WGST 322 ASSG 3
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WGST 322
Assignment 3
1
Section 1
1.
Read, listen to, and watch the poem “
I Want a Dyke for President
” by Zoe Leonard. a.
Add three lines to the poem. Who do you think should be president, prime minister, premier, mayor, and/or community leader?
1.
I want a disabled person for Prime Minister. Someone who has had their limb amputated because they fought in a war that was created by previous leaders to boost their ego.
2.
I want a single mother for Prime Minister. A woman who has had to juggle her life to create a balance for her work, her children, and her profession. Been called out for being late to pick up her child and yet never fail to bake cookies for school family days.
3.
I want a trans-person for Prime Minister. A person who has buried their friends that have been victims of hate crimes and still came out a stronger being. A person who sought counsel from therapists for the most part of their adult life and remains strong and sees the best in everyone.
b.
Respond to the poem and performance. What struck you about the poem/performance? What do you think would change in our society if our leaders came from marginalized populations as named by Leonard? (250 words)
What struck me the most was the boldness and body language of the performer. They spoke about marginalized people in the community with so much passion, seeking change in leadership to feel better represented. The words in the poem are radical and feel needed in the cutthroat society we live in. When I
look deeper into the poem, I do believe that if our leaders came from a more marginalized population, the world would be a better place. Most representatives in the government in today’s world have been groomed for those positions. They have not really experienced the hardships of the people they represent in parliament. During campaigns, promises are easier to make, and that is why most leaders take advantage of vulnerable populations by giving them promises of proper representation. However, if a
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leader came from a marginalized population, where they have lived the experiences of those they will be representing. The possibility of taking care of problems that are experienced by their colleagues becomes much easier. Moreover, they know where to start addressing those issues because they have experienced them firsthand. I think the priority of matters to be addressed and fixed would change, should a leader come from a marginalized population. I believe that those who have been left out for many years will finally be taken care of. However, I believe there would be so much backlash coming from the oppressive
society, who might not agree to be led by a leader from a marginalized population.
2.
Read and/or listen to these four pieces:
Thompson, D. (2009). Racial ideas and gendered intimacies: The regulation of interracial relationships in North America.
Social & Legal Studies,
18
(3), 353–371.
Campbell, T. K. (2018, December 27). Making love under Indian Acts.
briarpatch
.
Moss, E. L., Stam, H. J., & Kattevilder, D. (2013). From suffrage to sterilization: Eugenics and the women’s movement in 20th century Alberta.
Canadian Psychology, 54
(2), 105–114.
Moran, P. (Writer). (2018, November 13).
Indigenous women kept from seeing their newborn babies until
agreeing to sterilization, says lawyer. In I. Sturino & W. Smith (Producers),
The current
. CBC Radio.
a.
Why did the Canadian government create Section 12.1.b of the Indian Act? Why did American states prohibit interracial relationships, sex, and marriage? (500 words)
In Canada, the Indian Act section 12.1.b was created to extinguish the recognition of Indigenous self-
government structures (Thompson, 2009). The Indian Act was primarily designed to administer Indian Status and management of reserve land. It created barriers that stopped a child born of an Aboriginal woman and a non-Aboriginal father from being granted Indian legal status. Thompson argues that the various versions of the Indian Act, originally enacted in 1876, effectively worked on a racial level to restrict the marriage between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people (2009). A key part of the Act
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enumerated the several ways in which Aboriginal people could lose their status and, thus, their claim to Aboriginal land title and state provisions. Before it was amended in 1985, the most egregious section of the Act (Section 12.1.b) stipulated that an Indian woman who married a non-Indian man would lose her Indian status and her children’s Indian status, whereas an Indian man who married a non-Indian woman would retain his status, as would his children. In this way, the thorny question of having multiple racial identities could be avoided. The Indian Act of 1876 attempted to codify and formalize the provisions of the Royal Proclamation and all other accumulated acts of government with respect to First Nations along the lines of a paternalistic “civilizing policy.”
In the United States, the prohibition of interracial relationships exposes the state’s regulation of intimate life. With the intention to prevent interracial relations, the United States created these anti-
miscegenation laws to draw boundaries around various racial identities, determining which race is more prominent than the other in order to maintain hierarchical boundaries among races. The other purpose of these laws was geared towards stealing the Aboriginal people’s land by using state sanctions that denied land ownership to them. Aboriginal women who married non-Aboriginal men paid the high price of being
denied Indian status, expelled from reserve land, expunged from band membership lists, and denied access to federal services designed for status Indians only. It brought about loss of identity and belonging as well as loss of legal position vis-à-vis
the crown. Some of the most impactful provisions of the Indian Act (and its subsequent amendments) were:
The prohibition against owning, acquiring, or “pre-empting” land.
The dismantling of traditional institutions of Aboriginal government and the banning of ceremonial practices
The imposition of the band council system, which was foreign to Aboriginal tradition and powerless to make meaningful decisions without the approval of the Department of Indian Affairs
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Denial of the power to allocate funds and resources.
The prohibition against hiring lawyers or seeking legal redress in pursuing land claims.
The denial of the right to vote municipally (until 1948), provincially (until 1949), and federally (until 1960) (Mathias & Yabsley, 1991)
b.
Consider Tenille K. Campbell’s piece, Moss et al.’s article, and the CBC Radio story, and discuss how sexual freedom, biological and cultural reproduction, and race are defined and understood by the different perspectives in these pieces. (500 words)
After reading Tenille’s piece “Making love under Indian Acts,” the fearful emotions the character has
for giving her body to a prohibited love displays the lack of sexual freedom brought about by anti-
miscegenation laws. The character expresses her discomfort when she describes how the love affair she is having should not result in pregnancy because if a child should be born under those circumstances, they would suffer under the laws that have been placed to discriminate against them by lawmakers. In her next poem, Tenille expresses her feelings for what she sees in the settler’s government. The
government is in control of who is Indian and who is not. The writer describes the fear the character has and how she suppresses her feelings for the white boy she fell in love with because the “cultural reproduction” offspring of their intimacy would lose Indian Status. T
he settler government retains control over who is Indian and who is not. Within two generations of status people having children with non-
status people, treaty rights could be wiped out. “How do we have reconciliation if mating with settlers still means our kids will be directly affected by an Indian Act that wants to be rid of Indians, to be rid of status rights? How can we have reconciliation if we are terminating the people whom settlers have to reconcile with?” Race in this case was not supposed to be mixed. The government-controlled cultural reproduction by creating sanctions caused fear among the child-bearing Aboriginal women.
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When the writer talks about the womb having the ability to dimmish community, politically and legally destroying status lineages depending on the person the character accepts to bear children with, it shows how much freedom the Indian Act of 1876 took from the Aboriginal women. It left a woman without status if she lay with a settler and bore children. The offspring would also lose their status.
In the article “From Suffrage to Sterilization”,
the authors discuss the works of eugenics where they conclude that despite maternal feminism’s acceptance of the political and cultural ethos of the time, it is important to note that the movement did have the intent of protecting vulnerable individuals and sought to look out for the best interests of the population (Moss et al., 2013). The idea of sterilization as a means to care for unfit women they argue that, it was meant to enhance the women’s potential opportunities—including release from a life of institutionalization. Lack of knowledge and understanding regarding both mental illness and racial differences and the unavailability of effective birth control, may have been significant contributing factors to the acceptance of eugenic principles.
The difficulties women have passed throughout the years to get recognized in society, and after gaining some track, a biologically invasive act took away their capability to bear children, especially women of a particular population. This was brought about by the fear that the particular population was reproducing at an alarming rate, which posed concerns about the impending decline of civilization (Moss et al., 2013). In the CBC news, the story in Saskatchewan was very recent. As recently as 2017, Aboriginal women were forced to agree to sterilization and extorted with their newborn babies, should they refuse (CBC Radio, 2018). These acts took place in a healthcare facility. These women were highly violated and deserved better than that. Section 2
1.
Take a look at Queering the Map
, an interactive map of queer spaces.
“
Queering the Map
is a community-generated mapping project that geo-locates queer moments, memories, and histories in relation to physical space. As queer life becomes increasingly less centered
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around specific neighborhoods and the buildings within them, notions of ‘queer spaces’ become more abstract and less tied to concrete geographical locations. The intent of the Queering the Map
project is to collectively document the spaces that hold queer memory, from park benches to parking garages, to mark moments of queerness wherever they occur.” (Queering the Map. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.queeringthemap.com/)
a.
Locate your community on the map, and explore some of the queer moments and spaces that exist in your area. In what ways do these queer moments and stories challenge heteronormativity in public spaces? (250 words)
I located a space that I existed in, on the Queering the Map. I was surprised to actually find out how many queer people existed in the same space as I did. Even when I felt alone, there was someone else feeling the same on the other side of the map. These stories/remarks made on the map, remind me of voices straining to be heard. Society is soaked up in religion and heteronormativity that takes up so much space while refusing to allow others to exist in love. The statement that sounded very familiar to me was, “
The land of my people. The place I call home, and sadly, a home where I can never be free enough to live my life as I would like. I have gone through it all, as many LGBTQI+; the judgment, the bullying, the hate. But I came out the other side stronger. I am not where I was years gone by, I have accepted myself and found love and happiness in my queerness. I live with the hope that one day, things will be better for us all. We will get to enjoy equal rights and live our lives like other people do. Until such a time however, I shall love whom I love and live my life, albeit not the full experience.”
These words sound like I wrote them myself. I long for that day when the lawmakers of the land would make it easier for the queer folk to exist without fear of being prosecuted or persecuted by people around them. The queer people want to be heard and they occupy these spaces without the knowledge that somebody is actually taking notice and voicing their remarks somewhere on a global platform. However, it would be even better if the public just accepted the queer people.
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2.
Read or watch these pieces:
Hooper, T., Kinsman, G., & Pearlston, K. (2019, February 14). Anti-69 FAQ.
Against the Mythologies of the 1969 Criminal Code Reform
.
Xtra. (2011, February 7).
Track two—enough is enough
[Video file].
Nash, C. J., & Bain, A. L. (2007). “Reclaiming raunch”? Spatializing queer identities at Toronto women’s bathhouse events.
Social & Cultural Geography, 8
(1), 47–62.
Ramirez, J. L., Gonzalez, K. A., & Galupo, M. P. (2018). “Invisible during my own crisis”: Responses of LGBT people of color to the Orlando shooting.
Journal of Homosexuality, 65
(5), 579–599.
a.
Are LGBTQ2S spaces—bars, pride parades, neighbourhoods—safe spaces for all members of the LGBTQ2S community? (500 words)
It is a complicated and nuanced subject to determine whether LGBTQ2S gathering places like pubs, pride festivals, and neighborhoods are safe for all community members. The experiences that LGBTQ2S people have in these spaces can vary greatly depending on intersecting identities like color, gender, financial status, and ability. Despite the fact that these spaces frequently foster a sense of community, visibility, and empowerment for many LGBTQ2S people, it is vital to recognize this.
On the one hand, LGBTQ2S spaces have traditionally been essential in giving marginalized people
a place to go when they feel rejected and unsupported by society at large. These settings can promote a feeling of community by providing a safe haven where people can express themselves openly without worrying about criticism or retribution. The LGBTQ2S community can meet, network, and find acceptance at these locations, which frequently serve as hubs for community building, advocacy, and cultural celebration.
For example, pride parades are frequently regarded as significant occasions that celebrate various sexual orientations and gender identities while fostering visibility and acceptance. They provide
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LGBTQ2S people with a forum through which to fight for equality, establish their legal rights, and question societal standards. Similar to this, LGBTQ2S bars and communities can serve as safe havens where people can interact with others, build support systems, and obtain services tailored to their needs.
However, it is critical to understand that LGBTQ2S spaces are not exempt from the intricacies of social power relations and systemic injustices. They may occasionally maintain social hierarchies and exclusions that marginalize particular LGBTQ2S communities. For instance, LGBTQ2S places have come under fire for promoting cisgender, white, wealthy, and physically fit people, while ignoring the needs and experiences of LGBTQ2S persons of color, transgender people, people with disabilities, and those from lower socioeconomic statuses.
According to research, intersectional discrimination, and exclusion against LGBTQ2S individuals of color frequently occurs in LGBTQ2S spaces. Racism, cultural insensitivity, and tokenization may be experienced by them, which can make the atmosphere unwelcoming. Likewise, transgender people may experience transphobia and gender policing, which limits their capacity to fully participate and feel comfortable. Additionally, LGBTQ2S environments may unintentionally reinforce standards and prejudices around age, physical attractiveness, and body image, thus excluding those who do not conform
to these standards.
It is essential to aggressively address and challenge these challenges if we are to develop LGBTQ2S environments that are really safe and inclusive. This entails encouraging diversity, equity, and inclusivity through deliberate programming, laws, and community involvement. The perspectives and experiences of marginalized groups within the LGBTQ2S community should be given priority by organizations and event planners, who should also consider intersecting identities and experiences.
LGBTQ2S places can be made more hospitable and affirming for all members of the community through promoting conversation, promoting education, and aggressively addressing problems with prejudice and exclusion. The first step in establishing environments that put a priority on the safety, well-
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being, and complete inclusion of all LGBTQ2S people is to recognize and challenge privilege and power dynamics in these spaces.
b.
After the 1969 changes to the Criminal Code pertaining to certain forms of private sex, why did police organizations launch raids on LGBTQ2S bars, bathhouses, and community establishments? Who remained vulnerable to police surveillance, violence, and arrests after 1969? (500 words)
Police departments continued to conduct raids on LGBTQ2S (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Two-Spirit) pubs, bathhouses, and community facilities after the Criminal Code were changed in 1969 to address specific types of private sex in Canada. Distinct reasons, such as societal
views, institutional bias, and the continuance of discrimination, contributed to these raids as well as the continuous surveillance, violence, and arrests against the LGBTQ2S group.
Societal Attitudes: Despite the revisions to the Criminal Code that decriminalized some forms of consenting adult same-sex conduct, society as a whole continued to hold deeply rooted homophobic sentiments. The stigma around homosexuality was pervasive, and it was widely believed that people who identified as LGBTQ2S were abnormal, immoral, or a danger to society's morals. Police organizations were able to target LGBTQ2S businesses and persons as a result of this cultural hostility.
Institutional bias: The sentiments that were prevalent in society did not exclude police agencies from it. Numerous law enforcement officials had personal prejudices against LGBTQ2S people, considering them as criminals or social outcasts. Due to these biases, police officers focused excessively on LGBTQ2S places in the course of doing their jobs. The lack of knowledge and training among law enforcement authorities regarding LGBTQ2S concerns also added to the discrimination experienced by the community.
Morality Policing: Under the pretense of "morality policing," police frequently conducted raids on LGBTQ2S pubs, bathhouses, and community centers. Authorities claimed that these
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enterprises were breaking the law or engaging in criminal activity to support their actions, citing legislation like anti-prostitution statutes or limits on liquor licensing. Their underlying purpose was homophobia and the desire to reduce the prominence of LGBTQ2S people, but this allowed them to justify their discriminatory activities.
Populations at Risk: Despite the 1969 revisions, some LGBTQ2S communities nonetheless remained particularly susceptible to policing, violence, and arrests. This included persons of color, those from lower socioeconomic statuses, sex workers, transgender people, and gender non-conforming people. These people frequently encountered intersectional types of discrimination and experienced increased levels of police harassment and violence.
The community suffered significantly as a result of the raids on LGBTQ2S businesses. They cultivated an atmosphere of distrust and dread, pushing LGBTQ2S people farther into the shadows and impeding the 1969 reforms' forward progress. The raids reinforced the notion that their existence was intrinsically criminal, perpetuating a cycle of prejudice and marginalizing the community.
It is significant to remember that within Canada, different provinces and contexts have diverse experiences and viewpoints of the LGBTQ2S group. Even though there were many raids and prejudice, it was not just in big cities like Toronto. Beyond 1969, the campaign for LGBTQ2S emancipation and rights
persisted, with the community struggling against discrimination and police harassment to protect their rights and win wider society recognition.
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Section 3
1.
Read and watch these pieces:
We Demand. (1971). We demand manifesto.
The Body Politic, 1
(1), 4–7.
Trudeau, J. (2017, November 28). Remarks by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to apologize to LGBTQ2 Canadians.
Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister of Canada
.
o
Federal Apology Video
Kinsman, G. (2017, December 14). How Canada’s historic apology to LGBT people falls short.
Xtra News
.
o
Does the federal apology and compensations sufficiently address and account for the harm caused by the federal government? (500 words)
Certainly, a major step in acknowledging and redressing the harm perpetrated by the federal government was Canada's historic apology to LGBT people. On closer inspection, it becomes clear that the government's apology and compensations don't adequately address and take into account the entire degree
of harm done to the LGBT community.
First of all, while the apology was an important symbolic gesture, it lacked the complete approach required to truly address the systemic discrimination and violence experienced by LGBT people. The apology mainly addressed the state's persecution of those who identify as LGBT, including the prohibition
of homosexuality and the expulsion of LGBT people from the military and civil service. Despite the fact that these actions were unquestionably harmful, the apology omitted to mention other forms of discrimination experienced by the community, such as the marginalization of transgender and gender non-
conforming people and the ongoing struggles for recognition and rights.
In addition, the compensation provided to those hurt by previous discriminatory practices was of a restricted extent and did not fully address the harm done to people and their communities. The majority of
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those who received compensation from the government were those who had been directly impacted by the
purging and prosecution of same-gender relationships; those who had faced prejudice in other spheres of their lives were not included. By perpetuating a narrative that only specific people's experiences are valued enough to be acknowledged and addressed, this exclusion undermines the concepts of equality and
justice.
In addition, the government's monetary compensation fell well short of fully addressing the degree of the loss suffered by those impacted. The compensation given to people fired from their jobs or found guilty of
violating discriminatory legislation was frequently symbolic and did not take the long-term effects of these actions into account. The persecution they experienced caused tremendous emotional, psychological, and financial challenges for a lot of people. Many people lack the essential support to reconstruct their lives and deal with the trauma they experienced since the compensation granted does not
appropriately consider these wider repercussions.
In conclusion, while Canada's historic apology to LGBT people was a positive beginning, it falls short of adequately acknowledging and atoning for the suffering perpetrated by the federal government. Significant gaps in redressing the harm endured by the LGBT community are created by the apology's constrained scope, insufficient compensation, and absence of a thorough strategy for follow-up action. Future laws and practices must ensure that all LGBT Canadians are treated with genuine equality and inclusion, and it is imperative that the government take more action to aggressively eradicate systemic prejudice.
2.
Read these three articles:
Smith, M. (2008). Identity and opportunity: The lesbian and gay rights movement. In M. Smith (Ed.),
Group politics and social movements in Canada
(pp. 182–202). Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
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Lenon, S. (2011). “Why is our love an issue?”: Same-sex marriage and the racial politics of the ordinary.
Social Identities
,
17
(3), 351–372.
Duggan, L. (2012). Beyond marriage: Democracy, equality, and kinship for a new century.
A New Queer Agenda
,
10
(1–2).
o
What were the benefits and problems with the prioritization of same-sex marriage within the LGBTQ2S social movement? (500 words)
A real and concrete goal was accomplished, which was one of the main advantages of emphasizing same-sex marriage. For the LGBTQ2S community, the issue of marriage equality became a unifying one that inspired activism and gathered support. It gave public campaigns, judicial disputes, and advocacy activities a distinct direction. The campaign attracted a lot of public support and attention by positioning same-sex marriage as a question of social justice and equal rights. The campaign for marriage equality gave people a chance to confront and overthrow discriminatory practices and laws, which ultimately resulted in legislative changes in numerous nations.
Additionally, the emphasis on same-sex marriage helped change the public's perception of LGBTQ2S
rights. The general public now has more understanding and empathy thanks to the prominence and conversation surrounding marriage equality. It challenged preconceptions and humanized LGBTQ2S people and relationships as they saw same-sex couples openly declare their love and commitment. Over time, as a result of growing public support for same-sex unions, LGBTQ2S people's acceptance in society
has improved.
The prioritization of same-sex marriage, however, was not without its issues. Critics contend that it confined the LGBTQ2S movement's focus, obscuring other significant concerns that concern the community. The movement's focus on marriage equality took resources and attention away from issues including healthcare inequities, homelessness, employment discrimination, and violence against LGBTQ2S people, especially those from marginalized areas. By disregarding the varied needs and
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experiences of the LGBTQ2S population, this limited focus ran the risk of perpetuating the heteronormative narrative that marriage is the only path to acceptance and equality.
The prioritization of same-sex marriage also helped to maintain the idea of respectability politics. Intentionally reinforcing the notion that LGBTQ2S people and relationships are only valid if they adhere to traditional norms, the movement sought inclusion within already established institutions and frameworks. This method marginalized people in polyamorous relationships or those who value other types of kinship since they do not fit the restricted idea of marriage. The experiences of transgender and gender non-conforming people, who faced special difficulties outside the purview of marriage equality, were also ignored.
Additionally, the emphasis on same-sex unions ran the risk of being appropriated by traditional institutions and weakened the LGBTQ2S movement's capacity for radical change. The assimilationist bent of the movement deepened as it gained popularity and won legal triumphs over marital equality. Assimilation into existing institutions was frequently prioritized in the struggle for same-sex marriage instead of confronting and changing them. Concerns were raised as a result of this shift that the movement was losing its radical foundations and potential to confront larger systems of injustice and oppression.
Finally, while the LGBTQ2S social movement's emphasis on same-sex unions had many positive effects, including increasing public support and observable advancements in legal recognition, it also had drawbacks. The emphasis on marriage equality ran the risk of overshadowing other prominent issues and bolstering a limited, heteronormative narrative of acceptance. Furthermore, it ran the risk of the movement being co-opted by established institutions and diminished its radical potential. Beyond marriage equality, the LGBTQ2S community has a variety of needs and experiences, and it is critical to address these and confront larger oppressive structures in order to build a more inclusive and revolutionary movement.
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2.
Read this article:
Gaucher, M., & DeGagne, A. (2016). Guilty until proven prosecuted: The Canadian state’s assessment of sexual minority refugee claimants and the invisibility of the non-western sexual non-citizen.
Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society, 23
(3), 459–481.
o
Discuss and critically analyze the ways in which Western colonial understandings of sexuality do not represent how refugees and people outside of Canada define, act upon, and express their sexualities. How could the refugee process be changed to better accommodate sexual minority refugee claimants? (500 words)
The article by Gaucher and DeGagne (2016) clarifies the Canadian state's evaluation of sexual minority refugee claimants and draws attention to the shortcomings of Western colonial understandings of
sexuality in capturing the variety of ways that refugees and people living outside of Canada define, act upon, and express their sexualities. This analysis offers the chance to critically assess the flaws of the refugee process and investigate potential modifications that would better accommodate asylum claimants who identify as sexual minorities.
Historical binary frameworks and heteronormative presumptions served as the foundation for colonial
Western understandings of sexuality. These frameworks have a propensity to stigmatize and exclude sexual minorities by viewing non-heterosexual and non-cisgender identities and expressions as aberrant or pathological. However, as the essay emphasizes, sexual experiences and expressions vary widely and depend on one's cultural background, and the Western lens is unable to adequately depict this complexity.
Refugees and people from non-Western cultures frequently bring their own cultural and societal understandings of sexuality with them. The refugee process must take into account and account for these discrepancies since these understandings may differ dramatically from the prevailing Western narrative. The following adjustments might be taken into consideration in order to better help sexual minority refugee claimants:
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Culturally Competent Assessment: As part of the refugee process, assessments that are attentive to the several ways that sexuality is interpreted and expressed in various cultural contexts should be conducted. In order to do this, decision-makers and adjudicators for refugees would need to be
trained in the subtleties of non-Western sexual orientations and practices.
Intersectional Analysis: The refugee processing should employ an intersectional analysis, which acknowledges the various and interconnected facets of people’s identities, such as their sexual orientation and gender identity. This strategy would recognize the possibility of extra types of discrimination and persecution for sexual minorities as a result of the interaction between their sexual identity and other characteristics like ethnicity, religion, or gender.
Policies and Guidelines That Are Inclusive: To address the particular difficulties faced by sexual minority refugees, policies and guidelines that are inclusive should be developed. Sexual minority
communities' experiences, viewpoints, and those of human rights organizations should all be considered when developing these regulations. For the purpose of creating these standards, it would also be essential to confer with specialists in refugee law, gender and sexuality studies, and
pertinent community organizations.
Sensitization and Training: Immigration officials, solicitors, and support staff should all get training as part of the implementation of the refugee procedure. By dispelling myths and fostering
empathy and compassion, this training should strive to increase public awareness of the unique needs and experiences of sexual minority refugees.
Legal Representation Access: Refugees who identify as a sexual minority should have access to legal counsel who is familiar with the particular difficulties this group faces. Sexual minority refugees' rights can be fully safeguarded, and their views can be heard with the help of legal aid programs designed expressly to meet their requirements.
By putting these reforms into place, the refugee process can be made to be more inclusive and sensitive to the many sexual experiences and expressions of refugee claimants who identify as sexual
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minorities. For the immigration system in Canada to treat sexual minority refugees fairly and justly, it is crucial to acknowledge the shortcomings of Western colonial conceptions of sexuality and adopt a more culturally aware and sympathetic approach.
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