Poli Sci 2545G
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Comparative Politics
Week 2: the Comparative Method
●
As defined by Howard Wiarda:
○
“The systematic, comparative study of the worlds political systems”
○
Systematic
■
Eckstein: “Comparison in the social sciences is the substitute for
experimentation in the natural sciences”
■
Lijphart
●
Experimental - unit homogeneity, random assignment, control
of treatment
●
Statistical - partial correlation, random sampling
●
Comparative - structured study of similarities and differences
across carefully selected cases
●
Case study - detailed case investigation, at least implicitly
comparative
○
Comparative
■
Two ways of structuring comparisons:
●
Most similar systems design (method of difference)
○
Different outcome: Y and Not-Y (dependent variable)
○
Common systemic features permit the isolation of that
which separates the cases (independent variable)
○
Covariation of independent and dependent variables
○
Distinguishing feature must be explanatory - must
come with compelling causal story
●
Must identify causal effects
■
MSSD: Illustration
●
E.g. stathis Kalyvas, The rise of christian democracy in europe
(1996):
○
France does not develop a durable christian democratic
party
○
France does not differ in Catholicism, religiosity, etc.,
etc.
○
But in its level of political instability
○
Which discouraged catholic church from forming its
own competitive democratic party
■
Most different systems design (method of agreement)
●
Common outcome: Y and Y
●
Different systemic features permit the isolation of that which
unites the cases
●
Establishing covariation between independent variable(s) and
outcome
●
Again this factor must be explanatory - must come with a
compelling casual story
■
MDSD: Illustration
●
E.g., Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way, “Between a shock
and a hard place: the dynamics of labour-backed adjustment in
Poland and Argentina”
comparative politics
vol. 30, no. 2
(January 1998)
○
Successful implementation of neoliberal adjustment
policies in two very different countries in 1990s
○
In spite of strong labour movements
○
How? Solidarity and Peronism
○
Left parties sharing social linkages, mutual trust, and
identities with labour movements
○
Labour-left party alliance lasted longer in Argentina -
stronger party, more incentives for labour leaders
●
Comparative research also employs statistical and single case
study approaches
●
Can mix and match
○
E.g. Carles Boix, Democracy and redistribution (2003):
○
First, pursue broad statistical relationship between
democracy and inequality
○
Then, test it in detailed comparative case studies of US
states and swiss cantons
○
Comparative - Criticisms
■
Deterministic in a probabilistic age
■
Operationalization - measurement error a problem
■
Don’t entirely abandon rejected explanatory factors
■
Yes, but may be a bigger problem for statistical research
■
Complex causation - multiple causes, interactive effects, too few
cases for all the causal combinations
■
But comparativists are at least able to trace complex causal processes
in sufficient detail
■
Cases not sufficiently independent
■
This justifies increasing attention to interdependence - e.g., diffusion
and contagion
○
The right method?
■
Choice of method depends on
●
Research question
●
Concept formation
●
Theory
■
Questions
●
Good questions save time, narrowing the research focus and
providing direction
■
Example
●
Kalyvas: why do political parties develop at all? Why do
christian democratic parties develop? What form do they take?
Why did France not develop a durable christian democratic
party?
○
Concept formation
■
We create concepts
■
They should be clear coherent, and helpful in addressing our
research question
■
Ladder of abstraction: the more abstract, the less grounded in detail
■
Concept stretching if too abstract
■
Concepts influence the number of available cases
○
Study concepts are crucial
■
Theda skocpol, states and social revolutions (1979):
■
What is a social revolution?
■
Not all forms of contentious collective action - largest set
■
Not merely a political revolution - large set
■
But violent political overturn combined with transformation of
economic and social power - small set
■
Skocpol aims to generalize, but only based on her limited set of cases:
france, russia, china
○
Theory
■
Meaningful statements about the relationship between phenomena -
e.g. change in X effects a change in Y
■
Captures the way the world works at some level of generality
■
Role of theory
●
Source of questions and puzzles, predictions and anomalies
●
Basis for framing concepts - as in skocpol
●
Guidance in pursuing research - where to start?
●
Assistance in interpreting findings, drawing implications
○
Study theoretical approaches
■
Broad theoretical perspectives, operative at various levels (individual
group, region, nation-state, international):
■
Rationality - self-interest, maximize highest ranked preferences
■
Culture - values, beliefs, ideas, identities
■
Socioeconomic structuralism - material conditions shape interests
constrain actos, with an emphasis on class
■
Institutionalism - formal and informal rules shape interests and action
○
Comparative - cases
■
What is the case?
●
Hall: “units in which the relevant outcome takes on a specific
value”
●
Key questions: what is it a case of?
●
So cases must be constructed - states, movements, episodes
■
Single case study
●
Great detail possible
●
More than just variables
●
Powerful if well selected: e.g., representative or deviant cases
○
Systematic process analysis
■
Aka process tracing
■
Alternative to correlation-based approaches, including comparative
method:
■
Emphasize key explanatory theories
■
Draw out their predictions in full
■
Identify observations relevant to these predictions each case is a rich
source
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■
Test: does the entire causal chain manifest
■
Set rival theories at odds in this fashion
Readings:
Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method: Arend Lijphart
●
Brief
○
Lijphart advocated greater use of case-comparisons as a political research
method. In his view, political scientists had embraced large-sample statistical
methods. While statistical methods are not necessarily bad, they have
advantages and disadvantages, and some of their disadvantages could be
overcome through greater use of small-sample comparative methods.
●
Main Argument
○
Lijhart outline four scientific methods; the first was the experimental method
and the three others were non experimental methods
■
Statistical
■
Comparative
■
Cases study
○
Notes that
political scientists shied away from comparative studies (case
comparisons) because of the well-documented methodological problems
arising from “many variables small N”
○
He then outlines four sub-types of the comparative method with the potential
to minimize the effects of this methodological complication
○
Lijphart later revises his argument to suggest that there are only 2 different
solutions to the problem one can either increase N (then switch to the
statistical method) or decrease the number of variables (and stick with the
comparative method).
○
Statistical method has three weaknesses
■
Tends to focus on comparing whole nations
●
Comparative method involves selecting data at the most
appropriate level
■
Relies heavily on “global” data with questionable reliability and validity
■
Statistical correlations among societies may not be independent
●
Correlations may be only the result of historical learning
○
Comparative Method also has weaknesses
■
First researchers may have difficulty finding sufficiently similar cases
to control for other possible factors.
■
Second, comparative studies lead to less generalizable conclusions,
■
third, when possible cases are limited, data selection may pre-
determine hypothesis
Systematic process analysis: when and how to use it Peter A Hall
●
Peter challenges the contention that statistical methods applied to large numbers of
cases invariably provide better grounds for casual interference
○
The article explores the value of a method of systematic process analysis that
can be applied in a small number of cases
○
It distinguishes among three modes of explanation
■
Historically specific
■
Multivariate
■
Theory oriented
○
Argues that systematic process analysis has special value for developing
theory-oriented explanations
■
It outlines the steps required to perform such analysis well and
illustrates them with reference to Owen’s investigation of the
‘democratic peace’. Comparing the results available from this kind of
method with those from statistical analysis, it examines the conditions
under which each method is warranted.
■
Against conceptions of the ‘comparative method’ which imply that
small-n case-studies provide weak grounds for casual interference, it
argues that the intensive examination of a small number of cases can
be an appropriate research design for testing such interferences
Daniele Caramani: Debate of differences and similarities
●
The disciplinary focus on explanatory research designs leads researchers to
concentrate on differences between political systems to maximize variation in
independent and dependent variables
○
This causes a bias in comparative analysis towards cross spatial differences
and a neglect of similarities and change that occurs in most or all political
systems invariably and simultaneously
○
The article identifies the main reason for this bias is the misled perception that
a strong focus on explanation is necessary for a discipline to establish itself
as scientific.
○
The article debates the consequences of such a distortion towards
differences in a world in which interdependence and diffusion create
convergence. It thus proposes a stronger role for
■
(1) descriptive analysis
●
As a way to re-establish the balance of focus between
differences and similarities
■
(2) cross-temporal explanation
●
As a way to address broad simultaneous change that does not
vary cross-spatially
■
(3) most different systems designs (MDSD)
●
More frequent use as a way to introduce variation in broad
patterns common to specific areas and as a way to control
diffusion
■
As ways to address parallel change, re-establish the balance of focus
between differences and similarities and control for diffusion effects
○
Implies return to the golden age of behavioural revolution in the social science
■
Re-evaluation of descriptive analysis is in line with the technological
process of the last decade
■
Data from all over the world are available in machine-readable and
compatible formats
■
Linguistic homogenisation with english establishing itself in the
publication of statistics and individual survey data
■
Comparability is increased by improvement of data collections by
international organization
○
Descriptive analysis can help us to assess the real scope of differences
versus similarities
○
A deeper concern with broad patterns of change taking place simultaneously
across countries is in line with the preoccupation of fundamental social and
political change similar to the preoccupation with the breakdown of
democracies between the two world wars or the rise of communist regimes
after World war 2.
○
Research designs based on the selection of most different system designs
take up the ambition of the behavioural age not to limit comparative analysis
to area studies and niches
○
The focus on different system can help us to deal with
■
Broad changes in given areas that we would be unable to explain
were we to include only cases of that area
■
Diffusion effects and problems of interdependence. Almond and
Verba’s study of five political cultures was a typical MDSD research. It
was able to explain commonalities by bringing european cases into a
larger set and thus introduce variation in a phenomenon that in
continental europe had been a general one with very few exceptions
Week 3: The State
●
What is the state?
○
Most common and influential definition - - Max Weber’s
○
How to define the state?
■
“The state cannot be defined in terms of its ends”
■
But only in terms of its means
●
How the states goes about pursuing its goals
■
Those that distinguish it from all other types of human organizations
■
The Weberian Definition
●
The state is “a human community that (successfully) claims the
monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given
territory”
●
A human community
○
A group of people who all fall under the authority of the
state and must follow the same rules and actions as
each other within the territory of the state
●
Claims the monopoly of the use of physical force
○
The state is sovereign and holds ultimate authority, they
have the right and ability to punish offenders as they
please according to the severity of their actions
●
Legitimate
○
Involves the people's acceptance of the monopoly due
to what the government can do for them.
○
Monopoly used in a reasonable and fair fashion
■
State formation
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●
Establishing defensible territorial boundaries
●
And
effectively securing and administering the territory
boundaries
●
And effectively securing and administering the territory
●
Which may involve overcoming internal challenges to the
monopoly of coercion
●
If unsuccessful, there may be external challenges, which may
lead to territorial changes
●
Weber: the state “thus a compulsory organization with a
territorial basis” (economy and society)
■
Weberian implications
●
Arguably akin to a protection racket
●
But also the foundation for successfully implemented rules and
policies which may create a lawful and ordered society and
promote human freedom and equality
●
Key: all made possible by coercive monopoly
●
State formation
○
Older forms of political organization, including
tribes
,
city-states
, and
empires
,
go back thousands of years
○
Some were recognizable forerunners of the modern state
■
E.g. China 3rd century BC
○
Modern state
■
Born in europe in the late medieval and early modern periods (12th-
19th c.)
■
Followed european influence throughout the globe
■
And then remained after direct european influence (e.g. decolonization
left independent african states in the 1950s-60s)
○
Why states?
■
Judicial state (joseph strayer) - state provides order and builds
revenues by settling cases
■
Economic state (douglass north) - state supports growth by defending
contracts, property, the rule of law
■
Military state (charles Tilly) -
●
War makes state and the state makes war
●
Leaders build fighting and taxing capacity
●
External threat inspires people’s acquiescence and even
solidarity
○
Why europe?
■
Collapse of the Roman empire (5th c.)
■
Weakness of subsequent imperial construction (Carolingian Empire,
Holy Roman Empire)
■
Organized crime in vacuum: armed groups claim territory, offer
protection to inhabitants, and extract resources in exchange
Readings
Politics as a Vocation Weber
●
What do we understand about politics?
○
Broad concept comprising of independent leadership in action
○
Wish to understand by politics the leadership and influence of the leadership
of a political association (the state)
●
How to define state
○
Cannot be defined by its ends and must be defined by its means
○
‘Every state is founded on force’ (Trotsky at Brest-Litovsk)
■
Not the normal or only means of the state
■
A means specific to the state
○
Politics for us means striving to share power or driving to influence the
distribution of power either among states or among groups within a state
■
Political questions mean that the distribution, maintenance, or transfer
of power are decisive for answering the questions and determining the
decision or the official sphere of activity.
○
The state is a relation of men dominating men supported by the means of
legitimate (considered to be legitimate) violence.
●
Traditional domination
○
Gift of grace (charisma)
■
Prophet
■
War lord
■
Political party leader
○
Legality
■
Exercised by servant of state and those bearers of power who in this
respect resemble him
●
Obedience
○
Motivated by fear and hope
■
Fear of the vengeance of the power holder
■
Hope for reward in this world or in the beyond
○
Bounded to obedience by the power holder and not alone by the concepts of
legitimacy
●
3 pure types
○
Traditional
○
Charismatic
■
Support based on the belief in this person and the personal qualities
he holds
○
Legal
●
The fear of loss is the final and decisive basis for solidarity between the executive
staff and the power holder.
●
All states may be classified according to whether they rest on the principle that the
staff of men themselves own the administrative means or whether the staff is
separated from these means of administration.
●
Administrative means
○
Consists of money
○
Building
○
War material
○
Vehicles
○
Horses or what not
●
Contemporary state
○
Separation of the administrative staff, of the administrative officials, and of the
workers from the material means of administrative organization is completed
●
The state has combined the material means of organization in the hands of its
leaders and it has expropriated all autonomous functionaries of estates who formerly
controlled these means in their own right
●
Politics just as economic pursuits may be a man's avocation or his vocation.
○
Politics as an avocation is today practiced by all those party agents and
heads of voluntary political associations who, as a rule, are politically active
-
Posner Abstract
War Making and state making as organized crime Charles Tilly
●
This paper concerns the place of organized means of violence in the growth and
change of those peculiar forms of government we call national states:
○
Relatively centralized
○
Differentiated organizations
the officials of which more or less successfully
claim control over the chief concentrated means of violence within a
population inhabiting a large contiguous territory
●
The argument grows from historical work on the formation of national states in
western europe focusing on the growth of the french state from 1600 onwards
○
The trimmed down argument stresses the interdependence of war making
and state making and the analogy between both of these processes and
what, when less successful and smaller scale, we call organized crime.
●
Double edged protection
○
Governments use the word protection to connote a positive tone for what they
do as if they are sheltering people or something of the Likes. They disregard
and condemn those who disagree claiming they are only charging for what
covers this protection
○
Tilly compares them to a racketeer who creates the danger in itself and then
charges for the reduction of such a danger. The only difference he sees is
that they are within a governmental organization
●
Violence and Government
○
Asks what distinguishes violence from states and individuals and what makes
it legitimate or illegitimate
●
Protection as a business
○
Referring to the economic gains of a strong military
●
History talks
○
Looking back we see the symbiotic relationship between the state, military
power and private economy's effect opulent banking families
●
What do states do
○
War making
■
Eliminating or neutralizing rivals outside the territories in which they
have clear and continuous priority as wielders of force
○
State making
■
Eliminating or neutralizing their rivals inside those territories
○
Protection
■
Eliminating the enemies of their clients
○
Extraction
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■
Acquiring the means of carrying out the first three activities
●
How states are formed
○
Popular resistance to war making and state making made a difference
○
The relative balance among war making protection extraction and state
making affected the organization of the states that emerged from the 4
activities
Herbst War and the state in Africa
●
Arguing that states may not eventually become strong in Africa
○
Claims that war is an important cause of state formation that is missing in
Africa as seen in europe
○
South korea and taiwan are largely “war made the state and the state made
war”
○
The role of war has not been examined because the majority of states in
Africa and elsewhere in the world gained independence without having to
resort to combat and have not faced a security threat since independence.
○
Comparison of the European case with that of Africa is therefore crucial to
understanding whether the analogy holds.
■
War caused states to become more efficient in revenue collection; it
forced leaders to dramatically improve administrative capabilities; and
it created a climate and important symbols around which a disparate
population could unify
○
The next section outlines how war affected state formation in europe focusing
on two crucial developments
■
The creation of centralized and efficient structures to collect taxes,
and the development of nationalism.
■
He then compares the European experience of state-building through
warfare to the relative peace that Africa has experienced since the
1960s.
■
He then evaluates the possibilities that African states might develop
strategies to solve these fundamental problems in times of peace
●
Conclusion
○
It is important to not glorify war
■
With that being said it is undeniable that out of this destruction
emerged stronger political arrangements and more unified populations
■
It is doubtful that if african states went to war, they would undergo the
exact same processes of state consolidation that happened in Europe
■
Should be recognized that there is very little evidence that African
countries aor many others in the third world, will be able to find
peaceful ways to strengthen the state and develop national identities.
■
The prospects for states that will not disappear, but simply cannot
develop must be examined.
■
Some african leaders in the future may come to believe that the costs
of peace limits on reform possibilities and fragmented populations -
are so high that war may not seem to undesirable as an alternative
Week 4: Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Identity
●
Key terms
○
Ethnicity
■
Group sharing common attributes - historical, cultural, institutional
○
Nation
■
Politicized ethnicity - a specific community claiming territorial
sovereignty in the name of its distinctive features or identity
○
Nationalism
■
Pursuit of sovereignty or autonomy on behalf of the national
community
○
National identity
■
Collective feeling of belonging to a national and sharing its distinctive
attributes
●
Defining the Nation - (a) Primordial
○
The nation as an empirical fact with emotional resonance
○
Points back to the primordial ties that bind - language, race, religion, customs
○
Which form the content of ethnic and national identity
●
The Primordial Nation
○
Franjo Tudjman, Nationalism in Contemporary Europe (1981):
■
Nations… grew up in a natural manner, in the objective and complex
historical process… on the basis of blood, linguistic, and cultural
kinship, and the common vital links of fate between the ethnic
community and the common homeland and the common historical
traditions and aims… Nations are the irreplaceable cells of the human
community
○
Patrick Pearse, Ghost (1916)
■
National freedom “ is not affected by the accidents of time and
circumstances”
●
Defining the nation - (b) Perennial
○
Nations not as objective, essentialist, timeless
○
But as deeply historical
■
Framed around crucial events - e.g. war defeats
■
Supported by symbolism
■
Cultivated by literate elites
■
Pointing to substantial continuity between pre-modern and modern
nations - “ethnie” as necessary foundation for the “nation-to-be”
●
The perennial nation
○
Other scholars go further in identifying nations in the past
■
Aviel roshwald: ancient Israel and greece
■
Adrian Hasting: medieval England
■
Liah Greenfeld: 16th-century england
■
Susan Reynolds, kingdoms and communities in Western Europe 900-
1300
●
“In the 900 the idea of a people as a community of custom law
and descent was already well entrenched in western society”
●
Defining the nation (c) subjective
○
Ernest Renan: the nation is a daily plebiscite
○
Builds on the past and present: “the common possession of a rich legacy of
memories” combined with “actual consent, the desire to live together, the will
to continue to value and heritage that has been received in common”
○
memory , but also forgetting
●
Defining the nation - (d) Modernist
○
Benedict Anderson: an imagined community
○
Imagined as limited and sovereign
○
National relations are mediated by signs and symbols
○
Historical product of
■
Capitalism
■
Print and
■
The fatality of human linguistic diversity
○
Not false, potentially powerful
●
The nation and economic modernity
○
Nationalism as expression of modern social forces - e.g. rising middle class
(Eric Hobsbawn)
○
Nationalism as a new integrating force, better suited to modernizing society
○
Ernest Gellner
■
Nationalism is not awakening of nations to self-consciousness: it
invents nations where they do not exist.”
●
The nation and political modernity
○
War drove need for contribution sacrifice
○
State formation
■
Enhanced contact
■
Standardized language culture religion
■
Promoted national identity
●
The french case: old regime
○
Historically
■
Territorial continuity
■
Monarchical regime
■
Recognition of difference (corporate privileges of estates, church,
guilds, provinces, towns, etc.)
■
Varied dialects, customs
○
French revolution (1789-99)
■
Overthrow of society of privilege first
■
Then monarchy - incompatible with revolution
■
Revolutionary principles - liberty fraternity equality - seen as general,
universal
■
Replace these with national sovereignty
Benedict Anderson The origins of national consciousness
●
A fundamental transformation in the history of Marxism and Marxist movements is
upon us
○
Most visible signs are the recent wars between vietnam, cambodia and china
■
First war to occur between regimes whose independence and
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revolutionary credential are undeniable, and because none of the
belligerents has made more than the most perfunctory attempts to
justify the bloodshed in terms of a recognizable marxist theoretical
perspective
○
Marxist movements and states have tended to become national not only in
form but in substance, i.e., nationalist
■
Nothing to suggest this trend wont continue
○
Claims there is no scientific definition for nation, nationality or nationalism
●
Aim of the book is to offer some tentative suggestions for a more satisfactory
interpretation of the ‘anomaly’ of nationalism
●
Claims nationality and nationalism are cultural artifacts of a particular kind
○
To understand them properly we must understand how they came into
historical existence
○
Argues they were created towards the end of the eighteenth century
●
In his works the nation is imagined as
○
Limited
○
Sovereign
○
A community
Brubaker Immigration Citizenship and the Nation-State in France and Germany
●
Massive post-war migrations have posed a fundamental challenge to the nation-
states of North-Western europe
○
Constructing an ideal typical model of nation-state membership, this paper
begins by specifying the multiply anomalous character of the membership
status of immigrants
○
It then seeks to explain the striking and persisting difference in the citizenship
status and chances of immigrants in France and Germany
○
While birth and residence in France automatically transform second-
generation immigrants into citizens, birth and residence in Germany have no
bearing on citizenship.
○
Vis-a-vs immigrants, the French citizenry is defined expansively, as a
territorial community, the German citizenry, as a community of descent.
■
These diverging definitions of the citizenry embody and express
distinctive understandings of nationhood, state-centered and
assimilationist in France, ethnocultural and differentialist in Germany
■
Focusing on pivotal moments in the shaping and reshaping of
citizenship law - the 1880s in france and the wilhelmine era in
Germany
●
This paper argues that the politics of citizenship vis-a-vis
immigrants has been informed by distinctive national self-
understandings, deeply rooted in political and cultural
geography and powerfully reinforced at particular historical
conjunctures
Posner: Why Chewas and Tumbukas Are allies in Zambia and Adversaries in Malawi
●
This paper explores the conditions under which cultural cleavages become politically
salient. It does so by taking advantage of the natural experiment afforded by the
division of the chewa and Tubuka peoples by the border between Zambia and
Malawi.
○
He documents that, while the objective cultural differences between Chewas
and Tumbukas on both sides of the border are identical, the political salience
of the division between these communities is altogether different
○
He argues that this difference stems from the different sizes of the Chewa
and Tumbuka communities in each country relative to each country's national
political arena.
■
In Malawi, Chewas and Tumbukas are each large groups vis-a-vis the
country as a whole and thus serve as viable bases for political
coalition-building. In Zambia, Chewas and tumbukas are small relative
to the country as a whole and thus not useful to mobilize as bases of
political support
○
The analysis suggest that the political salience of a cultural cleavage depends
not on the nature of the cleavage itself (since it is identical in both countries)
but on the sizes of the groups it defines and whether or not they will be useful
vehicles for political competition
●
Conclusion
○
Drawn on a pair of natural experiments to make two important points about
the relationship between culture and politics
■
First is that the political and social salience of a cultural cleavage does
not follow axiomatically (to take for granted) from the fact that the
cultural cleavages exist
■
Innate cultural differences do not necessarily have greater power than
non cultural differences to generate political or social division
○
What is novel is the papers argument about what the chewa-tumbuka
cleavage matters in Malawi and not in Zambia
■
Namely, that the political and social salience of the cleavage depends
on the sizes of the groups that the cleavage defines relative to the
sizes of the political and social arenas in which the groups are located
■
Due to the large coalitions in Malawi the Chewa-tumbuka cleavage is
highly politically salient
in that country.
●
On the other hand in Zambia these two groups are usually
grouped together as both are minorities which reduces the
salience of the cleavage that exists between them
○
Implications
■
Consumers of these indexes implicitly equate objective cultural
differences with politically or socially salient differences although they
are not the same thing
■
A lack of cultural “authenticity” need not imply that a political boundary
is any less politically or socially meaningful than one based on cultural
differences.
Week 5: Capitalism, Class, and Conceptions of
Political Development
●
Capitalism
○
Andrew Heywood - 1020E textbook definition:
■
A system of generalized commodity production, featuring:
●
Productive wealth, mainly private
●
Market principles
●
Wage labour
●
Profit and other material incentives
●
Capitalism: Rival Interpretations
○
Liberal: (conservative party economic views)
■
Adam smith: “commercial society”
●
Emerges from the late medieval Italian and Dutch cities
●
Spreads to the atlantic coast and beyond
●
Creates ‘middling classes’
■
Adam Smith: Markets are:
●
Spontaneous
○
Not institutions
○
Man made rules governing markets
●
Driven by self-interest, profit orientation
●
Sites of decentralized, independent decision-making by sellers
and buyers
●
Economic growth via competition and specialization
○
Division of labour
○
Comparative advantage
●
State society relations:
○
Individualism
○
Limited role for the state
○
Liberal conception of Political development
■
Historical Trajectory – Lipset:
●
Industrialization matters – but what is it?
○
Dramatic growth in productivity
○
Mechanization, factory production
○
Shift of resources from agriculture to manufacturing
●
Industrialization: linked to urbanization, literacy expansion,
values change- and democracy (aka “political development)
○
Many historical liberals believed that good things came
together
●
Social changes key
○
Economic development producing increased income
greater economic security and widespread higher
education largely determines the form of the ‘class
struggle’, by permitting those in the lower strata to
develop longer time perspectives and more complex
and gradualist view of politics” (p.59)
●
Competition, not conflict
●
Effects
○
Marginalize radicals
○
Broaden middle class to the point of newer universality
○
Inequality does not disappear, but “the wealthier a
country, the less is status inferiority experienced as a
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major source of deprivation” (p.62)
○
Integration into national cultural life challenges
influence of class
○
Critiques of Liberalism
■
Economic development hasn't always brought full social and political
development
■
Industrialization taken up in non-capitalist countries like the USSR
■
Capitalism has survived, but in many varieties - including chinese
“communist” capitalism
○
Marixist
■
Capitalism is a system of commodity (land, labour, capital) production
for broad exchange
■
“Capital is a social relation” (capital)
■
Dialectical materialism
●
Capitalism as a stage in history
○
Superstructure
○
Relations of production forces of production
■
Modes of production carry internal contradictions, producing classes in
conflict
■
Under capitalism
●
The bourgeoisie owns the means of production
●
And exploits the proletariat
●
Because labour is the source of value
●
And competition drives down wages
●
Conflict intensifiers:
○
Immiseration of labour
○
Socialization of labour
○
Concentration of capital
●
Proletariat grows in consciousness
○
Of itself
○
Of the inevitability of class struggle
●
Capitalisms role
○
Eliminating scarcity
○
Creating proletariat as the nearly universal social class
●
The proletariat
○
Smashes the state
○
Which lacks autonomy
○
As the executive committee for managing the common
affairs of the whole bourgeoisie
○
Revolution begins the movement toward a classless
society
○
Critiques of marx
■
More than two classes, blurring the line of conflict
■
Classes internally divided
■
Reductionist - other human motivations include nationalism, Religion,
ideology
■
State autonomy
■
Multiple paths of historical development
○
Continuing relevance of marx
■
Class
●
Not just relationship to the means of production
●
But based on access to an interconnected syndrome of
benefits: wealth, education, social networks, etc.
●
Still a powerful predictor of behavior
●
Although e.g. class-based voting channels conflict within the
capitalist and democratic order
●
Permitting new classes to emerge - e.g. sociocultural
professionals
○
Democracy and development
■
Lipset: perfect match
■
Marx: yes, but process will not end there
■
Przeworski et al:
●
Significant empirical support for the basic correlation
●
Is it casual? No - democracy is exogenously caused
●
Development instead locks in democracy once established -
lipset is right here
●
But not in saying that rapid development destabilizes
democracy
●
Key criticism: much democratization has already occurred by
1950-1990 missing historical data strengthens the
development-democracy correlation
Reading: Pakistan compared to India
-
This chapter has argued that the ability of each state’s governing
political party to resolve power-sharing conflicts, in each case
reflecting an analytically prior class logic, was the most important
explanation for the post-independence variation in India and
Pakistan’s regime stability. Thus, here as elsewhere, state capacity
was very much a function of the willingness and ability of nationalist
leaders to prioritize the interests of particular groups as well as to
enforce and legitimate those priorities
Marx and Engels: Manifesto of the communist party
●
Bourgeoisie
○
The class of modern capitalists
○
Owners of the means of social production
○
Employers of wage labour
●
Proletariat
○
The class of modern wage laborers
○
No means of production so reduced to selling their labour power
●
Argues that society is more and more splitting up into these two different classes that
directly face each other
●
Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a
corresponding political advance of the class
○
When they have the upper hand put an end to all
■
Feudal
■
Patriarchal
■
And idyllic relations
○
Set up Free trade
○
They cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of
production, thereby the relations of production and with them the who
relations of society
○
Converted all types of professionals to wage-laborers
○
Torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced family
relations to money relations
Lipset: The social Bases of Politics
●
Democracy in a complex society may be defined as a political system which supplies
regular constitutional opportunities for changing the governing officials, and a social
mechanism which permits the largest possible part of the population to influence
major decisions by choosing among contenders for political office
○
The most common generalization linking political systems to other aspects of
society has been that democracy is related to the state of economic
development. The more well-to-do a nation, the greater the chance that it will
sustain democracy
●
To test this he uses various indices of economic development
○
Wealth, industrialization, urbanization and education and computed averages
for the countries which have been classified as more or less democratic in the
anglo-saxon world and europe and in latin america
○
The average wealth degree of industrialization and urbanization and the level
of education is much higher for the more democratic countries
●
The inverse relationship between national economic development as reflected by per
capita income and the strength of communists and other extremist groups among
western nations is seemingly stronger than the correlations between other national
variables like ethnic or religious factors
Przeworski and Limongi Modernization: theories and facts
●
What makes political regime rise, endure and fall
○
The main question is whether the observed close relation between levels of
economic development and the incidence of democratic regimes is due to
democracies being more likely to emerge or only more likely to survive in the
more developed countries
○
That question is answered using data concerning 135 countries that existed
at any time between 1950 and 1990.
○
We find that the level of economic development does not affect the probability
of transitions to democracy but that affluence does make democratic regimes
more stable
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○
The relation between affluence and democratic stability is monotonic, and the
breakdown of democracies at middle levels of development is a phenomenon
peculiar to the southern cone of latin america
■
These patterns also appear to have been true of the earlier period but
dictatorships are more likely to survive in wealthy countries that
become independent only after 1950.
■
We conclude that modernization need not generate democracy but
democracies survive in countries that are modern
Week 6: Colonial and Post Colonial Politics
●
Politics in the Global South
○
Liberalism and marxism - Universalist theories:
■
(a) Economic change brings social transformation
■
(b) with new sets of beliefs and ways of life
■
(c ) and political change toward liberal democracy (and beyond)
○
At the end of the cold war we witnessed the end point of mankind's
ideological evolution and the universalization of the western liberal
democracy, as the final form of human government according to Francis
○
But convergence has not come about:
■
(a) capitalism has spread globally, facilitated by globalization
■
(b) development has been greatly uneven
■
( c) social effects are incomplete - no universalization of the middle or
working classes in the global south
■
(d) political effects are incomplete - unstable democratization,
persistent authoritarianism
○
Reflections on these results
■
Are universalist approaches wrong? Reasons to resist:
●
(a) polities underdeveloped - just wait for results
●
(b) digressions along the way - e.g. communism
●
( c) Adjusted accounts required - with the same categories and
causal mechanisms
■
Example: Vladimir Lenin:
●
(a) Imperialism as the highest form of capitalism
●
(b) Russia as the weak link in the capitalist chain
○
Neither colonizer or colonized
●
( c) the vanguard party will compensate for the weakness of
the proletariat
●
(d) Mao Zedong: The vanguard party will guide the peasantry,
the true revolutionary class
■
But for some, progress requires throwing out the concepts that
support the universalistic enterprise - e.g., Dipesh Chakrabarty
●
Colonialism
○
Europeans didn’t invent it, but they did systematize and greatly broaden it
○
As made possible by the high capacity of their developing states and
economies
○
Colonialism occurred at different times in different global context
■
Started in the americas and south americas with the exploration of the
spanish and portuguese
○
Some with no history of contact - the americas
○
Some with significant history of contact - asia, africa
●
Decolonization. Waves
○
Second Wave
■
India and Pakistan
●
The optimism of independence
○
National elites absorbed modern theory from colonial metropoles: liberalism,
democracy, nationalism, socialism
○
Which helped to generate substantial social unit behind the independence
struggle
○
And prepared to “set afoot a new man” (Franz Fanon) based on well-
elaborated western blueprints
○
Emphasizing liberal institutions and multi-party election based democracies
○
Supported by an effective state and well-integrated national community
○
With a modern economy founded on a culture of rationality, science and
freedom
○
But soon after independence, new directions:
■
(a) often stunted economic development
■
(b) some impressive economic and nation-building projects
■
( c)
but in most cases unsuccessful, or not attempted at all -
transformation hard to come by
■
(d) a broad turn to authoritarian regimes
■
(e) ruling within weak states, and over deeply divided societies
■
(f) with ‘modern’ beliefs remaining primarily at elite level
●
The post colonial state
○
Major theories:
■
(a) Liberal modernization theory: with economic and social
development would come a strong, european-style state
■
(b) Samuel Huntington,
Political order in changing societies
(1968):
●
Development generates social grievances and demands that
exceed the capacity of the state to respond - collapse into
“praetorianism”
■
( c) Marxism: the state would lack autonomy, but would build the
required capacity to advance the interests of the bourgeoisie
■
(d) Herbst: war makes states, and so the absence of war leaves states
underdeveloped.
○
The colonial impact
■
Highly developed repressive apparatus - military, domestic security
■
Leaving the other parts of the state weak - fiscal for taxing,
administration for effective delivery of programs and services
■
So, strong despotic power, minimal infrastructural power
■
Reinforcing lingering public suspicion of the legitimacy of the state
■
And during the cold warm the superpowers care about loyalty not
domestic governance
○
A key result is neopatrimonial rule
■
Defined as the sharing of the fruits of power with a complex network of
patron-client relationships - leader, big men, clients, etc.
■
Leaders rule in their own interests, not that of the public
■
Some groups benefit but others excluded further affecting state
legitimacy
■
If political parties are too weak to deliver patronage, reliance on
prebendalism: provision of executive offices as benefits
■
Which creates an enlarged stat that is extremely expensive and highly
inefficient
○
National integration is extremely challenging:
■
(a) colonialism often disregarded national communities in governing,
drawing artificial territorial boundaries
■
(b) newly independent states were deeply divided on multiple bases:
ethnicity, language, religion
■
( c) the unity of the independence struggle was temporary - social
differences soon reasserted themselves
■
(d) especially amidst neo-patrimonialism - distribution of spoils to
existing social groups, reinforcing narrower identities and attachments
■
Which are relied upon for the delivery of basic goods and services
○
India's complexity:
■
A great many bases for social division: religion, caste, language,
religion
■
Unlike africa, some common historical reference points
■
But differences reinforced by more systematic colonial reliance on
categories for subjects: caste, tribe, religion
■
And divide-and-rule strategies against anti-colonial mobilization
■
But there is no easy path to a nation-state, although this western-
inspired aspiration remained in place - perhaps the state could create
a nation
■
Set against the “two-nation theory’: one Hindu nation, one muslim
nation
■
This was the basis for partition in 1947 - highly contentious, violent,
and involving a mass population movement
○
New states, new nations?
■
Pakistan: the muslim league emphasies a muslim nation, pursued
through Islamization campaigns
■
India: the Indian National congress imagines a secular nation that
transcends religious and other divisions
○
There are seen as the best available materials for nation formation
○
But the attempt exposes tensions and exclusions:
■
Religious uniformity is lacking in pakistan, and further partition will
come in 1971
■
Many in india remain frustrated by the emphasis on secularism rather
than hinduism, some minority groups feel disregarded
●
After effects
○
Mahatma Gandhi is assassinated by an extremist supporter of a Hindu India
○
Jawaharlal Nehru carries forth a secular and modernizing approach to
governing India
○
Tudor:
■
The variation in the independence movements shapes the ability of
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the post-independence party t o broker social compromise; pakistan’s
later start limits its capacity to construct a broad coalition and keep the
military at bay
○
The congress party gradually yields its dominant status
○
With as its main rival the hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party
○
Which channels hindu nationalism largely though party competition in the
indian democracy
Van De Walle Reading
●
Clientelism exists in all policies
○
The form it takes , its extent, and its political functions vary
enormously, however, across time and place
●
This chapter analyzes the persistence and evolution of political clientelism in
sub-saharan africa since independence
○
Pervasive clientelism was a hallmark of the region's non-democratic
states
until their transition to multiparty politics in the 1990s.
○
To what extent will these practices persist, now that democratic
politics, however imperfect, has become the norm in the region?
○
The second half of the chapter examines the likely evolution of
political clientelism in the new multiparty electoral regimes of sub-
saharan Africa.
●
A comparison of this region with the regions examined by other contributions
to this book confirms an argument made by Kitschelt and Wilkinson
○
That the structural characteristics of the country determine the nature
of the clientelistic politics.
○
The african cases discussed in this chapter have a lower level of
economic development and smaller, poorer, state structures than
those discussed in the other chapters
○
This impacts the nature of clientelism in the region
●
In sub-saharan africa, a pervasive form of elite clientelism, prebendalism,
actually involves relatively little patronage
Tudor Reading
●
This chapter seeks to explain this surprising divergence in political order in India and
Pakistan
○
The core argument developed is that this early, stark difference was a direct
result of the kinds of social coalitions and political parties constructed during
each countries respective struggle for national liberation
○
Though these elites were pursuing similar goals of power they did so at
different times, and from different positions within the colonial power
structure. As a result, they forged different kinds of coalitions, evolved
nationalist programs with different levels of specificity, and constructed
movements with different degrees of organizational complexity
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Week 7 Logics and Patterns of Development in the Global
South
Readings:
●
Gunder Frank Reading
○
Hypothesis for Under Development in South American Countries
■
Underdevelopment is generated by the very same historical process
which also generated economic development, capitalism.
■
Satellites experience their greatest economic development when their
ties to their metropolis are weakest
●
Due to autonomous industrialization and growth
■
Regions which are the most underdeveloped and feudal-seeming
today are the ones which had the closest ties to the metropolis in the
past
●
Sugar exporting west indies
●
Northeastern Brazil
●
Ex mining districts in Brazil
Lecture:
●
Developmental Aspirations Mid-20th Century
○
Liberal expectation: including the south in an international trading system
would bring development as it had in the west
○
Colonialism was not seen as an impediment to development
○
US President Harry S. Truman
■
“We must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of
our scientifics and industrial progress available for the improvement
and growth of underdeveloped areas” (1949)
○
Tied in with US security aims was an interest in demonstrating the superiority
of capitalism as a source of development
●
Modernization Theory
○
Great optimism for universal development
○
WW Rostow: 5 common stages of growth: traditional society; preconditions
for take-off, take-off, drive to maturity, high mass consumption
○
Results uneven in 1960s, but signs of significant progress:
■
Growth rates
■
Life expectancy
■
Broader provision of such public goods as education and healthcare
■
Green revolution - agricultural production improves
○
Societies move from tradition to modernity:
■
Traditional: ascription, low social mobility, extended kinship structure,
elitist and hierarchical political authority
■
Modern: achievement, high social mobility, nuclear families, dynamism
and rational-legal authority
■
The two ways of life clash, modernity prevails
■
But modernizations failures are attributed to the strength of the
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traditional impulse, or insufficiently modern attitudes and beliefs
■
Latin America: Catholicism, feudal values, indigenous populations,
and aristocratic influence can explain weak entrepreneurial activity
○
But: Tradition is a residual category - all that is not modern
●
Modernization: effects
○
But the benefits were concentrated in a few successful southern states, with
the rest still experiencing weak growth and/ or high levels of poverty
○
Results much less impressive as of the late 1960s - in terms of malnutrition,
unemployment and inequality
○
This approach attributed developmental inadequacies not to its basic
propositions, but rather to set of impediments seen as peculiar to the south
●
Import substitution industrialization: Latin America
○
Cold war brought return to colonial trade relations: client states as providers
of raw materials, purchasers of manufactured goods
○
Latin america respond in the 1950s and 60s with ISI:
■
Aim to create domestic manufacturing, give jobs to local workers,
provide cheaper goods at home, and export some abroad
■
Tariffs protected the domestic market so ‘infant industries’ could grow
by replacing imports
■
Some state subsidies and state ownership to stimulate targeted
industrialization
○
Problems with ISI:
■
Domestic markets not large enough
■
Still importing: technological know-how and machine tools and parts
■
Domestic actors resisted giving up tariffs and subsidies as required
■
And bureaucratic authoritarianism: as domestic markets saturated,
growth stunted, leading to massive popular unrest, and military coups
justified by the need for public order and economic management
●
Dependency Theory
○
Built on key insights of ISI: need for domestic industrial development
○
But represented a radical response to perceived failures in development
under modernization and ISI
○
Dependency: when a countries economic development is heavily conditioned
by the development and expansion of another economy
○
Dependency theory argues that capitalist development of a dependent
country is rendered very unlikely, even impossible, by the structure of
exchange relations
○
Inspiring revolutions in places like Cuba and Nicuaragua
●
Dependency Theory Pt 2
■
Rejects the emphasis on the individual nation-state and onn cultural
struggles within them (tradition versus modernity)
■
Nation-states must be placed within the context of the global political
economy - a new level of analysis
■
Lenin was right! Capitalism operates on the global scale, serving as
the main influence on national development
■
The global capitalist system is interconnected but highly unequal
■
Countries at the center of the system develop by underdeveloping
others - core versus periphery
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■
The core economies in the global south do the same to their satellites,
and so on down the line
■
Southern production responds to the needs of the metropolitan
economy, not its
■
So, the benefits of capitalism don’t trickle down
■
The bourgeoisie may remain weak and compromised, acting in the
service of the metropole
■
Frank: the further from global capitalism, the more developed
■
This system began in the 16th century, with the emergence of colonial
relations: southern resources for western manufacturing
■
Over time, the system is increasingly irreversible - supported by
sustained differences in state strength
●
Developmental states
○
Japanese successes noticed early 1960s - reliance on exports confirms
conventional account
○
On closer look the case wasn't so straightforward
■
Too much state involvement - against model calling for small states
that support property rights and contracts and get out of the way
■
Model soon extended to authoritarian south korea and taiwan
■
Pro-development state challenges neo-utilitarian approach - state
officials always seek corrupt gains
○
States vary: predatory, developmental, intermediary
■
Predatory
●
Marketization of state: “holding any slice of public power
constitutes a veritable exchange instrument convertible into
illicit acquisition of money or other goods” (p. 570)
●
Spending goes not to development, but to power via patronage
●
Society remains fragmented into groups competing for favours
■
Developmental
●
Autonomy - a cohesive, merit and expertise-based
bureaucracy capable of formulating and pursuing a goal
regardless of the demands of dominant social groups
●
Embeddedness - well-established networks which permite the
state to learn what is needed by business elites to drive
development
●
Embedded autonomy - the capacity to provide guidance and
resources to economic actors to unlock unseen potential
●
Enable “development of a bourgeoisie orientated to long-term
profit-based productive investment” (p. 570)
○
Gershenkron
■
Strong states are required and will emerge:
●
Early industrializers accumulated capital slowly, in small mill
and mines, before investing in ever more capital-rich industries
●
So these industrializers operated as individual entrepreneurs
and felt no need for help from institutions
●
Later industrializers had to accumulate capital more quickly,
which required innovative contributions from banks and then
the state
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●
The later the industrializers, the more reliant on the state
○
Japan
■
Key to Japanese success:
●
Industrial strategy devised by state - ministry of international
trade and industry (MITI)
●
Use of financial institutions to divert savings to investment
●
Disciplined support – state reorientation of production from
domestic to export markets
●
Pick winners - sectors and firms within them
●
Tariffs and import restrictions protect emerging industry
●
Subsidies and low interest loans enable industrial development
●
Public risk absor
○
Why there?
■
East Asia
●
Strong states before foreign investment appears
●
States acquired autonomy as japanese colonialism weakened
dominant landed class
●
Assembling a pro-growth political coalition was easier
■
Latin america
●
Awash in foreign investment before states could become
strong
●
Landed class remained strong on the ground
●
Assembling a pro-growth coalition require tougher negotiations
○
Neoliberalism
■
Japanese model ran into difficulties in the ‘lost decade’ (1991-2001)
■
The global ‘lost decades’ (1980s-90s) saw the emergence of a debt
crisis, as demand for exports dropped, prices of primary commodities
fell, and loans were simply too easily available
■
Creditor countries and international financial institutions reschedule
debts in exchange for structural adjustment and reduced public
spending
■
The washington consensus forms in the 1990s - program: cutback,
liberalization of trade and investment, privatization of deregulation
■
India shifts from state-driven growth model to neoliberalism 1991
Week 8: civil society and social capital
●
Defining civil society
○
A sphere of social interaction between the state and the private sphere, a
sphere of associations (especially voluntary), social movements, and public
contact and communication
●
What can civil society do?
○
Cultivate personal virtue
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○
Recreate bonds in fragmented modern society
○
Broaden sense of self-interest
○
Enable collective action
○
Protect society against state intrusion
○
Serve as a school for democracy
●
Civil society’s effects
○
But it can also create inequality
○
Karl Marx:
■
Civil society emerges as the bourgeoisie throws off the fetters of
feudalism (Burgerliche Gesellschaft)
■
Bourgeois civil society: individualism, atomization, and the
instrumentalization of people
■
Its freedom enables deepening of inequality
●
Civil society includes state
○
Ernest Gellner, Conditions of Liberty:
■
Applied marxism: state monopolized truth, undermined societal
freedom and independence
■
Real civity society: not just a strong society, but also a strong state
■
A western development - so don’t engage in “a naive universalization
of one rather fortunate kind of man”
●
The state and civil society
○
Jacob levy:
■
State is what liberates us from the lack of freedom in civil society
●
Putnam on social capital
○
Revives republicanism:
■
Anti-monarchism - no
■
Emphasis on civic virtue and the pursuit of the public good - yes
■
“Civic community” - participation, emphasis on public good, trust,
tolerance
■
BUT - attainable based on self-interest rather than virtue
○
Is this possible?
■
Marxism: after the revolution
■
Nationalism: with nation formation
■
Putnam: only in a civic community - it’s not who or when but where
you are
○
Structure of the study
■
Question: what explains government performance?
■
Occasion: introduction of new italian regional governments as of 1970
■
Define success
●
Effectiveness
●
Responsiveness
○
Could it be civicness
■
Question: does successful democratic government depend on civic
society
■
Civic community: rich in (1) active participation, emphasizing public
good over private ends, (2) solidarity, trust and tolerance
■
How can we tell
●
Establish syndrome of civicness - measured by associational
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activity, union membership, newspaper readership, political
participation, etc.
●
Establish that these measures are highly intercorrelated
●
Test relationship between civicness and institutional
performance
○
Social capital is the key
■
Social capital: norms of reciprocity and networks of civic engagement
●
Social: trust is an emergent property of society - norms,
networks, trust - not individuals
●
Capital: trust builds through use, “investment”
●
Example: rotating credit associations
■
Social capital spurs economic development, makes democracy work,
makes people happier
■
Two possible equilibria
●
Never cooperate - so who will start? (south)
●
Brave reciprocity - dont be first to defect (north)
■
These social conventions influence self-interested action
○
How did northern Italy find its groove?
■
Division of Italy into:
●
Norman monarchy in the south, and
●
Republican city-states to the north
■
Monarchy: relationships vertical, hierarchical
■
City-states: relationships horizontal, at least amongst the elite
■
These differences prove remarkably durable
○
Criticisms of Putnam: Italy
■
Norman rule - why so different in its effects in England?
■
The ‘dark side of social capital’ - equally characteristic of criminal
gangs?
■
Where is fascisim in Putnam’s Italy
■
Italy’s ‘southern problem’ - quasi-colonialism?
■
Transmission - republics vanish, civicness endures over the century,
but how?
○
Criticism of Putnam: USA
■
6(a) Italy: Social capital lasted centuries - through wars, revolutions,
nation formation, economic crises and democratization
■
USA: it was rapidly depleted due to the effects of… television!
○
Communications and community
■
Can the new communications technologies rebuild the community?
Possibly but:
●
We tend to limit contact to people like ourselves
●
Electronic communications may lack the intimacy and
sensitivity of face to face
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Week 9:
Authoritarianism
●
Regime Change 1: sources of authoritarianism and totalitarianism
○
Classifying authoritarian regimes
■
Authoritarian regime featuring rule
●
Not by the people
●
But by a constitutionally unaccountable leader, group, or
organization
●
Not selected by the people
■
So if democracy features free and fair elections, authoritarians either
don’t hold them, or manufacture victories in them
○
Varieties of authoritarianism
■
According to rulers and their legitimacy formula
■
Personal dictatorship/sultanism - charisma
■
Monarchical rule - tradition, heredity, divine right
■
Military rule - superior performance: end to disorder, development
■
One-party rule/totalitarianism - ideological justification
■
Post-totalitarianism - de-ideologized, performance criteria
○
Varieties of authoritarianism
■
II. according to the range of ambition:
●
Authoritarianism is predatory rule:
○
Accepts apolitical civil society
○
Actively undermines explicitly political associations and
organizations
●
Totalitarianism is transformative rule
○
Nazism - Hitler sought purification
○
Communism - Stalin pursued forceful creation of ‘new
soviet man
○
Totalitarians sought state control over society -
undermining pluralism, mobilizing people
○
Modern regimes requiring high state capacity
○
Sources of authoritarianism
■
Economic
●
Underdevelopment
●
Alexander Gershenkron - may be required to solve problems
faced by later industrializers
●
Economic crisis
●
Resource curse/trap
■
Cultural
●
Some religions not suited to democracy (Max Weber)
●
Asian values (Lee Kuan Yew)
●
Hierarchical patterns of social authority
■
But
●
Religions broadly interpretable
●
Cultural case repeatedly proven wrong - democracy seems
quite adaptable
●
High social capital alone is not enough - germany (Sheri
Berman)
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○
Totalitarianism
■
Term originated in Italy of 1920’s
●
Destruction of independent civil society
●
Pursuit of fundamental unity of state and society
●
Incorporation and mobilization of masses - by a single party
●
Focus of energies exclusively on ideological goals
●
Employment of censorship, surveillance, propaganda violence,
terror
■
Applied first primarily to fascist germany and italy then extended in
cold war to soviet union and its satellites
■
Challenges liberal modernization theory (e.g. Lipset)
■
Barrington Moore’s 3 routes to modernity
●
Liberal democratic
●
Fascist
●
Communist
○
Fascism
■
Apple to Italy 1922-43 and Germany 1933-45
■
Southern and eastern europe: Traditional dictatorships or proto-fascist
regimes
○
Robert Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism (2004)
■
Facism
●
A form of political behaviour marked by obsessive
preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or
victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and
purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist
militants… abandons democratic liberties and pursues with
redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints
goals or internal cleansing and external expansion
○
Fascism’s Contradictions
■
Facism is
●
anti-modern (liberalism, rationalism, socialism) - but embraced
modern forces and features above all modern nationalism and
the state
●
Anti-capitalist - but marshalled modern economic might
●
Anti-conservative - but revealed in tradition
○
Facism’s variation
■
Minorities:
●
Germany: racist and brutally anti-semitic
●
Italy: fascist movement initially integrates Jews, engages in
smaller subversions
■
Regime character
●
Italy: “semi pluralist” (stanley Payne) - a corporatist state with
monarchy
●
Germany: rapid dismantling of german democracy in every
respect, hegemony over pluralism
○
Sources of Fascism
■
Some major factors
●
Late and incomplete nation-formation
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●
Effects of WWI - devastation, imperial collapse, new states
●
Russian revolution fear of communism
●
Frailties of young democratic institutions
■
What happened to social capital? Why didn't it make democracy
work?
■
Berman: parties as key intervening factors - friendly amendment to
Putnam
○
Stalinism
■
By 1924, from proletarian internationalism to ‘socialism in one country’
■
Force collectivization of agriculture
■
Rapid industrialization based on heavy industry
■
Command economy, 5 year plans
○
Nazism and Stalinism
■
Similarities
●
Use of powerful modern state, and a single party in a
transformative enterprise - “continuous revolution” (michael
mann)
●
Don't overstate it: “working towards Hitler” (Ian Kershaw) and
Stalin’s rabid purge of competent officials
●
Political violence: concentration camp and gulags; millions
killed; terrorism as a tool of rule
■
Differences
●
Soviets absorbed society and economy
●
National vs. class revolution
●
Character and extent of territorial ambition
○
North Korea
■
Is north korea totalitarian
●
Surveillance
●
Social control
●
Repression
●
Prison camps
■
However, Juche is a regime ideology, self-reliance is not
transformative, pointing to the limited capacity of the state
●
Bernstein’s methodology - Russia cultural and China share:
○
Communist regimes
○
New leaders amidst crisis
○
“Determined to revitalize and reinvigorate the ruling parties and redirect their
people’s energies in more productive directions” (p. 40)
○
But the results differ:
■
USSR: end of CP rule, partition of Union, and loss of superpower
status
■
China: rising economic and military status, which party adapts to or
leads
●
China vs. USSR: Institutionalism
○
Institutions (formal and informal system of rules) determine outcomes
○
Institutions generate self-reinforcing dynamics, path dependence
○
Change is problematic:
■
Powerful external force disrupts path dependence or
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■
Incremental change - e.g. layering, conversion, drift
■
Depends on strength of forces for change, strength of forces resisting
change
■
USSR: simultaneous reform in three domains , not one: the economy,
the military-industrial complex/foreign policy, and the political system
■
Gail Lapidus: successful reform “would entail radical changes not only
in the organization of the Soviet economy, but also in social and
cultural policy, in the nature of soviet political life, and ultimately in the
allocation of status, power and rewards throughout the Soviet system”
■
Aimed also “to cut the… huge military budget and to end the cold war”
■
Effect: much more powerful and wide-ranging resistance to change,
amplified by democratization
■
China is better positioned for economic reforms:
■
Chinas backwardness - “This enabled the country’s leaders to start
economic reforms at the periphery”
■
“Decentralization made it possible to defer reform of the centrally
planned economy, which was the core economy, until the 1990s”
■
Household responsibilities system and township and village
enterprises: partial changes, within context of existing system, that
gradually overcome system (layering)
○
Soviet wage and pension security discourage risk-taking
○
Soviet agriculture larger, more industrialized, and more bureaucratized -
harder to dislodge:
■
Bureaucratic barriers: “a path-dependent legacy” with impact “long
after the agricultural sector had become the recipient of huge states
subsidies and investments during the Brezhnev era” (Bernstein, p. 49)
○
Timing and sequencing
■
Chinese reforms came after radical and disruptive great proletarian
cultural revolution (1966-76)
■
Soviet reforms came after stability of Brezhnev and successors
■
Soviet economic reforms failed, but china’s brought unprecedentedly
high growth rates (10 percent over the next 30 years)
Readings:
Dictators and Dictatorships (Ezrow and Frantz
●
Defining Dictatorship
○
Linz
■
Authoritarian regimes are political systems with limited, not
responsible political pluralism, without intensive or extensive political
mobilization and in which a leader or a small group exercises power
within formally ill defined limits but actually quite predictable ones
○
Huntington (similar to Linz)
■
Authoritarian regimes are characterized by a single leader or group of
leaders with no party or a weak party, little mass mobilization and
limited political pluralism
○
Acemoglu and Robinson (contrary)
■
Argue that dictatorships are regimes in which the government
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represents solely “the preferences of a subgroup of the population”
■
non-democracies are “for the elite and the privileged” where decisions
are made either by a single individual, the elite, a junta, or an
oligarchy.
○
Brooker
■
Definition focuses on the election process
■
Defines dictatorship as the “theft of public office and powers”
○
Przeworski (definition used for this article)
■
Regimes in which those who govern are selected through contested
elections
■
Dictatorships are not democracies
●
Theoretical backgrounds
○
Totalitarianism
■
Huntington
●
Rule by a single party led by an individual with a powerful
secret police and a highly developed ideology
●
Government has total control of mass communications and
social and economic organizations
●
Aim to create and ideal society through government
propaganda
■
Hannah Arendt
●
Highlights the uniqueness of totalitarianism calling it a new and
extreme form of dictatorship comprised of “atomized, isolated
individuals”
●
Using stalin and hitler argues ideology plays a prominent role
in totalitarian regimes
●
Common thread is that leadership wants to transform human
nature by providing complete road map for the organization of
human life
●
Leadership seeks to exert full control over society subjecting
citizens to omnipresent terror to ensure compliance
●
Critical actors
○
Leader
○
Secret police
○
The party
■
Friedrich and Brzezinski
●
Highlight 6 features of totalitarian dictatorships
○
Implementation of official ideology
○
A single political party
○
Party control over the mass communications
○
Party control over the military
○
A central economy
○
And a secret police
●
Totalitarianism is a new from of government seeking a social
revolution based on the leaderships ideological assumptions
●
Power is wielded without restraint
●
Leader has greater power than party and possesses religious
or charismatic appeal
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○
North Korea
■
Similar to totalitarianism
■
State’s ideology is “Juche”
●
Only way to understand this ideology is to “follow the leader
and the party”
○
Totalitarianism vs authoritarianism
■
Authoritarian regimes (Linz)
●
Ideology is weak
●
Goal is to depoliticize and demobilize society
●
Small degree of pluralism
●
Political parties are devoid of ideology and don’t play an
important role
●
Regime does not exercise total control
●
Terror and propoganda used but not to the same extents as
totalitarian regimes
■
Totalitarian regimes (Linz)
●
Goals are social revolution to transform human nature
●
Ideology plays a strong role
●
Terror is used heavily to achieve these goals
●
High level of organization and total control
●
Leader secret police and party are key
●
Mass mobilization
○
Beyond totalitarianism
■
One party dictatorship (Huntington and Moore)
●
Revolutionary
○
High level of charisma
○
Social dynamism is high
○
High level of party discipline
○
High role of ideology
○
Strategies for achieving goals are subordinate and
annihilate social divisions
○
Low level of institutionalization
●
Established
○
Moderate level of charisma
○
Social dynamism is unimportant
○
Moderate level of party discipline
○
Pragmatic role of ideology
○
Achieve goals through administrative means and
mediating policy initiatives
○
High level of institutionalization
■
Military rule (perlmutter)
●
Arbitrator
○
Time limit to military rule
■
Willing to return to barracks after disputes are
settled
○
Goal of the military is to settle disputes
○
Concerned with professional improvement
○
No independent political organization
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○
Accepts existing social order
○
Civilian-orientated, fears civilian retribution
●
Ruler
○
No desire to return to the barracks
○
Goal is to maximize time in power being convinced
military rule is the only alternative to political disorder
○
Politicizes professionalism
○
Strong political organization
○
No confidence in existing order and challenges civilian
rule
○
Not civilian orientated and little fear for civilian
retribution
Week 10: Regime Change and Waves of
Democratization
●
Defining democracy
○
Liberal democracy
■
Competition or contestation
■
Participation or opposition
■
Rule of law - civil and political rights
■
The institutionalization of uncertainty (Adam Przeworski)
■
“Protected consultation” (Charles Tilly)
■
John Markoff - no stable definition, as each round of political struggle
changes our conceptions and expectations of democracy
○
Does democracy come in waves?
■
Systematic shifts of regime type in a great many countries in a defined
stretch of time
■
Outstripping shifts in the other direction
■
If so, then democratization should not be studied exclusively at the
national level - search for common causes
■
Does it come in waves?
●
First wave (1828-1926) - due to
○
Economic development, industrialization
○
Growth of restless new classes (middle and working)
○
War (WWI led to male worker and female
enfranchisement)
●
First reverse wave (1922-42) - due to:
○
Russian revolution
○
Great depression
●
Second wave (1943-1962) - due to:
○
End WWII
○
Delegitimization of authoritarianism
○
Economic reconstruction
●
Second reverse wave (1958-75) - due to:
○
Underdevelopment
○
Crisis of development
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●
Third Wave (1974 on) - due to:
○
Legitimacy crisis
○
Economic development
○
International support
○
Catholic church
●
Begins with Portugal, 1974 - causes:
○
Failed colonial wars
○
Revolt within the military
○
Stimulating widespread popular mobilization at home -
“Carnation revolution
●
Transitions to democracy
○
A voluntarist model - agency temporarily supplants
structure
○
“Transitions to democracy” possible regardless of
structural conditions
○
Recognizing “the high degree of indeterminacy
embedded in situations where unexpected events,
insufficient information, hurried and audacious choices,
confusion about motives and interests, plasticity, and
even in definition of political identities, as well as the
talents of specific individuals, are frequently decisive…”
(Guillermo O’Donnell and Philippe Schmitter, 1986)
●
Transitional actors
○
Key: responses of elites, as well as masses
○
Strategic interaction key - involving:
■
Hard-liners
■
Soft-liners
■
Social moderates
■
Social radicals
○
Within context of imperfect information
○
These actors are not social classes
●
Transition process
○
Begins with elite split (soft liners from hard liners) -
based on concern over regime legitimacy and durability
○
soft -liners reach out to social moderates - offering
liberalization of economy, society, limited political
change
○
The aim is to stabilize situation, preserve regime
○
Based on soft-liners’ belief in the existence of many
social moderates, and their willingness to support
limited institutional change
●
Transitions to democracy or dictatorship
○
With this opening comes rapid increase in the
politicization and mobilization of civil society
○
Key characteristics of the politics of transition: “ hope,
opportunity, choice, incorporation of new actors,
shaping and renewal of political identities” (O’Donnell
and Schmitter)
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○
The resulting interactions will determine whether the
transition will lead to democracy or renewed
dictatorship
○
If society mobilizes and radicalizes too much, too fast,
then repression by hard-liners (if they still can)
○
If society insists on more, but remains sufficiently
moderate, then elites may participate in
democratization
●
Case study: Russian Democratization
○
Declining legitimacy of USSR - limits to dictatorship of
the proletariat?
○
Weakening of performance-based legitimation -
declining economic performance:
■
Soft incentives
■
Inability to shift from extensive to intensive
industrialization
●
Gorbachev as soft liner
○
Responded to perceived decline in legitimacy of regime
○
Reformed to preserve:
■
Perestroika - restructuring
■
Glasnost - openness, publicity
■
Arms reductions -- to free up resources for
reforms
○
Reached out to moderates, but failed to control results
from 1989-91:
■
Single-party elections
■
End to party’s leading role
■
New parties, associations, multi-party elections
■
Nationalist revolts, suppressed to mollify
hardliners
■
Gorbachev opts for Soviet Presidency
■
Russian Commmunist Party forms
■
Coup August 1991
Readings:
Moller and Skaaning democratic waves (chapter 5)
●
First (long) wave (1828-1926)
○
Western europe, north america, australia, new zealand, parts of latin america,
central and eastern europe
●
First reverse wave (1922-42)
○
Central and eastern europe, parts of latin america
●
Second (short) wave (1943-1962)
○
Countries liberated/occupied by a western allies, parts of former european
colonies, and latin america
●
Second reverse wave 1958-75
○
Former colonies and parts of latin america
●
Third wave 1974-
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○
South europe, latin america, southeast asia, africa, and the former communist
countries (the middle east as the only major exception)
●
Five important factors (Huntington)
○
Legitimacy crisis
○
Economic development
○
International influence
○
New stance of the catholic church
○
The “snowball” effect
●
Conclusion
○
Huntington's analysis has been agenda setting, its greatest merit being that it
has directed attention to the international dynamics which have tended to
mutually reinforce either democratization or de-democratization
○
Indicators that the wave metaphor is problematic
■
Draws no distinction between abrupt and gradual developments
including pivotal conjuntures
■
Unclear whether a stagnant period or an actual decrease separates
two different waves
Transitology (Chapter 9)
●
Was welcomed by academics and practitioners as it offered a stimulating, novel take
on regime change but also because it supported the growing optimism on behalf of
democracy in structurally unpropitious countries
●
The assumption that the transition period is a process in which the background
structures are next to important is problematic
●
Agents choices have so far not seemed to pave the way for the development of
inclusive citizenship rights and the rule of law
●
It is necessary to integrate agency-oriented and structure oriented accounts precisely
due to their considerably overlapping explanatory power
●
Fundamentally about whether we ought to perceive various explanations as
supplements or alternatives to one another
The Rise of competitive authoritarianism Levitsky and Way
●
Defining competitive authoritarianism
○
Competitive authoritarian regimes violate the criteria for democracy frequently
and at high systemic levels falling short of democracy
○
They also fall short of full-scale authoritarianism
■
Incumbents cannot be eliminated and violations of democratic rules
are not open
■
Bribery and co-optation are used
■
Meaningful democratic institutions are in place creating arenas
through which opposition forces may pose significant challenges
○
Four arenas of democratic contestation
■
Electoral arena
■
Legislative arena
■
Judicial arena
■
The media
○
Inherent tensions
■
Authoritarian governments may coexist with meaningful democratic
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institutions as long as incumbents avoid egregious rights abuse and
do not cancel or openly steal elections
■
This does create an inherent source of instability
■
There are legal and societal barriers to influencing these elections
giving incumbents the chance to actually win elections
■
Succession is not democratization
●
While incumbent turnover has resulted in democratic
transitions other examples have seen the continuation of
authoritarianism
○
Paths to competitive authoritarianism
■
Competitive authoritarian regimes have clearly proliferated in recent
years
■
First path
●
The decay of a full-blown authoritarian regime
●
Established authoritarian regimes were compelled often by a
combination of domestic and international pressure either to
adopt formal democratic institutions or to adhere seriously to
what had previously been facade democratic institutions
■
Second path
●
Collapse of an authoritarian regime, followed by the
emergence of a new competitive authoritarian regime
●
Weak electoral regimes emerges by default in the wake of the
breakdown
●
The government lacked the capacity to consolidate
authoritarian rule
■
Third path
●
Decay of a democratic regime
●
Deep and often long standing political and economic crises
created conditions under which freely elected governments
undermined democratic institutions via a presidential “self-
coup” or through selective, incremental abuses
■
Prospects for both full scale authoritarianism and full-scale
democratization remained bleak
○
Conceptualizing nondemocracies
■
It is clear that early hopes of democratization in much of the world
were overly optimistic
■
Many authoritarian regimes survived the third wave and in the ones
that collapsed democracy was not yielded seeing new forms of non
democratic rule
■
Some forms of authoritarianism such as totalitarianism and
bureaucratic authoritarianism have become more difficult to sustain
■
A range of other nondemocratic outcomes also gained in importance
including other types of hybrid regimes, postcommunist patrimonial
dictatorships, and cases of sustained state collapse
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Week 11: Transitions and Waves
●
Transitions and waves
○
Third reverse wave? Some signs of authoritarianization
○
But Levitsky and Way:
■
Emergence of hybrid regimes combining democratic and
authoritarian features
○
Deep challenge to transitology - - hybrid regimes that are sustainable
rather than merely transitional
○
Levitsky and Way:
■
Post-Cold war world: authoritarianism harder to sustain - pro-
democratic US, EU
■
Many countries lack the conditions for democracy:
development, middle class, strong state and civil society
■
While lacking the elite cohesion and state capacity required to
impose dictatorship against societal resistance
■
The result: neither democratic
■
Nor fully authoritarian
■
But still authoritarian
●
Is competitive authoritarianism still here?
○
Levistsky and Way:
■
Yes in, 2019
○
Why?
■
Competition brings some level of uncertainty
■
US and EU are not the pro-democratic powerhouses they once
were
■
But there are still roughly as many CA regimes as in the 1990s
(35 then, 32 now)
■
The model survives where weak institutions permit the playing
field to be tilted but not trashed
■
Or where populist leaders weaponize grievances to overcome
resistance to a tilted playing field
■
Competition is hard to eliminate without a popular alternative to
democracy
○
Institutionalizing Democracy
■
Two Major Pathways:
●
Monarchical Path
○
Keep (and control) the king
○
France 1791 Constitution
■
Autocracy or
■
Constitutional
●
Real Monarchy or
●
Parliamentary
●
Republican Path
○
Kill or remove the king
○
American Constitution
■
Collegial or
■
Presidential
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●
Weak or
●
Strong
○
Purge or
○
Semi
○
Constitutional monarchy - features
■
Acknowledged, formal limits to monarchical prerogative
■
Constitution disperses at least limited power to representative
assemblies, courts - mixed constitution
■
Benjamin Constant: monarchy as “neutral power” guaranteeing
institutional balance in the polity
○
Constitutional monarchy in france
■
France 1791
●
First constitution of the french revolution
●
Revolutionaries: monarchy, though weaker, to bring
stability to new order
●
King gains legislative veto, right to appoint and dismiss
ministers
●
Unstable - (i) veto merely suspensive
○
(ii) separation between assembly and ministry
too complete
■
Within two years, king Louis XVI beheaded
■
France set on “revolutionary” path (Bagehot):
●
Republics
●
Restorations
●
Bonapartist authoritarianism
○
Parliamentary Monarchy
■
Evolves in England from the 17th to 19th centuries
■
Political role of monarchy gradually declines, replaced by
largely ceremonial role
■
Political role of house of lords also shrinks
■
Shift of executive functions to cabinet, “the efficient secret”
(Bagehot)
■
Parliamentary regime - fusion of executive and legislative
power (concentration rather than separation of powers)
■
Elasticity and continuity
○
Republicanism
■
A policy without traditional legitimacy of monarchy
■
Presidential republicanism
●
Seen as necessary in America due to larger scale
●
President at first indirectly elected, electoral college as
mediating body
■
Essence of presidentialism
●
President holds executive power
●
Separate election of executive and legislative
●
Divided, not fused or concentrated government -
mutual independence
■
France
●
Revolutionary origins - France: parliamentary
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republican regime, 1875
●
Key: establishing that prime minister, not president,
truly leads the government (1876-77)
■
Semi-Presidential
●
Lane: european strong presidentialism
●
Features a strong and independently elected
presidency and a prime minister as head of state
governing
●
France since 1958:
○
President appoints and dismisses prime
minister - may disregard composition of
assembly
○
Cohabitation - parliamentary majorities cannot
be ignored
○
Today’s choice
■
Presidentialism
■
Semi-presidentialism
■
Parliamentarianism - with either a monarchy or a weak
president as head of state
○
Perils of Presidentialism?
■
Indivisible prize - ‘winner take all’
■
Fixed term - inflexibility
■
President both partisan and national leader
■
Governing coalitions hard to form
■
Dual democratic legitimacy - Impasse
■
Tendency to use extra-constitutional means to break impasse
■
USA as the stable case?
●
“Diffuse” American parties? Centrist, moderate
electorate
●
No - increasing polarization in the last few decades
●
Elections messy, nastym but still open and clear
●
Although signs of erosion of electoral integrity
●
Trump, like Obama, got two years without serious
danger of executive-legislative danger
■
From Jose Antonio Cheibub, Presidentialism, Parliamentarism,
and Democracy (2007)
:
■
Failed Coalition building and executive legislative deadlocks
not empirically linked to collapse of presidentialism
■
Instead, democracies following dictatorships headed by
professional military 70 percent more likely to fail
○
Lijphart - Westminster Model
■
Keys to the majoritarian model:
●
Government should be by the majority
●
Even if it is a bare majority
●
representing less than a majority of voters
●
With an opposition party in place
●
To challenge and replace the government
■
Key to consensus model
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●
Government should be by larger majorities
●
Consisting of as many parties and representatives as
possible
●
Emphasizing negotiation at the expense of quick action
and clear accountability
●
A fewer complete changes of government
Readings:
Constitutions and political theory Lane
●
Constitutional monarchies
○
Prevailing type of constitutional government in the 1800s within europe
○
Involved the combination of monarchical rule with some dispersion of powers
to other bodies like the national assembly or the courts
○
Goal is to somewhat limit the power of the king or queen in different ways
○
The archetype of a constitutional monarchy is the french 1791 constitution
which served as a model for constitutional diffusion
■
King seen as the guarantee for the stability of the state
○
Royal autarchy was practiced in some states as well
○
The english constitution a living unwritten constitution couldn’t be classified as
a constitutional monarchy at the beginning of the 19th century, it was a form
of parliamentarism
●
Presidential republicanism
○
The american constitutional experiment favouring a big republic could not
employ existing forms of republican government
■
The choice of a president elected by the electoral college was made
○
Only Brazil chose the french model but transformed to the american model in
1891
○
Question is why presidentialism works so differently in the US compared to
south america
■
Under presidentialism the temptation to resort to military government
in the face of political opposition is strong
■
South america doesn't have the checks and balances institutionalized
in the american system
○
The french and american model constituted two basic modes of
constitutionalist governments
●
Parliamentarism
○
First parliamentary republic created in France 1875
○
The english constitution from 1867 comprises a most general analysis of
parliamentarism as a regime
○
The english constitution
■
Gives a voice to the british people (expressive)
■
Instructs the people on vital matters (teaching)
■
Tells the rulers about events in the realm (informing
■
Legislation
■
Finances, in particular the introduction of new taxes
○
The peculiar contribution of the british practice is the concept of the cabinet
as distinct from the queen
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○
Bagehot identified two internal conditions as absolutely vital for
parliamentarism
■
The right of the cabinet to dissolve parliament
■
The right of the queen to name new peers for the house of lords
○
Bagehot external conditions
■
Mutual confidence of the members of the lower house
■
A calm national mind
■
Rationality
○
Baghot found four types of political regimes
■
Parliamentary
■
Presidential
■
Hereditary
■
Revolutionary
○
Parliamentarism became the constitutional device by means of which the
powers of the king and queen could be abolished without the introduction of a
republic.
●
Parliamentarism vs presidentialism
○
Five models for executive institutions
■
Monarchy w parliamentarism
■
Monarchy w/o parliamentarism
■
Weak presidentialism or presidential parliamentarism
■
American presidentialism
■
European strong presidentialism
○
Parliamentarism along with the handling of the relationship between the
people and the executive and legislative powers also involves
■
The vote of no-confidence on the part of parliament towards the
cabinet
■
The right to dissolve parliament on the part of the premier
■
The right to call a vote of loyalty towards the cabinet on the part of the
premier
■
The right of parliament to appoint or accept a premier
■
The right of the premier to appoint ministers in the cabinet
The perils of presidentialism Linz
●
Parliamentary vs. Presidential systems
○
A parliamentary regime is one in which the only democratically legitimate
institution is the parliament
○
In a presidential system, an executive with considerable constitutional powers
is directly elected by the people for a fixed term and is independent of
parliamentary votes of confidence
■
Two things about this system stand out
●
The presidents strong claim to democratic legitimacy
●
His fixed term in office
■
Legislators can also claim democratic legitimacy
●
Paradoxes of presidentialism
○
While parliamentarism imparts flexibility to the political process,
presidentialism makes it rather rigid
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Majoritarianism and Consensus
●
Westminster model
○
Single-party governments - majority vs opposition, rotation in office with
elections
○
Cabinet dominance over legislature
○
Made possible by the disciplined two-party system
○
Majoritarian electoral system - single-member district
●
Consensus Model
○
Executive power-sharing - coalition governments, more continuity in office
○
Balance in executive - legislative relations
○
Multiparty system
○
Proportional representation electoral system - multi-member districts
●
Lijphart - Consensus Best
○
Key to consensus performance:
■
High quality of democracy - participation incentives
■
Greater tendency to share wealth
■
Appropriate regime for deeply divided societies (postcolonial) -
coalition governments, cabinets integrate diversity
■
Majoritarianism sees less continuity in governments and policies - wild
swings with fresh election
●
Electoral system reform?
○
Liberal party of canada 2015 campaign pledge
■
We are committed to ensuring that 2015 will be the last canadian
election conducted under the first past the post voting system
■
But – institutionalism: electoral
●
Force for change
○
Partisan interests: majority imposition
■
How strong is the desire of the major parties for reform in UK or
Canada
■
Both parties prefer alternating single-party governments
■
And recognize that PR could splinter parties
○
Minority bargain
■
UK Liberal Democrats had leverage after 2010
■
Coalition bargaining with conservatives led to referendum - - ‘no’ won
68-32%
■
Canada: no coalition governments, and NDP lacks leverage with
current minority government
○
Popular pressure: mass revolt:
■
Signs of outright system failure (italy) or deeply unpopular economic
changes (New Zealand)
■
UK - Brexit and pandemic failures, but Labour party is renewed and
both believe they can win
■
Canada - few signs that simply replacing party in power is no longer
enough for voters
○
Mass disillusionment
■
Some signs in the UK, and in canadian provinces
■
But this rarely brings change
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■
And disaffection with elections may no longer be strong enough in
Canada
○
Will change come to the UK, Canada?
■
Force for change not yet powerful enough
■
Referendum requirement: a powerful impediment to change
●
Failed in UK, Canadian provinces
●
Low information voters a big problem
●
Reform possible if resistance to change reduced - possible to
just legislate electoral reform in majoritarian fashion
●
UK: referendum the norm; Canada too?
○
Populism: what's the big idea?
■
Anti-elitism: Casts elites as self-interested and corrupt - necessary but
not sufficient
■
Emphasis on ‘the people’ - understood as
●
Victimized - stolen from, diminished in status
●
Virtuous - pure, authentic, the salt of the earth
●
Possessing common sense - - wiser than the so-called experts
●
Homogeneous - singular, speaking with one voice, a general
will
●
Sovereign - the final word, against elites and others
○
The big ideas
■
Mudde: a thin-centred ideology
●
Compatible with different ideologies
●
Dependent on a ‘host’ ideology
●
Based on class, nationalism, and so on
■
So populist tend to be
●
Left leaning in latin america and southern europe - class
●
Right-leaning in Northern Europe and North America - nation
○
Is populism democratic
■
Pushes controversial issues onto the political agenda: immigration,
european integration, austerity’s impact
■
Giving voice to people who feel left behind by democratic institutions
○
Populism’s pitfalls
■
Its in tension with liberal pluralism - holding that modern societies are
necessarily divided into legitimate groups based on perspective and
interest
■
Against pluralism, populism holds that:
●
The ‘will of the people’
●
As interpreted by the leader
●
Should prevail over rival views -
they betray the people
●
And liberal institutions - the courts, the civil service, the media
●
Mudde: “an illiberal democratic answer to problems created by
an undemocratic liberalism”
■
Populists have often operated within the constraints of liberal
democracy
■
But this logic supports authoritarian tendencies as well:
●
Undermining legitimate opposition - they don’t speak for ‘the
people’ !
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●
And reworking electoral systems to favour the party in power
●
Ziblatt and Levitsky: how democracies die
○
Institutionalized uncertainty may give way to excessive
certainty - the end of crucial democratic norms of
mutual toleration and self-restraint
○
Party effects
■
Democracy depends on strong parties and party system - parties
anchored in social groups, competition stabilized
■
Weyland: populism should generate a new, well-organized cleavage -
nor class or ethnicity, but the populists against their rivals
■
But populist leaders rely instead on personal charisma
■
“That is sustained by direct, noninstitutionalized connections to a
heterogenous, amorphous, and largely unorganized mass of
followers”
■
Which provide substantial freedom of maneuver
■
But weakens parties, disrupts party systems
■
And anti-populists are not a coherent group
○
Why populism now?
■
A broad phenomenon, broad causes?
■
Economic factors:
●
Disappearance of reliable high quality jobs
●
Neoliberalism - growth, flat wages, perceived unfairness
■
Cultural factors:
●
Nationalist resurgence - take back our country and way of life
●
Status decline for traditionally privileged groups
■
Political factors
●
Unresponsive governments and parties
○
From marxism to the third way and beyond
■
Revolutionary communism - late 19th/early 20th centuries
●
Socialist international and national
■
Evolutionary socialism - turn of 20th century
●
Due to
○
Recognition of problems with revolutionary path
○
Opportunities presented by democratization
■
Paper stones and political coalitions - interwar years
●
Due to
○
Recognition of lack of working class majority
○
Varied voting preferences of workers
○
Left parties begin to embrace cross-class coalitions
(agrarian or liberal parties)
■
Postwar consensus 1950s-1970s
●
Moderation of social democratic parties
○
E.g. bad godesberg, 1959: West German SPD
promises
●
Key features
○
Unprecedented prosperity
○
Keynesianism - counter-cyclical demand management
○
Welfare state - systemic risk reduction
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○
Adaption by conservative parties
■
The third way - beginning in the 1990s
●
Response to neoliberalism
●
Cross-class emphasis - community, nation and its values
●
Responsibility and rights
■
Third way backlash?
●
Mirror image of postwar consensus
●
Left pulled too far to the centre? To the market? To culture and
identity instead of capitalism
●
Or is it no longer possible to appeal to increasingly complex
and fragmented societies based on an economic message?
●
Berman: return to class!
Readings:
Mudde Populism reading:
Populism is an essentially contested concept, given that scholars even contest the essence
and usefulness of the concept, while a disturbingly high number of scholars use the concept
without ever defining it. Though it is still far too early to speak of an emerging consensus, it
is undoubtedly fair to say that the ideational approach to populism is the most broadly used
in the field today. This chapter outlines the ideational approach to populism, presents the
author's own ideological definition, discusses its key concepts (ideology, the people, the
elite, and the general will), and highlights its main strengths—i.e. distinguishability,
categorizability, travelability, and versatility—compared to other approaches.
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