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What is the debt of genetics to mental health according to this article

What is the debt of genetics to mental health according to this article

Ciccarelli: Psychology_5 (5th Edition)
Ciccarelli: Psychology_5 (5th Edition)
5th Edition
ISBN:9780134477961
Author:Saundra K. Ciccarelli, J. Noland White
Publisher:Saundra K. Ciccarelli, J. Noland White
Chapter1: The Science Of Psychology
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What is the debt of genetics to mental health according to this article
The scene in Bethlem asylum, London, in William Hogarth's 1735 A Rake's Progress. GENETICS The debt of genetics to mental illness David Dobbs lauds a history tracing heredity science to statistics hoarded in asylums 250 years ago. ho founded genetics? The line-up usually numbers four. William Bateson and Wilhelm Johannsen coined the terms genetics and gene, respec- tively, at the turn of the twentieth century. In 1910, Thomas Hunt Morgan began showing genetics at work in fruit flies (see E. Callaway Nature 516, 169; 2014). The runaway favour- ite is generally Gregor Mendel, who, in the mid-nineteenth century, crossbred pea plants to discover the basic rules of heredity. Bosh, says historian Theodore Porter. These works are not the fount of genetics, but a rill distracting us from a much darker source: the statistical study of heredity in asy- lums for people with mental illnesses in late- eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century Britain, wider Europe and the United States. There, "amid the moans, stench, and unruly despair of mostly hidden places where data were recorded, combined, and grouped into tables and graphs", the first systematic theory of mental illness as hereditary emerged. For more than 200 years, Porter argues in Genetics in the Madhouse, we have failed to recognize this wellspring of genetics - and thus to fully understand this discipline, which still dominates many individual and societal responses to mental ill- ness and diversity. The study of heredity emerged, Porter argues, not as a science drawn to statistics, but as an international endeav- our to mine data for associations to explain mental illness. Few recall most of the dis- cipline's early leaders, such as French psy- chiatrist, or 'alienist', Étienne Esquirol; and physician John Thurnam, who made the York Retreat in England a "model of statistical recording". Better-known figures, such as statistician Karl Pearson and zoologist Charles Davenport - both ardent eugenicists - come later. Inevitably, study methods changed over time. The early handwritten correlation tables and pedigrees of patients gave way to more elaborate statistical tools, genetic theory and today's massive gene-association studies. Yet the imperatives and assumptions of that GENETICS in MADHOUSE UNKNOWINTORY HUWAS HEREDITY M. PORTER Genetics in the Madhouse: The Unknown History of Human Heredity THEODORE M. PORTER Princeton University Press (2018) scattered early network of alienists remain intact in the big-data genomics of precision medicine, asserts Porter. And whether applied in 1820 or 2018, this approach too readily ele- vates biology over culture and statistics over context - and opens the door to eugenics. As Porter notes, alert readers might ask how a force so crucial in the birth of genetics remained hidden. His answer distills to three arguments. First, after the Second World War, geneticists took pains to distance themselves from asylum science and eugenics, and histo- rians left this largely unquestioned. Second, the system's influence is partly obscured by its cruelty and neglect; we must look past those to see its determination to use statis- tics to identify people as 'defective. Third, the asylum network was easy to overlook because it was loose and decentralized. It started with fine intentions. Many asylum founders of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries hoped to cure peo- ple of mental illness through a humane, psy- chosocial "moral therapy". These included the York Retreat's founder, William Tuke, and Esquirol d his mentor, Phillipe Pinel. These asylums and their records soon received transformative scrutiny. In 1788, King George III of Britain, who since his cor- onation had sometimes displayed symptoms suggesting psychosis, had an extreme epi- sode. Understanding mental illness became a national-security issue. The alienists' assess- ment, bolstered by physician William Black's "original, useful, and authentick" statistics. from London's Bethlem asylum, gave the government leverage to replace the king with a regent-his son, later King George IV. This much-publicized process spurred a decades-long growth in asylums run by the "numerical method", and the use of national censuses to measure what seemed an epi- demic of 'insanity. At the time, this baggy term encompassed a range of behaviours deemed extreme. Similar developments else- where helped spread this methodology across most of the developed Western world. From London and Paris to Schussenried, Germany, and Worcester, Massachusetts, asy- lums grew and new ones sprouted. Knitting them together was an active system of corre- spondence, travel, conferences and publica- tions such as the American Journal of Insanity and the Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Psychiatrie. At first, asylums claimed absurdly high 'cure' rates. Reports of 50% were routine. The Connecticut Retreat claimed 91.6% four years in a row. By the mid-nineteenth century, however, asylum directors realized that they could simply say, as some big-data psychiatric geneticists do now, that although a cure seems distant, statistical patterns discovered in ever- larger study populations will one day reveal a cause and a cure will follow. Funders bought it. Asylum science grew apace. Eventually, having eliminated religious fervour, heartbreak, financial strain and VELLCOME COLL
Transcribed Image Text:The scene in Bethlem asylum, London, in William Hogarth's 1735 A Rake's Progress. GENETICS The debt of genetics to mental illness David Dobbs lauds a history tracing heredity science to statistics hoarded in asylums 250 years ago. ho founded genetics? The line-up usually numbers four. William Bateson and Wilhelm Johannsen coined the terms genetics and gene, respec- tively, at the turn of the twentieth century. In 1910, Thomas Hunt Morgan began showing genetics at work in fruit flies (see E. Callaway Nature 516, 169; 2014). The runaway favour- ite is generally Gregor Mendel, who, in the mid-nineteenth century, crossbred pea plants to discover the basic rules of heredity. Bosh, says historian Theodore Porter. These works are not the fount of genetics, but a rill distracting us from a much darker source: the statistical study of heredity in asy- lums for people with mental illnesses in late- eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century Britain, wider Europe and the United States. There, "amid the moans, stench, and unruly despair of mostly hidden places where data were recorded, combined, and grouped into tables and graphs", the first systematic theory of mental illness as hereditary emerged. For more than 200 years, Porter argues in Genetics in the Madhouse, we have failed to recognize this wellspring of genetics - and thus to fully understand this discipline, which still dominates many individual and societal responses to mental ill- ness and diversity. The study of heredity emerged, Porter argues, not as a science drawn to statistics, but as an international endeav- our to mine data for associations to explain mental illness. Few recall most of the dis- cipline's early leaders, such as French psy- chiatrist, or 'alienist', Étienne Esquirol; and physician John Thurnam, who made the York Retreat in England a "model of statistical recording". Better-known figures, such as statistician Karl Pearson and zoologist Charles Davenport - both ardent eugenicists - come later. Inevitably, study methods changed over time. The early handwritten correlation tables and pedigrees of patients gave way to more elaborate statistical tools, genetic theory and today's massive gene-association studies. Yet the imperatives and assumptions of that GENETICS in MADHOUSE UNKNOWINTORY HUWAS HEREDITY M. PORTER Genetics in the Madhouse: The Unknown History of Human Heredity THEODORE M. PORTER Princeton University Press (2018) scattered early network of alienists remain intact in the big-data genomics of precision medicine, asserts Porter. And whether applied in 1820 or 2018, this approach too readily ele- vates biology over culture and statistics over context - and opens the door to eugenics. As Porter notes, alert readers might ask how a force so crucial in the birth of genetics remained hidden. His answer distills to three arguments. First, after the Second World War, geneticists took pains to distance themselves from asylum science and eugenics, and histo- rians left this largely unquestioned. Second, the system's influence is partly obscured by its cruelty and neglect; we must look past those to see its determination to use statis- tics to identify people as 'defective. Third, the asylum network was easy to overlook because it was loose and decentralized. It started with fine intentions. Many asylum founders of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries hoped to cure peo- ple of mental illness through a humane, psy- chosocial "moral therapy". These included the York Retreat's founder, William Tuke, and Esquirol d his mentor, Phillipe Pinel. These asylums and their records soon received transformative scrutiny. In 1788, King George III of Britain, who since his cor- onation had sometimes displayed symptoms suggesting psychosis, had an extreme epi- sode. Understanding mental illness became a national-security issue. The alienists' assess- ment, bolstered by physician William Black's "original, useful, and authentick" statistics. from London's Bethlem asylum, gave the government leverage to replace the king with a regent-his son, later King George IV. This much-publicized process spurred a decades-long growth in asylums run by the "numerical method", and the use of national censuses to measure what seemed an epi- demic of 'insanity. At the time, this baggy term encompassed a range of behaviours deemed extreme. Similar developments else- where helped spread this methodology across most of the developed Western world. From London and Paris to Schussenried, Germany, and Worcester, Massachusetts, asy- lums grew and new ones sprouted. Knitting them together was an active system of corre- spondence, travel, conferences and publica- tions such as the American Journal of Insanity and the Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Psychiatrie. At first, asylums claimed absurdly high 'cure' rates. Reports of 50% were routine. The Connecticut Retreat claimed 91.6% four years in a row. By the mid-nineteenth century, however, asylum directors realized that they could simply say, as some big-data psychiatric geneticists do now, that although a cure seems distant, statistical patterns discovered in ever- larger study populations will one day reveal a cause and a cure will follow. Funders bought it. Asylum science grew apace. Eventually, having eliminated religious fervour, heartbreak, financial strain and VELLCOME COLL
masturbation as causes for mental ill- ness, alienists fixed on the only pattern left: patients' pedigrees. Heredity was "the one great cause... the cause of causes", as French surgeon Ulysse Trélat proclaimed in 1856. Thus asylum scientists unwittingly laid a path to disaster. For if mental illness boiled down to heredity, the final cure if you insisted on imposing one became both obvious and unspeakable. Porter's chapters, with titles smacking of gothic Victorian novels, trace the long walk to corruption. Narratives of mad despair accu- mulate as information' gives way to 'German doctors organize data to turn the tables on degeneration, a foretaste of horror. The final chapter, 'Psychiatric geneticists create colos- sal databases, some with horrifying purposes, 1920-1939, sees eugenics deployed en masse. After the 1927 Supreme Court decision Buck v. Bell, US programmes forced sterilization on tens of thousands of people deemed men- tally deficient. The Nazis built on that exam- ple in the 1930s by sterilizing some 400,000 Germans labelled hereditarily 'defective. In 1940, they launched their wider genocidal programme by gathering more than 10,000 people from asylums all over southern Ger- many and gassing them at Grafeneck Castle. The story of the era, Porter insists, is not one "of isolated failings by a few bad scien- tists". Every genetic insight along the way was sucked into the stream. Many geneticists and alienists had invested too heavily to stop. Oth- ers had the task brought to them. It was not by chance that the Holocaust found its first vic- tims in asylums, which also housed the ros- ters, records and rationale that doomed them. This matters for many reasons, accord- ing to Porter, the most immediate being the elemental links between this history and contemporary study of heredity. As Porter exposes strand after strand of connection, he draws sobering parallels between the motives, methods, obsessions and promises of bygone asylum directors, and those of the enormous human-genomics institutes that now enjoy unprecedented funding and power. To Porter, these connections are roots, and today's genomics industry the tree. "Sold with a promise to find the genes for talents, dis- eases, and every kind of personal character- istic", he writes, genetics has returned to "the tradition of amassing, ordering, and depict- ing data of biological inheritance" that started more than two centuries ago, in squalor. Some will reject this idea ferociously. But I suspect this bold, dauntingly well-docu- mented book will prove difficult to dismiss. David Dobbs, author of My Mother's Lover, writes on science, culture, music and
Transcribed Image Text:masturbation as causes for mental ill- ness, alienists fixed on the only pattern left: patients' pedigrees. Heredity was "the one great cause... the cause of causes", as French surgeon Ulysse Trélat proclaimed in 1856. Thus asylum scientists unwittingly laid a path to disaster. For if mental illness boiled down to heredity, the final cure if you insisted on imposing one became both obvious and unspeakable. Porter's chapters, with titles smacking of gothic Victorian novels, trace the long walk to corruption. Narratives of mad despair accu- mulate as information' gives way to 'German doctors organize data to turn the tables on degeneration, a foretaste of horror. The final chapter, 'Psychiatric geneticists create colos- sal databases, some with horrifying purposes, 1920-1939, sees eugenics deployed en masse. After the 1927 Supreme Court decision Buck v. Bell, US programmes forced sterilization on tens of thousands of people deemed men- tally deficient. The Nazis built on that exam- ple in the 1930s by sterilizing some 400,000 Germans labelled hereditarily 'defective. In 1940, they launched their wider genocidal programme by gathering more than 10,000 people from asylums all over southern Ger- many and gassing them at Grafeneck Castle. The story of the era, Porter insists, is not one "of isolated failings by a few bad scien- tists". Every genetic insight along the way was sucked into the stream. Many geneticists and alienists had invested too heavily to stop. Oth- ers had the task brought to them. It was not by chance that the Holocaust found its first vic- tims in asylums, which also housed the ros- ters, records and rationale that doomed them. This matters for many reasons, accord- ing to Porter, the most immediate being the elemental links between this history and contemporary study of heredity. As Porter exposes strand after strand of connection, he draws sobering parallels between the motives, methods, obsessions and promises of bygone asylum directors, and those of the enormous human-genomics institutes that now enjoy unprecedented funding and power. To Porter, these connections are roots, and today's genomics industry the tree. "Sold with a promise to find the genes for talents, dis- eases, and every kind of personal character- istic", he writes, genetics has returned to "the tradition of amassing, ordering, and depict- ing data of biological inheritance" that started more than two centuries ago, in squalor. Some will reject this idea ferociously. But I suspect this bold, dauntingly well-docu- mented book will prove difficult to dismiss. David Dobbs, author of My Mother's Lover, writes on science, culture, music and
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