Reflection Assignment 7

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The Sociology of Families (SOCI 371 Fall 2023) Reflection Assignment #7: Ch. 9 Paid/Unpaid Work + Articles Due: Sunday November 5 by 11:59 pm UCID Name 30158197 Drshika Kaur Mehro CHAPTER 9: After watching the video “How to Make Work–Life Balance Work” from the Chapter 9 slide deck, fully answer the following question in a minimum of 2 detailed paragraphs . Ensure you use both the text and the corresponding PowerPoint throughout your answer and specifically indicate where you located the course information you are using in your answer (i.e. On page X of the text; On Slide X of the PowerPoint). Make sure your informal citations are clearly visible by bolding each one. 1) Why does Marsh feel that we cannot count on government or corporate policies to solve our problems of work–life balance? Based on the content covered in Chapter 9 and the corresponding PPT, do you agree/disagree? Explain your rationale. What are some policies that might make a difference? Ans) Nigel Marsh argues that government and corporate policies alone are insufficient in addressing the complexities of work-life balance, emphasizing that these entities often prioritize their interests over individuals' well-being (Coote et al., 1990; Fudge and Vosko, 2001; Vosko, 2010) . He underscores that commercial companies are inherently inclined to extract maximum productivity from their workforce, potentially exacerbating the issue, even in well-intentioned organizations (Coote et al., 1990). In Chapter 9 and the corresponding PowerPoint presentation ( On Slide 5, 8, 19, 20 of the PowerPoint) , the limitations of depending solely on government or corporate policies to tackle work-life balance are likely to be discussed (Coote et al., 1990; Fudge and Vosko, 2001; Vosko, 2010) . While such policies may offer some support, they may not comprehensively address the diverse and intricate needs of every individual (On Page 188, 189, 191 of the Text). Proposed measures that could positively impact work-life balance encompass flexible work arrangements, paid parental leave, subsidized childcare, mental health support, promotion of a work-life balance culture, and transparent communication about workload and availability (Canadian Women’s Foundation, 2017). These policies are seen as essential supplements to personal commitment, reinforcing Marsh's assertion that individuals should actively design their own balanced lives. Furthermore, it is imperative to acknowledge the ongoing gender wage gap in Canada, indicating that women continue to earn less than their male counterparts (Canadian Women’s Foundation, 2017) . The chapter also underscores the intertwined nature of housework and childcare, emphasizing that both constitute forms of unpaid labor crucial for sustaining families (On Page 188, 189, 191 of the Text) . While technology has modernized certain household tasks, childcare remains heavily reliant on human input, highlighting the inimitable significance of caregiving responsibilities (Coote et al., 1990; Fudge and Vosko, 2001; Vosko, 2010 ).

A substantial distinction is drawn between housework and childcare, particularly in terms of flexibility. Childcare, especially for infants and young children, necessitates uninterrupted care that cannot be readily delegated or postponed. In contrast, specific aspects of housework can be temporarily deferred. This underscores the unique challenges and responsibilities associated with childcare (On Page 188, 189, 191 of the Text; Coote et al., 1990; Fudge and Vosko, 2001; Vosko, 2010) . In conclusion, the amalgamation of these perspectives underscores the intricate dynamics surrounding work-life balance, notably within the context of gender dynamics and familial responsibilities (On Page 188, 189, 191 of the Text; Coote et al., 1990) . The conventional employment model, which historically favored men, perpetuates gender biases. Recognizing and addressing these issues is crucial to fostering more equitable and balanced approaches to work and family life. Additionally, policies such as Canada's parental leave policy are pivotal, but considerations for accessibility and potential limitations are paramount for further progress (Canadian Women’s Foundation, 2017; Coote et al., 1990) . PAID/UNPAID WORK ARTICLES: Reflect back on the 2 articles covered this week and answer the following question in a minimum of 2 detailed paragraphs (i.e. one for each article). Ensure you use both the articles and the corresponding PowerPoints throughout and specifically indicate where you located the course information you are using in your answer (i.e. On page X of the article; On Slide X of the PowerPoint). Make sure your informal citations are clearly visible by bolding each one. 1) Provide a recap/overview of the articles covered this week. In doing so, explain in your own words the main points and findings of each article. Ans) Article 1 “When Professionals Become Mothers, Warmth Doesn't Cut the Ice" by Amy J.C. Cuddy, Susan T. Fiske, and Peter Glick delves into the challenges faced by professional women as they transition into motherhood. The study reveals that despite their unchanged skills and dedication, societal biases often lead to a shift in how these women are perceived in the workplace. This stems from entrenched expectations that women prioritize family over career, potentially resulting in bias against them in professional settings. The title, "Warmth Doesn't Cut the Ice," encapsulates the central message: even if a woman exudes warmth and approachability, if she is also a mother, she may still face hurdles in being recognized for her competence and commitment. The study conducted by Cuddy, Fiske, and Glick further resonates with the broader societal perceptions and challenges faced by working mothers. It delves into the notion of a "Mommy Track," a term denoting a career path where mothers are perceived as prioritizing family over career advancement. The Stereotype Content Model is applied to dissect these perceptions, revealing that working mothers are often viewed as warm but less competent compared to their non-mother counterparts. The study also empirically demonstrates the biases faced by

working mothers. Their warmth is valued but at the cost of being seen as less competent, leading to potential disadvantages in hiring, promotion, and training opportunities. In relation to these findings, it is evident that working moms face a no-win situation. Despite displaying warmth, they may encounter penalties in terms of perceived competence. This aligns with the results of the study conducted on a sample of women and undergraduates at Princeton. The research indicates that working moms are indeed viewed as warmer but less competent compared to non-moms, leading to potential biases in hiring and promotion decisions. Moreover, the study highlights a disparity in the treatment of working moms compared to working dads. While mothers are often perceived as less competent, this bias is not statistically significant for fathers. This suggests that family commitments may be penalized for mothers, but not for fathers, in the workplace. In conclusion, "When Professionals Become Mothers, Warmth Doesn't Cut the Ice" sheds light on the complex interplay of societal perceptions, gender roles, and professional identity for working mothers. The study serves as a poignant reminder of the challenges these women face in balancing their roles as caregivers and professionals. Despite their warmth and dedication, working mothers may still encounter biases that affect their perceived competence and career advancement opportunities. These findings call for a reexamination of workplace policies and attitudes towards working mothers, aiming to create more inclusive and supportive environments for women to thrive both as professionals and parents. Article 2 The study "Gender, household labor, and scholarly productivity among university professors" by J. Jill Suitor, Dorothy Mecom, and Ilana S. Feld delves into the intersection of gender roles, household responsibilities, and academic productivity among university professors. The researchers set out with the hypothesis that the distribution of household labor in the academic sphere would closely resemble patterns observed in the general population. Their investigation encompassed a comprehensive questionnaire distributed to full-time faculty members at a prominent research university. The sample included a diverse range of respondents in terms of gender, marital status, academic rankings, and years since obtaining a PhD. The findings illuminate significant disparities in the allocation of time between male and female professors. Men reported dedicating more hours to overall work, with a particular emphasis on research and administrative tasks. Conversely, women tended to devote more time to teaching. A noteworthy revelation was the substantial difference in the amount of time spent on household labor, with women consistently shouldering a greater burden. This trend became even more pronounced among married professors, where traditional gender roles in household responsibilities were more prevalent. Specifically, women in these professional partnerships spent considerably more time on housework compared to their male counterparts. In conclusion, this study provides compelling evidence of the persisting gender disparities in household labor among university professors and its consequential impact on scholarly productivity. The research underscores the need for a critical reevaluation of societal norms and expectations surrounding domestic responsibilities. The findings serve as a poignant reminder of the importance of striving for greater equity and balance in both professional and

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personal spheres, particularly within the context of academia. By acknowledging and addressing these disparities, institutions and individuals can work towards fostering a more inclusive and supportive environment for all faculty members.

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