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Part I: How does this week's reading from Jacoby et al. (2012) explain crime commission (i.e., why people engage in crime) In chapter 21, Jacoby explicates the crime commission by asserting that it arises from activism, a degeneration to primitive actions and impulses. Such primitive nature depends on environmental, genetic, and racial factors like past state (Jacoby, 2012, p. 84). Jacoby identifies other reasons, including biological factors, economic conditions, hereditary influences, and societal influences. He cites chronic diseases, like nervousness, as enablers of crime (p. 92). Poverty, crime exposure, social disorganization, and lack of education are further identified as contributors to the surged possibility of crime commission (p. 195). Jacoby identifies men to be more likely to commit crimes, acknowledging the variability of crime rates between men and women. He cites reasons for such variability as societal expectations and opportunity for crime. Jacoby states that the crime commission is at its peak between 15 and 30 (p. 198). This climax indicates intelligent behavior among certain criminals. In chapter 22, Jacoby describes the crime commission through the 'Jukes family case lens. He probes how environmental and biological factors (genes) interact to maintain criminal conduct from generation to generation. Juke's family exemplifies criminal behaviors as being hereditary across generations. Juke's ancestor, Max, is described as friendly, rejected stable jobs, and was a drunkard. This behavior was passed down to his descendants, hence a family tree with a high likelihood of committing a crime (p. 202). Juke's family's social environment and living conditions led to the propagation of criminal conduct. They were impoverished and lived in a dirty and crowded atmosphere, fostering criminal behavior. They had no privacy in their family besides closeness to criminal influences, normalizing deviant traits. Also, they had no access to education and lacked development opportunities, hence a cycle of crime and poverty. Juke's family was isolated, reinforcing their criminal life because of their negative reputation. They could not socialize or integrate due to the stigmatization of their family name. This prevented them from

being legally employed, driving them into the crime commission (p. 204). This was their last resort to survive. In chapter 24, Jacob showcases the crime commission by exemplifying a relationship between adopted individual criminals' past and their biological parents. Such genetic factors are predisposing people to criminal conduct (pg. 219). Jacob shows that environmental factors exhibited by adoptive parents impact criminal conduct. Like diet and social conditions, ecological fluctuations change how genetic shapes manifest. This means that environmental influences on criminal behavior, like social background, childhood, and exposure to criminal role models, are essential. (pg.220). He stresses that criminal conduct is a multifaceted phenomenon dictated by manifold factors: genetic, sociological, and environmental factors, hence a more complex explication for both environmental factors and genetic predispositions where

A direct genetic model might be insufficient to explain criminal behavior effectively (pg.223). In chapter 13, Jacoby exemplifies crime commission by examining the relationship between childhood neglect and abuse and future crime commission, predominantly violent criminal conduct. Jacob contends that abused or neglected children are more likely to be criminals in the future. Jacoby cites the cycle of violence hypothesis, demonstrating that abused or neglected children commit violent crimes in adulthood. This hypothesis suggests a pattern of violence inherited across generations (pg.116). Moreover, Jacoby explains that traumatic experiences in childhood substantially inﬂuence adult conduct. Neglected and abused children are more likely to have adult criminal accounts, aggressive criminal conduct, and criminal records (pg.120). This is because of the traumatic experiences and the need to retaliate. In chapter 46, Jacoby exemplifies crime commission through the female gender. He offers valuable insight into how societal factors, shaped by patriarchal values and gender dynamics, promote criminal activities, particularly among female counterparts. Jacoby contends that patriarchal norms influence female behavior as they control their sexuality via pressure from society and family. Such a control usually triggers defiance and conﬂict, culminating in criminal behavior as adolescent females strive for independence (pg.386). Jacob details how sexual and physical abuse witnessed by girls within families traumatizes them and is psychologically distressing. Accordingly, these girls are compelled to be criminals as a coping strategy (pg.385). The double standards in society, alongside the objectification of young adolescent girls, promote their criminal behaviors. Also, societal norms that value physical attractiveness and youth drive girls toward criminal conduct while grappling with economic challenges and societal pressures (pg.385). In chapter 47, Jacoby exemplifies crime commission through female delinquency and their drivers to criminal behavior. The female illustrated here has undergone momentous abuse and trauma in their childhood (pg. 389), including being neglected, abused sexually or physically, and experiencing parental substance abuse. Such childhood violence and instabilities significantly

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impact them, hence psychological and emotional problems manifesting later as criminal conduct. Psychological issues such as aggression, depression, and impulsivity are highlighted in the female biographies (pg.391). Such issues emerge from childhood trauma or develop as a reaction to challenging life conditions. Psychological distress, reinforced by substance misuse, prompts violent or impulsive actions. Substance misuse impairs judgment, amplifies impulsivity, and decreases inhibitions, making women more likely to commit crimes like drug dealing, theft, or violence to support such addiction. Various women have witnessed abusive relationships characterized by domestic violence. Such conditions result in perceived low self-esteem, powerlessness, and emotional distress. Women criminals resort to violent conduct for retaliation or self-defense (pg.394-395). They engage in such criminal activities as coping mechanisms.

Which components of these theories do you agree with and why? In Chapter 21, I agree with the biological, psychological, and environmental components. The Exploring of neurological disorders, genetic inﬂuences, and the impacts of diseases, including epilepsy and alcoholism, strongly buttress the biological constituent of the models. The environmental component considers poverty, socialization, exposure to criminal activity, and upbringing. These showcase how environmental factors inﬂuence the possibility of crime through specific cases and statistical evidence. Biological factors such as moral senses, attachment, and impulse control are essential. In chapter 22, I agree that Jacoby uses both historical research and individual biographies, providing a comprehensive understanding of the factors shaping criminal behavior from one generation to the other. Jacoby traces the ancestry of the "Jukes" family over many generations, providing insights into the long-run effects of heredity and environment on crime commission. Moreover, I agree with Jacoby's prudent examination of the roles of heredity and environment in influencing criminal conduct. Jacoby recognizes that whereas hereditary factors predispose people to some behaviors, environmental factors significantly mitigate or exacerbate such behaviors. In chapter 24, I agree with Jacoby’s application of multifactorial model and longitudinal analysis. His longitudinal design monitors adoptees over a period, o ering ff valuable insights into the evolution of criminal behaviors. Scholars can deeply understand the development of criminal behavior and their association with genetic and environmental influences when they track adoptees across their growth phases and compare their outcomes with the non-adoptees as controls. Because no single factor can explain criminal inclinations, the contention is bolstered by the credit of the multidimensional trait of criminal conduct. Instead, criminal conduct mainly results from a blend of environmental, social, and genetic predisposition factors, underlining the complication of the issue. In Chapter 13, I agree with recognizing the significance of risk factors (including childhood

neglect or abuse), the protective factors (like positive life events and resilience), and their inﬂuence on criminal conduct. Jacoby emphasizes the greater risk of childhood persecution and the significant protective role in decreasing such adverse impacts. Jacoby’s reasoning is multifaceted and detailed when considering protective and risk factors. Moreover, I agree with using a stringent research methodology, including matched control groups, prospective data collection, and a large sample size. Such a study approach enhances the argument on the association between neglect or abuse during early childhood years

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and criminal conduct in the future and augments the findings’ trustworthiness. The study's findings are validated through official data to identify criminal behavior. In Chapter 46, I agree with how the feminist standpoint explains crime. I approve that it remains patriarchal norms, gender expectations, roles, societal norms, and conduct driving girls toward crime. Young females are usually subject to control over their sexuality within patriarchal contexts, with familial and social pressures sustaining conservative gender stereotypes. Such internal conﬂicts result in resentment and deviance. As a female, growing up with three brothers, I am conscious of the pressures women undergo, unlike men. Women are subject to pressures from all angles, be it society, families, and social circles. Moreover, the justice system fails such women despite coming from abusive households, hence a cycle of criminalization and victimization. In chapter 47, I agree with how psychological factors, childhood trauma, and abusive relationships significantly impact criminal conduct. The evidence demonstrates that childhood trauma and abuse will result in criminal conduct in the future. Mental health issues, impulsivity, and aggression offer an understanding of how personal traits and coping mechanisms impact criminal decision-making. Many individuals have undergone many of these factors, increasing their likelihood of crime commission. Which components of these theories do you disagree with and why? In Chapter 21, I disagree with the societal component and the interactionist standpoint. Different from the societal factors like economic conditions, imitation, and educational influence discussed, such components were never developed or supported in detail compared to environmental and biological factors. The societal factors could be bolstered by offering more detailed evidence and analysis. The association among biological, psychological, and environmental components is uncovered in detail or integrated into the models and how they all interrelate. In Chapter 22, I disagreed with the study's attribution of criminal behavior in the "Jukes" family to environmental and hereditary factors, devoid of considering other mitigating factors or

explanations. Whereas environment and heredity unquestionably play vital roles, extra factors, including access to education, socioeconomic status, and employment opportunities, alongside systemic inequalities, further contribute to criminal conduct. A more detailed probe into such alternative explications is needed to strengthen the completeness of Jacoby’s analysis. Jacoby further exclusively concentrated on the criminal conduct of white, rural families, like "Jukes," with no sufficient consideration of the intersectionality of factors like race, gender, ethnicity, and class.

The lack of intersectional analysis restricts Jacoby’s ability to capture the complete complication of the factors shaping crime commissions within diverse societies. In Chapter 24, I disagreed with Jacoby’s contempt for ethical reflections. When considering his findings, some individuals might alter their minds about child adoption. Moreover, issues concerning privacy, permission, and the perceived stigmatization of adoptees and their respective biological families are ethical concerns raised when using adoption studies. Such moral concerns affect the recruitment and retention of participants and collected data consistency and accuracy. Also, these ethical issues might limit the generalizability and applicability of these findings to groups beyond adoption contexts. Moreover, adoption agencies further introduce a possible bias, thereby skewing these findings when attempting to match adoptive centers with the biological parents’ traits. In Chapter 13, I disagreed with how Jacoby’s findings were premised on data from a definite geographic area (a metropolitan area in the Midwest) and period (between 1967 and 1971). The internal validity of this study remains bolstered by its rigorous methodology. Still, the findings might never be generalizable to cohorts or contexts beyond the study area and sample because of the limited scope of the sample. Moreover, it would be easier to determine if Jacoby's study conclusion can be generalizable if replicated across diverse communities, societies, and periods. Accordingly, it is impossible to conclude the universality of the relationship between childhood neglect or abuse and adult criminal conduct in the absence of the finding' generalizability. Furthermore, whereas Jacoby identified relationships between childhood victimization and future crime commission, he offered limited details and explanations of the fundamental mechanisms or factors causing such correlations. Jacoby mentions the role of protective factors in reducing the negative impacts of childhood trauma. Still, he needs to deeply explore and reveal the specific aspects and mechanisms driving the function of such protective variables. In Chapter 46, I disagreed with the narrow emphasis on intersectionality. Jacoby fails to exemplify how factors like class, race, and ethnicity contribute to the female crime commission.

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Girls from ethnic and racial minorities might experience specific challenges, including structural injustices, stereotyping, and prejudice, encouraging their engagement in criminal behavior. Economic factors, including lack of access to resources, poverty, and neighborhood circumstances, can significantly influence girls' transition into crime activities. Crime rates within an individual's neighborhood significantly impact their criminal behavior. It would have been prudent for Jacoby to study these issues to strengthen his theory and model. In Chapter 47, I disagreed with Jacoby’s proposition that women are both the committers and victims of crime. Although Jacoby appreciated the existence of victimization and trauma in women's lives, he still proceeds to perceive them as inherently problematic and violent. Such labeling propagates stereotypes concerning women's victimization and criminality because it disregards women’s individuality and resilience, reinforcing their perceived helplessness and susceptibility. Jacoby represents criminal women as

integrally deviant and ﬂawed. Such representation perpetuates stereotypes that exhibit women as typically dysfunctional and violent instead of appreciating the intricate social, psychological, and economic factors shaping their conduct. Part II: What did you learn from the required articles? From the required article by Peltonen et al. (2020), I learned that the author uses extensive population-level data drawn from Finland, presenting a detailed probe into the correlation between teenage violent crime and trauma. The authors examined data from a sufficiently large sample encompassing Finnish children born between 1986 and 2000 to estimate the correlation between crime commission and trauma accurately. They clarified the relationship between future crime commission and traumatic experiences in childhood. Similarly, Jacoby's (2012) chapter readings and Peltonen et al. (2020) article stress that traumatic experiences in childhood, including maltreatment, significantly amplify an adolescent's crime commission. The researchers reinforce the need for early detection and treatment of trauma-associated signs among adolescents to lower the possibility of crime commission as adults and adverse social repercussions from traumatic experiences. In Cook et al. (2023) article, the researchers detail the correlation between adverse childhood experiences (ACE), childhood maltreatment (CM), and biological variables. I acknowledged the interaction between biological factors, ACEs, and CM and its effects on a person's health and behavioral outcomes across the lifespan. The authors identified the correlation between different biological variables (genetics, physiology, and neurology) and ACEs and CM. They exemplified how biological functions are influenced by exposure to traumatic events at crucial development phases, hence lasting effects on health and behavior. The authors employ various biologically anchored study techniques, including biomarker evaluations, twin and sibling designs, epigenetic, neurobiological studies, and genetics, probing the ACEs' and CM's impacts.

Accordingly, these techniques have enhanced our knowledge of the physiological and genetic effects of CM and ACEs on people. This study acknowledges that some people affected by ACES and CM do not display dysregulation. In the Wanamaker et al. (2022) article, the researchers focus on gender disparities to detail childhood victimization prevalence and associated effects on people involved in the Criminal Justice System (CJS). The authors emphasize that several people trapped in CJS are due to earlier experiencing acts of violence, neglect, and emotional, physical, or sexual childhood victimizations. The authors contrast such prevalence rates between the general population and people trapped in CJS. They focus on discrepancies in rates of victimization between genders among people undergoing CJS processes, identifying girls and women as those reporting higher rates, especially in areas of neglect, emotional abuse, and sexual abuse. The authors emphasize that girls and women facing higher rates of victimization require trauma-responsive techniques. How can this week’s crime focus be explained by the theories covered? From Peltonen et al. (2020) article, the crime focus for this week is explainable through the lens of traumatic, psychological, environmental, and genetic factors. High traumatic events and stress significantly influence an individual's actions and mental health. Trauma, post-traumatic disorder (PTSD), and high stress are factors significantly impacting violence among adolescents. Emotional regulation and coping mechanisms are substantially impaired by exposure to violence and abuse. These factors further amplify the possibility of antisocial behavior, like violent events. Violence is antisocial behavior dictated by the relationship between environmental conditions (particularly traumatic events) and genetic predispositions. Accordingly, people genetically predisposed to specific kinds of trauma become more susceptible to its adverse effects, leading to surged violent conduct. Moreover, cognitive defects, including perceptions encouraging aggression and hostile attribution biases, make people more likely to read social cues in the negative and act aggressively. The social learning hypothesis states that violent behavior development emerges from reinforced aggressive acts or exposure to violent role models.

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From Cook et al.'s (2023) article, the crime focus for this is understandable through the lens of genetics, biological resilience, environmental factors, and genetic factors. People who were victimized or experienced trauma in their childhood are more likely to exhibit antisocial and violent behaviors because of genetic reasons, brain modification, and physiological changes. When combined, these factors influence the desire to act violently. The interaction between environmental and genetic predisposing factors dictates susceptibility to antisocial and violent conduct. Passive and evoking environment-gene relationships shape people's response to traumatic occurrences and ability to regulate behavior, which is critical to such behavioral developments. From this week's article by Wanamaker et al. (2022), we understand crime focus by exemplifying how specific types of victimization affect people's lives differently, contributing to their involvement in CJS. The social learning theory (SLT) helps us learn how to be aggressive or antisocial by seeing our friends or family members exhibiting such behaviors. We can also use reinforcement or rewards to reinforce antisocial or aggressive behaviors in our friends and family. Standpoints on female-centric pathways help explain how CJS criminalizes the coping or survival mechanisms of the victims. For example, while trying to cope, previously abused women can leave their homes to join street cultures characterized by crime commission. Moreover, victimization experiences, including sexual or physical abuse, culminate in psychological trauma. Such trauma consequently displays violent or antisocial behavior. Previously victimized individuals develop negative beliefs or distorted cognitions concerning other people or themselves, contributing to antisocial or violent behaviors.

Part III Thesis: This paper will explore theoretical explanations for juvenile drug use and tra cking ﬃ among youth in Brazil. Theory 1:

Fille 2.edited

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