Vedika - Copy of Political Machines
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Dec 6, 2023
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Topics / Urban Life, 1860-1900 / Machine Politics and Bossism / Machine Politics
and Bossism (Overview)
The Society of St. Tammany was
founded in 1788, the same year George
Washington was first elected president.
"St. Tammany" was not a saint, but a
famous Delaware chief. Soon called
Tammany Hall, this political club
quickly became a New York
institution. It was designed to promote
ethics and democratic ideals amongst
its membership. Most of its members
were Irish Americans who were
excluded from the city's older and
more traditional clubs because of their
Irish and working-class backgrounds.
Tammany Hall became their club and
slowly took over their political party,
New York's Democratic Party.
Tammany Hall
Tammany Hall could help or hurt. A political machine worker might find a poor family or a
new immigrant a place to live, which would earn their gratitude. The machine might also take
a kickback from the landlord for bringing renters. If a landlord was uncooperative or
insufficiently grateful, the political worker might show up with a city building inspector at his
side; the inspector would be sure to find costly violations. The local ward boss would assist
immigrants and thus assure their votes for the machine. Through its vast network of political
workers, the machine had its hand in every aspect of city life. The official government of the
cities, overwhelmed by the rapid growth of the population, could not compete with the
machines in supplying services to the needy.
Machine Corruption
George Washington Plunkitt was a New York State senator and a Tammany chief. Politics
made him both wealthy and powerful. Plunkitt acknowledged that the money to keep his
political machine going came from graft and that graft made him personally wealthy. But, he
insisted, his money came from "honest" graft, not from "dishonest" graft. Dishonest graft,
according to Plunkitt, was "blackmailin' gamblers, saloon-keepers, disorderly people, etc."
Honest graft, on the other hand, meant using your political connections to find out about
where the city was going to build a new bridge or a new park, then buying up the land, and
reselling the land to the city at a big profit. According to Plunkitt, and according to
Tammany, honest graft was part of political life. Bribing judges and election officials was
also part of the system of corruption to maintain machine political power.
In 1871, the
New York Times
took issue with Tammany's "honest" graft. "Gigantic Frauds of
the Ring Exposed," announced the July 22 headline. The story described a group that came
to be called the "forty thieves," who made money from contracts for the city's new
courthouse. Of course, the thieves came from Tammany. At that time, the average worker
made $1 a day. Contractors building the courthouse charged the city $400,000 for safes,
$175,000 for carpets, and $7,500 for thermometers. The total cost for the courthouse
exceeded $13 million. The head of Tammany Hall, William Marcy Tweed, and several of his
henchmen were tried, convicted, and jailed in the scandal.
Political Bosses and Opposition
The trial of one man, or even of several men, could not stop the Tammany political
machine. John Kelly had served as sheriff and earned the nickname "Honest John," though
the wealth he accumulated probably meant that the nickname was undeserved. In 1868,
unsatisfied with Tweed's leadership, Kelly had run against Tweed's candidate for mayor as a
"reform" candidate. He lost the election but became head of the Tammany organization
after Tweed went to jail. While Kelly threw out many Tweed associates, he also ran
Tammany Hall as a political machine. After his death in 1886, Tammany was headed by
George Croker. The machine continued to run New York City for most of a century.
Tammany Hall was the best-known political machine in the United States, but hardly the
only one. Other large cities had their own political machines, and many of these machines
continued to hold power throughout 19th century and well into the 20th century. Later
political bosses, following the example of Tweed, included Richard J. Daley in Chicago,
James Michael Curley in Boston, and Thomas Prendergast in Kansas City, Missouri.
Through dishonest and honest graft, bosses maintained their political power and voter
support. Also, through the spoils system, or by providing jobs for their supporters through
their patronage, they could also ensure support. Critics associated with the progressive
movement made it their goal to expose the level of corruption practiced by political
machines. Lincoln Steffens's book,
The Shame of the Cities
(1904), reported on the corruption
associated with political machines and offered suggestions on how to confront them.
Prominent illustrator Thomas Nast attacked Tweed through his satirical political cartoons.
In addition to muckrakers working to expose the problems of political machines, concerned
citizens banded together to form good government organizations. These organizations, like
the City Club of New York and the Civic Federation of Chicago, worked to combat the
power of the political machine by running candidates that would work to reform the political
system. One of these candidates was a young Theodore Roosevelt, appointed by good
government advocates to be police commissioner of New York City.
Additionally, when reformers realized that much of the power of the political machines was
owed to their popularity among the immigrant working class, reformers worked to create
programs within city government that would address the needs of the immigrants.
Bliss, W. D. P. (1910).
The New Encyclopedia of Social Reform
. New York: Funk and Wagnallis Company.
Machine Politics and Bossism (Overview). (2015). In American History. Retrieved January 3, 2015, from
http://americanhistory.abc-clio.com/
1. Why were political machines popular with the urban poor?
Political machines were popular with the urban poor because they provided services and
assistance that were essential to poorer families. For example, machine workers could find
housing for poor families or new immigrants, and in turn they only had to present their
gratitude and loyalty. Hence, this assistance, combined with the machines' influences over
jobs and services, garnered a lot of support from the urban poor.
2. Who were the most famous bosses of New York City?
The most famous bosses of New York City included William Marcy Tweed who was the owner
of Tammany Hall and John Kelly who succeeded Tweed. After Kelly, Geogre Croker took over
Tammany Hall. Some more important figures included George Washington Plunkitt who was
a New York State senator and a Tammany chief as well.
3. What is an honest graft? (Note, “graft” is a dishonest or unfair gain.)
An honest graft, according to George Washginton Plunkitt, was the action of using political
connections to gain information about the city's plan, then buying and reselling land at a
profit. It was viewed as a legitimate part of political life.
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4.
How does the cost of the Tweed courthouse demonstrate political graft?
The cost of the Tweed courthouse demonstrated political graft by unreasonably high chargers
for various items. For instance, contractors charged the city 400k for safes, 175k for
carpenters, and 7500 for thermometers, overall leading to a total cost that exceeded 13
million dollars. This exposed the corrupt practices that were occuring in Tammany Hall and
lead to the jailing of the bosses involved.
5.
What tools did muckrakers use to expose political corruption?
The tools that muckrakers used to expose political corruption was written media. For
instance, Lincoln Steffens wrote “The Shame of the Cities” (1904), reporting on corruption
associated with political machines. Another instance is Thomas Nast who used satirical
political cartoons to attack figures like Tweed and spread around the truth of his corruption.
These political cartoons were more helpful as not anyone in the general population was
literate, however they could see drawings and understand them easily.
6.
How did good government organizations try to change politics?
Good government organizations tried to change politics by combating the power of the
political machines and running reformist candidates and exposing corruption. They assumed
to overall reform the spoils system and address the actual needs of the people. Some specific
tactics used were to pass an act that requires some sort of verification either testing or exams
to prove that you are qualified for a certain position. As part of these reforms though, for
instance, Theoedore Roosevelt was appointed police commissioner of New York City as part
of these reform efforts.