Edwards et al Many households but never a home sto-WT_Summaries

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Edwards et al Many households but never a home stories of resistance from Black youth navigating placement instability in Ontario_s child welfare system.pdf Made by Wordtune | Open Page 1 Abstract The child welfare system has a responsibility to maintain young people's safety and permanency, but many young people living in out-of-home care experience placement instability. This article shares the findings from a qualitative narrative analysis conducted on 27 interviews with Black Caribbean youth. Introduction When children are removed from their caregivers, the child welfare system has a responsibility for maintaining children's safety and ensuring permanency. Family reunification is the primary goal for children who enter care. Page 2 Trocmé and colleagues argue that stability during care is as important as permanency after spending time in OOHC, and can benefit children in their continued development and ability to maintain relationships with their friends, family, and community. Black children are more likely to be involved with the child welfare system, receive poorer quality of placements, remain in care longer, and are less likely to reunify with their caregivers. This has particular relevance for placement stability. With increased awareness of the negative outcomes associated with placement instability, legislation and policies have been implemented to ensure shorter stays in care and greater placement stability. Placement instability is a term used to describe a pattern of placement changes that do not result in permanent care with a child's biological and/or adoptive family. Research has documented a correlation between youth behavior and placement disruption. James and colleagues found that 20% of placement changes were related to child and youth behavioral concerns, Leathers found that over half of youth experienced a placement disruption due to behavioral issues, and Rozalski and colleagues found that males were more likely to engage in delinquent behavior compared to females. Page 3 Outcomes of placement instability Studies indicate that experiencing multiple placement moves is associated with early pregnancy and childbirth, mental health concerns, substance abuse, and

delinquency. Disruptions in placement can also impact children's schooling and relationships in their communities and with their friends. Strolin-Goltzman and colleagues discuss the need for youth in foster care to articulate and be heard with respect to their experiences regarding placement instability. Black foster youth spend more time in care than other racial/ethnic groups. Many Black youth in care experienced negative experiences navigating whiteness and anti-Black racism. Their hair needs were not met, which was a meaningful indicator of the full range of cultural and self-care needs that were unmet while living in care. Page 4 The current study In Ontario, Black children, youth and families experience disproportionality and disparity in the child welfare system. This study aimed to amplify the voices of Black youth regarding the often pathologizing understanding of their difficult or aggressive behaviors, which can lead to their multiple placement transitions. Theoretical framework Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Anti-Black Racism Theory are theoretical frameworks that challenge governing understandings of race, law, and systemic inequalities. Counter-stories are powerful tools utilized by Black young people as narrations of their lived experiences. Anti-Black racism is a form of violence that occurs both globally and locally. It is also an intricate phenomenon that reinforces discriminatory structural inequities for Black communities, and is a response to state violence that is enacted on Black communities. Page 5 Sample This research analyzes qualitative data from 27 in-depth interviews with Black Caribbean youth aged 16 - 26 years from Canada, who have lived experiences navigating the Ontario child welfare system and spending time in OOHC (adoption, kinship and foster/group care). We utilized a combination of two sampling approaches: a purposeful sampling method that relied on the lead author's organic social network and a snowball sample that utilized the networks of the youth who participated in the study. The data was collected from 27 youth participants between July 2018 and January 2020. Seven of the 27 youth identified as LGBTQ+. Data generation This study employed a narrative inquiry, and the participants' experiences navigating the child welfare system were shared in the form of a chronological story. The stories were then told as narrated stories, and the lead author's understanding of Blackness and anti-Black racism was implicit.

Page 6 The interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed for analysis and interpretation. Filler words, typographical errors, and identifying names were omitted to support clarity and confidentiality. Data analysis The coding process supported the ability to organize, manage, locate and display the emerging phenomenon, and allowed the lead author to re-immerse himself within the conversation. Counter-stories emerged in the analysis process, and were mobilized as an analytical strategy. The lead author focused on the content of the narratives and identified several counter-stories that reconstructed behaviors typically spoken of in OOHC. These narratives were informed by an implicit understanding of how Blackness is perceived, and how anti-Black racism is deployed in child welfare and other institutional settings. Narratives of instability Throughout the interviews, many Black youth discussed how placement instability impacted their wellbeing. They connected placement instability to how their behavior was understood, and how they were misunderstood when forced to navigate white spaces. Page 7 I caused problems in the five houses I went to, I wanted my mom, nobody explained anything to me, and then they whisked me out of there and put me in this house with all these white kids. Several Black youths expressed that they were frequently transitioned from one OOHC placement to another due to fights and emotional outbursts. Their stories underscore the need for Black youth to find safety and cultural comfort with whom they are living. When problematic behaviors occur for young people in OOHC, they are often documented and kept on file. However, in some instances, these very files can generate misconceptions regarding the young person based in the way they have been described and annotated. Page 8 Marsha shared how she went crazy after being sexually abused and damaged property in the care facility. She was transferred to a different home because of a decision made by the police and social worker. Tiana and Marsha shared instances where aggressive behaviors that were triggered due to their traumas were pathologized and subsequently led to their placement transitions. These experiences were exacerbated by an overlay of the ways in which anti Black racism informs both the perception of problematic behavior as well as the response.

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Page 9 Black youth shared their experiences of frequent placement transitions, and a dichotomy of before care and after care. I remember one home, but my files state that I was at eight different homes. I don't remember any of them. Many Black youths have lived in numerous OOHC placements during their time in OOHC, but many cannot remember these critical periods of their childhood. They described how living in multiple placements was detrimental to their overall wellbeing. Page 10 We had to say bye to our schools, and I remember being bawling. My foster parent felt the most for me, because back then I was really shy, and it was hard to make friends because I was so quiet. Tyrone was brought back to the home to get his stuff, but the social worker didn't want to talk to him. He had to fend for himself. Young people navigating OOHC identified an implicit culture in child welfare where transitions happen quickly and unpredictably. This profound sense of disconnection from their 'homes' and 'families' was an experience that many of these Black youth described in their stories. Many Black youths experienced numerous OOHC placement moves, and described having their belongings transferred in various types of disposable bags. This underscores an experience of disposability, which is only intensified by an understanding of Black lives as being less important. Page 11 My social worker picked me up and took me to what was supposed to be a long-term foster home. Tyrone was called the police on for shit, and when he went back to the house, she put all his shit in five garbage bags and left it outside on the doorway of the house. Youth moving between OOHC placements may not have many belongings, but what they do own is of value to them. Garbage bags can imply that they are disposable or are carrying trash, which can further traumatize and emotionally damage them. Black youth in care experience narratives of disposability that negatively impact their ability to thrive in other areas critical to their social development, as they are disproportionately navigating a system and a larger dominant culture that does not align with their own racial and cultural identities. Page 12 I would break stuff and be rude, and then the social workers would toss you bye, and the first four houses I had the same foster social worker, who bent over backwards to make sure everything went smoothly.

Tyrel recognized that though disruptive behaviors might get him transferred out of a placement he did not like, the next placement may not be better than the current one. Page 13 Kody tried AWOLing, but his mother took all his shoes. She grabbed him and pulled him, and then I started hitting her and elbowing her. I honestly don't know like at that group home, but I just needed to run. My auntie stepped in and I started running to her house, but they bolted my room door to the point where I would start running straight out the front door. Young people are engaging in behaviors to stay, survive, or leave a placement to ensure their own safety and wellbeing. These behaviors include going AWOL, self- harming, explosive behavior, or other risky behaviors to maintain the semblance of stability and gain control of their environment. Discussion The coding process identified three main narratives related to placement instability: placement transition, disposability, and a need for safety and belonging. Black youth were often transitioned due to their behaviors being misunderstood, pathologized, and sometimes placed in white homes. Page 14 Black youth experience heightened pathologies of their behaviors when investigated through an Anti-Black Racism Theory lens, because they are often seen as some of the state's most vulnerable and at-risk group. This pathologizing is intrinsically linked to a specific historical context in Canada. Anti-Black racism associates Blackness with delinquency, which then 'justifies' state- sanctioned violence on Black bodies. Black youth are inherently devalued, pathologized and punished for their difficult behaviours, which are often cries for help for their complex needs. Black youth's narratives revealed how they were treated as disposable and how their valued possessions were placed in garbage bags throughout their transitions homes. This traumatized and emotionally damaged them and shaped how they made meaning of their time in OOHC. Page 15 Black youth experience tremendous disparities in outcomes in the child welfare system that coincide with a long history of Black youth being pathologized and labeled as a danger to society. A supportive and caring network throughout the transition process can reduce the stress of changing placements. Black youth engage in disruptive behaviors in order to keep themselves safe or ensure their own wellbeing. These behaviors could trigger outcomes that would cause them to stay in their current placement, transition to a different placement, or be transitioned home. The narrative of disposability is also interwoven with the narrative of running away, as youth are also looking for their safety in other places.

This counter-story allows us to see beyond the stigmatizing and surface-level understanding of aggressive and other difficult behaviors demonstrated by Black youth. Blackness is often associated with risk, and the Black body is perceived as aggressive and violent. Yet, Black youth have demonstrated a critical consciousness of the policies and practices of child welfare workers, and engage in acts of resistance to provoke institutional responses. Page 16 Youth face difficulties navigating institutions, and self-harming behaviors can prompt more intrusive involvement with child welfare services or police intervention. Interventions that may help reduce placement instability for young people include increasing support to foster care parents and improving screening and training procedures for prospective foster parents. Black youth should not simply be moved when difficult behaviors arise, but should find safety and cultural comfort with whom they are living. The state, prospective caregivers and/or child welfare workers should use extreme discretion when calling for a placement transition. Conclusion Youth in care may never feel like 'home', but the lack of transparency, absence of youth centering, and problematic quality of care demonstrated in their stories may exacerbate their feelings of mistrust and alienation. There is a need to support all youth in finding safety, belonging, and stability in OOHC. Acknowledgments The authors recognize and thank the Rights for Children and Youth Partnership (RCYP) research team, brave young people, Dr. Brenda Gladstone, Roswell Spafford, André Laylor and Rasnat Chowdhury, and their girlfriend Anikei Allen for their contributions to this manuscript.

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