reflections on the experience of writing field notes. Often, brief notes are jotted down in a notebook while the anthropologist is observing and participating in activities. Later, they expand on those quick notes to make more formal field notes, which may be organized and typed into a report. It is
common for ethnographers to spend several hours a day writing and organizing field notes. Ethnographers often also keep a personal journal or diary that may include information about their emotions and personal experiences while conducting research. These personal reflections can be as
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important as the field notes. Ethnography is not an objective science. Everything researchers do and experience in the field is filtered through their personal life experiences. Two ethnographers may experience a situation in the field in different ways and understand the experience differently. For this reason, it is important for researchers to be aware of their reactions to situations and be mindful of how
their life experiences affect their perceptions. In fact, this sort of reflexive insight can turn out to be a useful data source and analytical tool that improves the researcher’s understanding. The work of anthropologist Renato Rosaldo provides a useful example of how anthropologists can use their emotional responses to fieldwork situations to advance their research. In 1981, Rosaldo and his wife, Michelle, were conducting research among the Ilongots of Northern Luzon in the Philippines. Rosaldo was studying men in the community who engaged in emotional rampages in which they violently murdered others by cutting off their heads. Although the practice had been banned by the time Rosaldo arrived, a longing to continue headhunting remained in the cultural psyche of the community. Whenever Rosaldo asked a man why he engaged in headhunting, the answer was that rage and grief caused him to kill others. At the beginning of his fieldwork, Rosaldo felt that the response was overly simplistic and assumed that there had to be more to it than that. He was frustrated because he could not uncover a deeper understanding of the phenomenon. Then, on October 11, 1981, Rosaldo’s wife was walking along a ravine when she tripped, lost her footing, and fell 65 feet to her death, leaving Rosaldo a grieving single father. In his essay “Grief and a Headhunter’s Rage,” Rosaldo later wrote that it
was 62 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY his own struggle with rage as he grieved for his wife that helped him truly grasp what the Ilongot men meant when they described their grief and rage. Only a week before completing the initial draft of an earlier version of this
introduction, I rediscovered my journal entry, written some six weeks after Michelle’s death, in which I made a vow to myself about how I would return to writing anthropology, if I ever did so, by writing Grief
and a Headhunter’s Rage . . . My journal went on to reflect more broadly on death, rage, and headhunting by speaking of my wish for the Ilongot solution; they are much more in touch with reality than Christians. So, I need a place to carry my anger – and can we say a solution of the imagination is better than theirs? And can we condemn them when we napalm villages? Is our rationale so much sounder than theirs? All this was written in despair and rage.7 Only through the very personal and emotionally devastating experience of losing his wife was Rosaldo able to understand the emic perspective of the headhunters. The result was an influential and insightful ethnographic account. ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Ethical Guidelines From the earliest days of anthropology as a discipline, concern about the ethical treatment of people who take part in studies has been an important consideration. Ethical matters are central to any research project and anthropologists take their ethical responsibilities particularly seriously. As discussed throughout this chapter, anthropologists are oriented
toward developing empathy for their informants and understanding their cultures and experiences from
an emic perspective. Many also have a sense of personal responsibility for the well-being of the local people with whom they work in the field. The American Anthropological Association has developed a Code of Ethics that all anthropologists should follow in their work. Among the many ethical responsibilities outlined in the code, doing no harm, obtaining informed consent, maintaining subjects’ anonymity, and making the results of the research accessible are especially important responsibilities. Do No Harm First and foremost, anthropologists must ensure that their involvement with a community does not harm or embarrass their informants. Researchers must carefully consider any potential harm associated with the research, including legal, emotional, political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions, and take steps to insulate their informants from such harm. Since it is not always possible to
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anticipate every potential repercussion at the outset, anthropologists also must continually monitor their work to ensure that their research design and methods minimize any risk. Regrettably, the proscription to do no harm is a deceptively complex requirement. Despite their best efforts, anthropologists have run into ethical problems in the field. Work by Napoleon Chagnon among an isolated indigenous tribe of the Amazon, the Yonomami, is a well-known example of ethical 63 problems
in anthropological research. In his groundbreaking ethnography Yanomamö: The Fierce People (1968), Chagnon portrayed the Yanomami as an intensely violent and antagonistic people. The ethnography was
well received initially. However, not long after its publication, controversy erupted. Anthropologists and other scholars have accused Chagnon of encouraging the violence he documented, staging fights and scenes for documentary films and fabricating data. Today, Do No Harm is a central ethical value in anthropology. However, it can be difficult to predict every challenge one may encounter in the field or after the work is published. Anthropologists must continually reevaluate their research and writing to ensure that it does not harm the informants or their communities. Before fieldwork begins, researchers from universities, colleges, and institutions usually must submit their research agendas to an institutional review board (IRB). IRBs review research plans to ensure that the proposed studies will not harm human subjects. In many cases, the IRB is aware of the unique challenges and promise of anthropological research and can guide the researcher in eliminating or mitigating potential ethical problems. Obtain Informed Consent In addition to taking care to do no harm, anthropologists must obtain informed consent from all of their informants before conducting any research. Informed consent is the informant’s agreement to take part in the study. Originally developed in the context of medical and psychological research, this ethical guideline is also relevant to anthropology. Informants must be aware of who the anthropologist is and the research topic, who is financially and otherwise supporting the research, how the research will be used, and who will have access to it. Finally, their participation must be optional and not coerced. They should be able to stop participating at any time and be aware of
and comfortable with any risks associated with their participation. In medical and psychological research
settings in the United States, researchers typically obtain informed consent by asking prospective participants to sign a document that outlines the research and the risks involved in their participation, acknowledging that they agree to take part. In some anthropological contexts, however, this type of informed consent may not be appropriate. People may not trust the state, bureaucratic processes, or authority, for example. Asking them to sign a formal legal-looking document may intimidate them. Likewise, informed consent cannot be obtained with a signed document if many in the community cannot read. The anthropologist must determine the most appropriate way to obtain informed consent in the context of the particular research setting. Maintain Anonymity and Privacy Another important ethical consideration for anthropologists in the field is ensuring the anonymity and privacy of informants
who need such protection. When I did research among undocumented Mexican immigrant college students, I recognized that my informants’ legal status put them at considerable risk. I took care to use pseudonyms for all of the informants, even when writing field notes. In my writing, I changed the names of the informants’ relatives, friends, schools, and work places to protect them from being identified. Maintaining privacy and anonymity is an important way for anthropologists to ensure that their involvement does no harm. 64 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Make Results Accessible Finally, anthropologists must always make their final research results accessible
to their informants and to other researchers. For informants, a written report in the researcher’s native language may not be the best way to convey the results. Reports can be translated or the results can be converted into a more accessible format. Examples of creative ways in which anthropologists have made
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their results available include establishing accessible databases for their research data, contributing to existing databases, producing films that portray the results, and developing texts or recommendations that provide tangible assistance to the informants’ communities. Though it is not always easy to make research results accessible in culturally appropriate ways, it is essential that others have the opportunity
to review and benefit from the research, especially those who participated in its creation. WRITING ETHNOGRAPHY Analysis and Interpretation of Research Findings Once all or most of the fieldwork is complete, ethnographers analyze their data and research findings before beginning to write. There are many techniques for data analysis from which to choose based on the strategy and goals of the research. Regardless of the particular technique, data analysis involves a systematic interpretation of what the researcher thinks the data mean. The ethnographer reviews all of the data collected, synthesizes findings from the review, and integrates those findings with prior studies on the topic. Once the analysis is complete, the ethnographer is ready to write an account of the fieldwork. Ethnographic Authority In recent years, anthropologists have expressed concern about how ethnographies should be written in terms of ethnographic authority: how ethnographers present themselves and their informants
in text. In a nonfiction text, the author is a mediator between readers and the topic and the text is written to help readers understand an unfamiliar topic. In an ethnography, the topic is people, and people naturally vary in terms of their thoughts, opinions, beliefs, and perspectives. That is, they have individual voices. In the past, anthropologists commonly wrote ethnographic accounts as if they possessed the ultimate most complete scientific knowledge on the topic. Subsequently, anthropologists began to challenge that writing style, particularly when it did not include the voices of their informants in the text and analysis. Some of this criticism originated with feminist anthropologists who noted that women’s experiences and perspectives frequently were omitted and misrepresented in this style of writing. Others believed that this style of writing reinforced existing global power dynamics and privileges afforded to Western anthropologists’ voices as most important. Polyvocality 65 In response to criticisms about ethnographic authority, anthropologists have begun to include polyvocality. A polyvocal text is one in which more than one person’s voice is presented, and its use can range from ensuring that informants’ perspectives are presented in the text while still writing in the researcher’s voice to including informants’ actual words rather than paraphrasing them and co-authoring the ethnography with an informant. A good example of polyvocality is anthropologist Ruth Behar’s book Translated Woman: Crossing the Border with Esperanza’s Story (1993). Behar’s book documents the life story of a Mexican street peddler, Esperanza Hernández, and their unique friendship. Large sections of the book are in Esperanza’s own words and discuss issues that are important to her. Behar also includes pieces of her own life story and an anthropological analysis of Esperanza’s story. By using polyvocality, researchers can avoid writing from the perspective of the ultimate ethnographic authority. A polyvocal style also allows readers to be more involved in the text since they have the opportunity to form their own opinions about the ethnographic data and perhaps even critique the author’s analysis. It also encourages anthropologists to be more transparent when presenting their methods and data. Reflexivity Reflexivity is another relatively new approach to ethnographic research and writing. Beginning in the 1960s, social science researchers began to think more carefully about the effects of their life experiences, status, and roles on their research and analyses. They began to insert themselves into their texts, including information about their personal experiences, thoughts, and life stories and to analyze in the accounts how those characteristics affected their research and analysis. Adoption of reflexivity is perhaps the most significant change in how ethnography is researched and written in the past 50 years. It calls on anthropologists to acknowledge that they are part of the world they study and
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thus can never truly be objective. Reflexivity has also contributed to anthropologists’ appreciation of the
unequal power dynamics of research and the effects those dynamics can have on the results. Reflexivity reminds the ethnographer that there are multiple ways to interpret any given cultural scenario. By acknowledging how their backgrounds affect their interpretations, anthropologists can begin to remove themselves from the throne of ethnographic authority and allow other, lessempowered voices to be heard.
ETHICAL HISTORY and AAA
THOUGHTS ON CULTURE OVER A CUP OF COFFEE Do you think culture can be studied in a coffee shop? Have you ever gone to a coffee shop, sat down with a book or laptop, and listened to conversations around you? If you just answered yes, in a way, you were acting as an anthropologist. Anthropologists like to become a part of their surroundings, observing and participating with people doing day-to-day things. As two anthropologists writing a chapter about the culture concept, we wanted to know what other people thought about culture. What better place to meet than at our community coffee shop? 29 Our small coffee shop was filled with the aroma of coffee beans, and the voices of people competed with the sound of the coffee grinder. At the counter a chalkboard listed the daily specials of sandwiches and desserts. (Coffee shops have their own language, with vocabulary such as macchiato and latte. It can
feel like entering a foreign culture.) We found a quiet corner that would allow us to observe other people (and hopefully identify a few to engage with) without disturbing them too much with our conversation. We understand the way that anthropologists think about culture, but we were also wondering what the people sitting around us might have to say. Would having a definition of culture really mean something to the average coffee-shop patron? Is a definition important? Do people care? We were very lucky that morning because sitting next to us was a man working on his laptop, a service dog lying at his feet. Meeting Bob at the Coffee Shop Having an animal in a food-service business is not usually allowed, but in our community people can have their service dogs with them. This young golden retriever wore a harness that displayed a sign stating the owner was diabetic. This dog was very friendly;
in fact, she wanted to be touched and would not leave us alone, wagging her tail and pushing her nose against our hands. This is very unusual because many service dogs, like seeing eye dogs, are not to be touched. Her owner, Bob, let us know that his dog must be friendly and not afraid to approach people: if
Bob needs help in an emergency, such as a diabetic coma, the dog must go to someone else for help. We enjoyed meeting Bob and his dog, and we asked if he would like to answer our question: what is culture? Bob was happy to share his thoughts and ideas. Bob feels that language is very important to cultural identity. He believes that if one loses language, one also loses important information about wildlife, indigenous plants, and ways of being. As a member of a First Nations tribe, Bob believes that words have deep cultural meaning. Most importantly, he views English as the language of commerce. Bob is concerned with the influence of Western consumerism and how it changes cultural identity. Bob is not an anthropologist. He was just a person willing to share his ideas. Without knowing it, though, Bob
had described some of the elements of anthropology. He had focused on the importance of language and the loss of tradition when it is no longer spoken, and he had recognized that language is a part of cultural identity. He was worried about globalization and consumerism changing cultural values. With Bob’s opinions in mind, we started thinking about how we, two cultural anthropologists, would answer the same question about culture. Our training shapes our understandings of the question, yet we know there is more to culture concepts than a simple definition. Why is asking the culture concept question important to anthropologists? Does it matter? Is culture something that we can understand without
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studying it formally? In this chapter, we will illustrate how anthropology developed the culture concept. Our journey will include the importance of storytelling and the way that anthropology became a social science. Along the way, we will learn about some important scholars and be introduced to anthropology in North America. Let’s begin with our discussion of storytelling by taking a look at Gulliver’s Travels. STORIES AS A REFLECTION ON CULTURE 30 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Stories are told in every culture and often teach a moral lesson to young children. Fables are similar, but often set an example for people to live by or describe what to do when in a dangerous situation. They can also be a part of traditions, help to preserve ways of life, or explain mysteries. Storytelling takes many different forms such as tall tales and folktales. These are for entertainment or to discuss problems encountered in life. Both are also a form of cultural preservation, a way to communicate morals or values to the next generation. Stories can also be a form of social control over certain activities or customs that are not allowed in a society. A fable becomes a tradition by being retold and accepted by others in the community. Different cultures have very similar stories sharing common themes. One of the most common themes is the battle between good and evil. Another is the story of the quest. The quest often takes the character to distant lands, filled with real-life
situations, opportunities, hardships, and heartaches. In both of these types of stories, the reader is introduced to the anthropological concept known as the Other. What exactly is the Other? The Other is a term that has been used to describe people whose customs, beliefs, or behaviors are “different” from one’s own. Travel writer Lemuel Gulliver is captured and tied down by the Lilliputians. Can a story explain the concept of the Other? Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels is about four different voyages that Gulliver undertakes. His first adventure is the most well-known; in the story, Lemuel Gulliver is a surgeon who plans a sea voyage when his business fails. During a storm at sea, he is shipwrecked, and he awakens to find himself bound and secured by a group of captors—the Lil31 liputians—who are six inches tall. Gulliver, having what Europeans consider a normal body height, suddenly becomes a giant. During this adventure, Gulliver is seen as an outsider, a stranger with different features and language. Gulliver becomes the Other. What lessons about culture can we learn from Gulliver’s Travels? Swift’s story offers lessons about cultural differences, conflicts occurring in human society, and the balance of power. It also provides an important example of the Other. The Other is a matter of perspective in this story: Gulliver thinks the Lilliputians are strange and unusual. To Gulliver, the Lilliputians are the Other, but the Lilliputians equally see Gulliver as the Other—he is their captive and is a rare species of man because of his size. The themes in Gulliver’s Travels describe different cultures and aspects of storytelling. The story uses language, customary behaviors, and the conflict between different groups to explore ideas of the exotic and strange. The story is framed as an adventure, but is really about how similar cultures can be. In the end, Gulliver becomes a member of another cultural group, learning new norms, attitudes, and behaviors. At the same time, he wants to colonize them, a reflection of his former cultural self. Stories are an important part of culture, and when used to pass on traditions or cultural values, they can connect people to the past. Stories are also a way to validate religious, social, political, and economic practices from one generation to another. Stories are important because they are used in some societies to apply social pressure, to keep people in line, and are part of shaping the way that people think and behave. Anthropologists as Storytellers People throughout recorded history have relied on storytelling as a way to share cultural details. When early anthropologists studied people from other civilizations, they relied on the written accounts and opinions of others; they presented facts and developed their “stories,” about other cultures based solely on information gathered by others. These scholars did not have any direct contact with the people they were studying. This approach has come to
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be known as armchair anthropology. Simply put, if a culture is viewed from a distance (as from an armchair), the anthropologist tends to measure that culture from his or her own vantage point and to draw comparisons that place the anthropologist’s culture as superior to the one being studied. This point of view is also called ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism is an attitude based on the idea that one’s own
group or culture is better than any other. Early anthropological studies often presented a biased ethnocentric interpretation of the human condition. For example, ideas about racial superiority emerged as a result of studying the cultures that were encountered during the colonial era. During the colonial era from the sixteenth century to the mid–twentieth century, European countries (Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Dutch Republic, Spain, Portugal) asserted control over land (Asia, Africa, the Americas) and people. European ideas of wrong and right were used as a measuring stick to judge the way that people in different cultures lived. These other cultures were considered primitive, which was an ethnocentric term for people who were non-European. It is also a negative term suggesting that indigenous cultures had a lack of technological advancement. Colonizers thought that they were superior to the Other in every way. 32 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Sir James Frazer is among the founders of modern anthropology. Armchair anthropologists were unlikely to be aware of their ethnocentric ideas because they did not visit the cultures they studied. Scottish social anthropologist Sir James Frazer is well-known for his 1890 work The
Golden Bough: A Study of Comparative Religions. Its title was later changed to A Study in Magic and Religion, and it was one of the first books to describe and record magical and religious beliefs of different culture groups around the world. Yet, this book was not the outcome of extensive study in the field. Instead, Frazer relied on the accounts of others who had traveled, such as scholars, missionaries, and government officials, to formulate his study. Another example of anthropological writing without the use of fieldwork is Sir E. B. Tylor’s 1871 work Primitive Culture. Tylor, who went on to become the first professor of anthropology at Oxford University in 1896, was an important influence in the development of sociocultural anthropology as a separate discipline. Tylor defined culture as “that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.” 1 His definition of culture is still used frequently today and remains the foundation to the culture concept in anthropology. Drawing of a Mother and Child in Malaysia From Anthropology: An Introduction to the Study of Man and Civilization, E.B. Tylor, 1904 Tylor’s definition of culture was influenced by the popular theories and philosophies of his time, including the work of Charles Darwin. Darwin formulated the theory of evolution by natural selection in his 1859 book On the Origin of Species. Scholars of the time period, including Tylor, believed that cultures were subject to evolution just like plants and animals and thought that cultures developed over 33 time from simple to complex. Many nineteenth century anthropologists believed that cultures evolved through distinct stages. They labeled these stages with terms such as savagery, barbarism, and civilization.2 These theories of cultural evolutionism would later be successfully refuted, but conflicting views about cultural evolutionism in the nineteenth century highlight an ongoing nature versus nurture debate about whether biology shapes behavior more than culture. Both Frazer and Tylor contributed important and foundational studies even though they never went into the field to gather their information. Armchair anthropologists were important in the development of anthropology as a discipline in the late nineteenth century because although these early scholars were not directly experiencing the cultures they were studying, their work did ask important questions—questions that could ultimately only be answered by going into the field. Anthropologists as Cultural Participants The armchair approach as a way to study culture changed when scholars such as Bronislaw Malinowski,
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Alfred Radcliffe-Brown, Franz Boas, and Margaret Mead took to the field and studied by being participants and observers. As they did, fieldwork became the most important tool anthropologists used to understand the “complex whole” of culture. Bronislaw Malinowski, a Polish anthropologist, was greatly influenced by the work of Frazer. However, unlike the armchair anthropology approach Frazer used in writing The Golden Bough, Malinowski used more innovative ethnographic techniques, and his fieldwork took him off the veranda to study different cultures. The off the veranda approach is different from armchair anthropology because it includes active participant-observation: traveling to a location, living among people, and observing their day-to-day lives. Bronislaw Malinowski in the Trobriand Islands, 1915–1918 What happened when Malinowski came off the veranda? The Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922) was considered the first modern ethnography and redefined the approach to fieldwork. This book is 34 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY part of Malinowski’s trilogy on the Trobriand Islanders. Malinowski lived with them and observed life in their villages. By living among the islanders, Malinowski was able to learn about their social life, food and shelter, sexual behaviors, community economics, patterns of kinship, and family. 3 Malinowski went “native” to some extent during his fieldwork with the Trobriand Islanders. Going native means to become fully integrated into a cultural group: taking leadership positions and assuming key roles in society; entering into a marriage or spousal contract; exploring sexuality or fully participating in rituals. When an anthropologist goes native, the anthropologist is personally involved with locals. In The Argonauts of the Western Pacific, Malinowski suggested that other anthropologists should “grasp the native’s point of view, his relations to life, to realize his vision of his world.” 4 However, as we will see later in this chapter, Malinowski’s practice of going native presented problems from an ethical point of view. Participant-observation is a method to gather ethnographic data, but going native places both the anthropologist and the culture group at risk by blurring the lines on both sides of the relationship. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THEORIES OF CULTURE Anthropology in Europe The discipline of cultural anthropology developed somewhat differently in Europe and North America, in particular in the United States, during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries with each region contributing new dimensions to the concept of culture. Many European anthropologists were particularly interested in questions about how societies were structured and how they remained stable over time. This highlighted emerging recognition that culture and society are not the same. Culture had been defined by
Tylor as knowledge, beliefs, and customs, but a society is more than just shared ideas or habits. In every society, people are linked to one another through social institutions such as families, political organizations, and businesses. Anthropologists across Europe often focused their research on understanding the form and function of these social institutions. European anthropologists developed theories of functionalism to explain how social institutions contribute to the organization of society and the maintenance of social order. Bronislaw Malinowski believed that cultural traditions were developed as a response to specific human needs such as food, comfort, safety, knowledge, reproduction, and economic livelihood. One function of educational institutions like schools, for instance, is to provide knowledge that prepares people to obtain jobs and make contributions to society. Although he preferred the term structural-functionalism, the British anthropologist A.R. Radcliffe-Brown was also interested in the way that social structures functioned to maintain social stability in a society over time.5
He suggested that in many societies it was the family that served as the most important social structure because family relationships determined much about an individual’s social, political, and economic relationships and these patterns were repeated from one generation to the next. In a family unit in which the father is the breadwinner and the mother stays home to raise the children, the social and
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economic roles of both the husband and the wife will be largely defined by their specific responsibilities within the family. If their children grow up to follow the same arrangement, these social roles will be continued in the next generation. In the twentieth century, functionalist approaches also became popular in North American anthropology, but eventually fell out of favor. One of the biggest critiques of functionalism is that it views cultures as stable and orderly and ignores or cannot explain social change. Functionalism also struggles 35 Franz Boas, One of the Founders of American Anthropology, 1915 to explain why a society develops one particular kind of social institution instead of another. Functionalist perspectives did contribute to the development of more sophisticated concepts of culture by establishing the importance of social institutions in holding societies together. While defining the division between what is cultural and what is social continues to be complex, functionalist theory helped
to develop the concept of culture by demonstrating that culture is not just set of ideas or beliefs, but consists of specific practices and social institutions that give structure to daily life and allow human communities to function. Anthropology in the United States During the development of anthropology in North America (Canada, United States, and Mexico), the significant contribution made by the American School of Anthropology in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was the concept of cultural relativism,
which is the idea that cultures cannot be objectively understood since all humans see the world through the lens of their own culture. Cultural relativism is different than ethnocentrism because it emphasizes understanding culture from an insider’s view. The focus on culture, along with the idea of cultural relativism, distinguished cultural anthropology in the United States from social anthropology in Europe. The participant-observation method of fieldwork was a revolutionary change to the practice of anthropology, but at the same time it presented problems that needed to be overcome. The challenge was to move away from ethnocentrism, race stereotypes, and colonial attitudes, and to move forward by encouraging anthropologists to maintain high ethical standards and open minds. Franz Boas, an American anthropologist, is acknowledged for redirecting American anthropologists away from cultural evolutionism and toward cultural relativism. Boas first studied physical science at the University of Kiel in Germany. Because he was a trained scientist, he was familiar with using empirical methods as a way to study a subject. Empirical methods are based on evidence that can be tested using observation and experiment. In 1883, Franz Boas went on a geographical expedition to Baffin Island in the Canadian Arctic. The Central Eskimo (1888) details his time spent on Baffin Island studying the culture and language of the central Eskimo (Inuit) people. He studied every aspect of their culture such as tools, clothing, and shelters. This study was Boas’ first major contribution to the American school of anthropology and convinced him that cultures could only be understood through extensive field research. As he observed on Baffin Island, cultural ideas and practices are shaped through interactions with the natural environment. The cultural traditions of the Inuit were suited for the environment in which they lived. This work led him to promote cultural relativism: the principle that a culture must be understood on its own terms rather than compared to an outsider’s standard. This was an important turning point in correcting the challenge of ethnocentrism in ethnographic fieldwork.6 Boas is often considered the originator of American anthropology because he trained the first gener36 PERSPECTIVES:
AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Ruth Benedict, 1936 ation of American anthropologists including Ruth Benedict, Margaret Mead, and Alfred Kroeber. Using a commitment to cultural relativism as a starting point, these students continued to refine the concept of culture. Ruth Benedict, one of Boas’ first female students, used cultural relativism as a starting point for investigating the cultures of the American northwest and southwest. Her best-selling book Patterns of Culture (1934) emphasized that culture gives people coherent patterns for thinking and behaving. She argued that
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culture affects individuals psychologically, shaping individual personality traits and leading the members of a culture to exhibit similar traits such as tendency toward aggression, or calmness. Benedict was a professor at Columbia University and in turn greatly influenced her student Margaret Mead, who went on to become one of the most well-known female American cultural anthropologists. Mead was a pioneer in conducting ethnographic research at a time when the discipline was predominately male. Her
1925 research on adolescent girls on the island of Ta‘ū in the Samoan Islands, published as Coming of Age in Samoa (1928), revealed that teenagers in Samoa did not experience the same stress and emotional difficulties as those in the United States. The book was an important contribution to the nature versus nurture debate, providing an argument that learned cultural roles were more important than biology. The book also reinforced the idea that individual emotions and personality traits are products of culture. Alfred Louis Kroeber, another student of Boas, also shared the commitment to field research and cultural relativism, but Kroeber was particularly interested in how cultures change over time and influence one another. Through publications like The Nature of Culture (1952), Kroeber examined the historical processes that led cultures to emerge as distinct configurations as well as the way cultures could become more similar through the spread or diffusion of cultural traits. Kroeber was also interested in language and the role it plays in transmitting culture. He devoted much of his career to
studying Native American languages in an attempt to document these languages before they disappeared. Anthropologists in the United States have used cultural relativism to add depth to the concept of culture in several ways. Tylor had defined culture as including knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, custom, capabilities and habits. Boas and his students added to this definition by emphasizing the importance of enculturation, the process of learning culture, in the lives of individuals. Benedict, Mead, and others established that through enculturation culture shapes individual identity, self-
awareness, and emotions in fundamental ways. They also emphasized the need for holism, approaches to research that considered the entire context of a society including its history. Kroeber and others also established the importance of language as an element of culture and documented the ways in which language was used to communicate complex ideas. By the late twentieth century, new approaches to symbolic anthropology put language at the center of analysis. Later on, Clifford Geertz, the founding member of postmodernist anthropology, noted in his book The Interpretation of Cultures (1973) that culture should not be seen as something that was “locked inside people’s heads.” Instead, culture was publically communicated through speech and other behaviors. Culture, he concluded, is “an historically transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which men communicate, perpetuate, and 37 develop their knowledge about and their attitudes toward life.” 7 This definition, which continues to be influential today, reflects the influence of many earlier efforts to refine the concept of culture in American anthropology. Ethical Issues in Truth Telling As anthropologists developed more sophisticated concepts of culture, they also gained a greater understanding of the ethical challenges associated with anthropological research. Because participantobservation fieldwork brings anthropologists into close relationships with the people
they study, many complicated issues can arise. Cultural relativism is a perspective that encourages anthropologists to show respect to members of other cultures, but it was not until after World War II that the profession of anthropology recognized a need to develop formal standards of professional conduct. The Nuremberg trials, which began in 1945 in Nuremberg, Germany and were conducted under
the direction of the France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States, prosecuted members of the Nazi regime for war crimes. In addition to military and political figures, physicians and scientists were also prosecuted for unethical human experimentation and mass murder. The trials
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demonstrated that physicians and other scientists could be dangerous if they used their skills for abusive
or exploitative goals. The Nuremberg Code that emerged from the trials is considered a landmark document in medical and research ethics. It established principles for the ethical treatment of the human subjects involved in any medical or scientific research. Many universities adopted principles from
the Nuremberg Code to write ethical guidelines for the treatment of human subjects. Anthropologists and students who work in universities where these guidelines exist are obliged to follow these rules. The
American Anthropological Association (AAA), along with many anthropology organizations in other countries, developed codes of ethics describing specific expectations for anthropologists engaged in research in a variety of settings. The principles in the AAA code of ethics include: do no harm; be open and honest regarding your work; obtain informed consent and necessary permissions; ensure the vulnerable populations in every study are protected from competing ethical obligations; make your results accessible; protect and preserve your records; and maintain respectful and ethical professional relationships. These principles sound simple, but can be complicated in practice. Bronislaw Malinowski The career of Bronislaw Malinowski provides an example of how investigations of culture can lead anthropologists into difficult ethical areas. As discussed above, Malinowski is widely regarded as a leading figure in the history of anthropology. He initiated the practice of participant-observation fieldwork and published several highly regarded books including The Argonauts of the Western Pacific. Following his death, the private diary he kept while conducting fieldwork was discovered and published as A Diary in the Strictest Sense of the Term (1967). The diary described Malinowski’s feelings of loneliness and isolation, but also included a great deal of information about his sexual fantasies as well his some insensitive and contemptuous opinions about the Trobriand Islanders. The diary provided valuable insight into the mind of an important ethnographer, but also raised questions about the extent to which his personal feelings, including bias and racism, were reflected in his official conclusions. Most anthropologists keep diaries or daily notes as a means of keeping track of the research project, 38 PERSPECTIVES: AN OPEN INTRODUCTION TO CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Yanomami Woman and Child, 1997 but these records are almost never made public. Because Malinowski’s diary was published after his death, he could not explain why he wrote what he did, or assess the extent to which he was able to separate the personal from the professional. Which of these books best reflects the truth about Malinowski’s interaction with the Trobriand Islanders? This rare insight into the private life of a field researcher demonstrates that even when anthropologists are acting within the boundaries of professional ethics, they still struggle to set aside their own ethnocentric attitudes and prejudices. Napoleon Chagnon A more serious and complicated incident concerned research conducted among the Yanomami, an indigenous group living in the Amazon rainforest in Brazil and Venezuela. Starting in the 1960s, the anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon and James Neel, a geneticist, carried out research among the Yanomami. Neel was interested in studying the effects of radiation released by nuclear explosions on people living in remote areas. Chagnon was investigating theories about the role of violence in Yanomami society. In 2000, an American journalist, Patrick Tierney, published a book about Chagnon and Neel’s research: Darkness in El Dorado: How Scientists and Journalists Devastated the Amazon. The book contained numerous stunning allegations, including a claim that the pair had deliberately infected the Yanomami with measles, starting an epidemic that killed thousands of people. The book also claimed that Neel had conducted medical experiments without the consent of the Yanomami and that Chagnon had deliberately created conflicts between Yanomami groups so he could study the resulting violence. These allegations were brought to the attention of the American Anthropological Association, and a number of inquiries were eventually conducted. James Neel was deceased, but Napoleon Chagnon
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steadfastly denied the allegations. In 2002, the AAA issued their report; Chagnon was judged to have misrepresented the violent nature of Yanomami culture in ways that caused them harm and to have failed to obtain proper consent for his research. However, Chagnon continued to reject these conclusions and complained that the process used to evaluate the evidence was unfair. In 2005, the AAA
rescinded its own conclusion, citing problems with the investigation process. The results of several years
of inquiry into the situation satisfied few people. Chagnon was not definitively pronounced guilty, nor was he exonerated. Years later, debate over this episode continues.8 The controversy demonstrates the extent to which truth can be elusive in anthropological inquiry. Although anthropologists should not be storytellers in the sense that they deliberately create fictions, differences in perspective and theoretical orientation create unavoidable differences in the way anthropologists interpret the same situation. Anthropologists must try to use their toolkit of theory and methods to ensure that the stories they tell are truthful and represent the voice of the people being studied using an ethical approach.
Case Study: Global Demand for Quinoa When a group of people is afforded little status in a society, their
food is often likewise denigrated.49 Until recently, this held true for quinoa in Bolivian society, which was associated with indigenous peasants.50 Mirroring “first world” patterns from the U.S. and Europe, city dwellers preferred foods like pasta and wheat-based products. Conspicuous consumption of these products provided them with an opportunity to showcase their “sophisticated” choices and tastes. Not surprisingly, there was little local demand for quinoa in Bolivian markets. Further undercutting the appeal of producing quinoa, the Bolivian government’s adoption of neoliberal policies eliminated the meager financial protections available to peasant farmers. If that was not bad enough, a significant drought in the early 1980s spelled disaster for many small farmers in the southern Altiplano region of Bolivia. As a result of these overlapping and amplifying obstacles, many people moved to 1) cities, like La
Paz; 2) nearby countries, like Chile, and even 3) to Europe. The situation faced by Bolivian peasants is not unique. More than half of the world’s people currently live in cities. This is the result of widespread urbanization that began at the end of World War II and stretched into the 1990s. As a result, many peasants lost access to their traditional modes of subsistence. Although migration to the city can provide
benefits like access to education, infrastructure, and wage-labor, it can also result in a loss of identity and many peasants who migrate into cities are forced to subsist on the margins in substandard conditions, especially as they most often arrive without the social and cultural capital necessary to succeed in this new environment. Fortuitously for indigenous Bolivians, the structural adjustments adopted by their government coincided with foreigners’ growing interest in organic and health foods. Although it is often assumed that rural peasants only produce food for their own subsistence and for very local markets, this is not always the case. In some situations, peasants may bypass local markets entirely and export their commodities to places where they have more cultural capital, and hence financial value (see discussion of taste above). In the 1970s, the introduction of tractors to the region enabled farmers to cultivate quinoa in the lowlands in addition to the hillside terraces they had previously favored. In the 1980s, cooperative groups of farmers were able to find buyers in the Global North who were willing to import quinoa. These cooperatives researched the best ways to expand production and invested in machines to make the process more efficient. Now, quinoa is such a valuable
commodity that many of those individuals who had previously abandoned the region are now returning to the Altiplano. Yet this is not a simple success story, espe323 cially because there are serious issues associated with the re-peasantization of the Bolivian countryside and with the fact that a healthy local
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crop has been removed from many people’s regular diets since it can be sold to the Global North. Another serious issue raised by the reverse migration from the cities back to the Altiplano concerns environmental sustainability. It is easier to grow large quantities of quinoa in the flat lowlands than it is on the steep hillsides, but the lowland soil is much less conducive to its growth. The use of machinery has helped a great deal, but has also led to a decline in the use of llamas, which have a symbiotic relationship with quinoa. Farmers must now invest in fertilizer rather than using manure provided by their own animals. The global quinoa boom also raises questions about identity and communal decision-
making. Conflict has arisen between families that stayed in the region and those that are returning from the cities. Pedro, a farmer who stayed in the region, says of the others “those people have returned – but as strangers.”51 The two groups often clash in terms of what it means to respect the land and how money from this new cash crop should be used. So has the international demand for quinoa been a good thing for rural Bolivian peasants? In some ways yes, but in other ways no.; on the whole, it may be too soon to know for sure.
KINSHIP CHARTS
When used by anthropologists, the genealogical method involves using symbols and diagrams to document relationships. Circles represent women and girls, triangles represent men and boys, and squares represent ambiguous or unknown gender. Equal signs between individuals represent their union
or marriage and vertical lines descending from a union represent parent-child relationships. The death of an individual and the termination of a marriage are denoted by diagonal lines drawn across the shapes and equal signs. Kinship charts are diagramed from the perspective of one person who is called the Ego, and all of the relationships in the chart are based on how the others are related to the Ego. Individuals in a chart are sometimes identified by numbers or names, and an accompanying list provides moredetailed informatio
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