Abraham accords proposal 28-jan 8AM

THESIS RESEARCH PROPOSAL TEMPLATE Student Name: Abrar Marwan Aqil Student ID :201403057 Program : Masters Department: Gulf Studies Date of Proposal Submission: Expected Graduation Semester: Spring 2023 Check one: Thesis Option: Project Option: Committee Members: Member Name Role (supervisor/ co- supervisor/membe) Affiliation* Graduate Faculty member** Yes No *in case the member is from outside Q.U., please provide updated CV **Please mention if the member has an active Graduate Faculty membership Proposed Research Title Abraham Accords and Normalization between UAE and Israel. Table of Contents X

THESIS RESEARCH PROPOSAL TEMPLATE ..................................................................... 1 X ................................................................................................................................................. 1 Abstract ...................................................................................................................................... 3 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 4 1.1 Research problem and relevance ...................................................................................... 7 1.2 Research objectives .......................................................................................................... 8 1.3 Research Questions .......................................................................................................... 9 1.4 Thesis chapter outline ..................................................................................................... 10 2. Literature review ............................................................................................................... 10 2.1 Earlier agreements with Israel on peace ......................................................................... 11 2.2 Current process of Normalization .................................................................................. 14 3. Theoretical framework ..................................................................................................... 14 3.1 Political Realism ............................................................................................................ 16 3.2 Implementing the theoretical framework ....................................................................... 17 4. Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 18 4.1 Qualitative study and research design ............................................................................ 18 4.2 Data collection and source discussion ............................................................................ 20 4.3 Validity and reliability .................................................................................................... 20 4.4 Limitations ..................................................................................................................... 21 5. Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 21 Bibliography ...................................................................................................................................... 23

accords were nothing more than a business deal facilitated by the former U.S. leader Donald Trump, who pushed everything in his power to satisfy Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's demands. About 29 Palestinians, including five children, died due to the conflict in January 2023. 2 The UAE, which ended the long-standing Arab blockade of the Zionist state, is poised to emerge as a significant commercial ally for Israel due to the normalization agreements. Israel is only concerned with maintaining its military superiority in the Middle East and will agree with any accord that allows it to become stronger. As a result, it was successful when opposing the sale of American F-35 fighter jets to Arab countries to give it an advantage. 3 Also, the Abraham Accords differ in several ways from former peace treaties and are not limited to the political, economic, and security aspects but include social and cultural aspects. In addition, the United Arab Emirates is a key proponent of the Abraham accords. Since more than two years have passed since its signing, it is essential to define the causes and consequences of this agreement for the UAE. 1. Introduction The Middle East has experienced severe conflicts for the past century, so stability and security are still distant goals. Up until 2017, 30 treaties and decisions covering local disputes and battles were negotiated that involved Israel and Arab governments across the region, as reported by the United Nations Peace Agreements Archive 4 .However, two peace accords stand out. Namely, the Israel-Egypt peace accord in 1979 5 . The Israel-Jordan negotiated 2 Al Tahhan, Z., 2023. Israel raids: Why are so many Palestinians being killed? Explainer, Israel-Palestine conflict, Al-Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/1/26/why-israeli- raids-killed-many-palestinians-this-year-explainer 3 Samuels, B., 2022.Two Years After Abraham Accords, Why the UAE F-35 Deal Remains Grounded. Israel News, National Security & Cyber, Haaretz. https://www.haaretz.com/israel- news/security-aviation/2022-09-13/ty-article/.premium/two-years-after-abraham-accords- why-the-uae-f-35-deal-remains-grounded/00000183-3743-d070-abef-f7d755450000 4 "Peace Agreements Database," U.N. Peacemaker, n.d., https://peacemaker.un.org/document-search 5 "Peace Treaty between the State of Israel and the Arab Republic of Egypt," 1979, https://peacemaker.un.org/sites/peacemaker.un.org/files/EG%20IL_790326_Egypt%20and %20Israel%20Treaty%20of%20Peace.pdf

settlement, known as the Wadi Araba Treaty, or officially known as the "Peace treaty Between the State of Israel and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan." Both treaties aimed to end hostiles between either country and Israel. In exchange for turning its backs on a united Arab front, Egypt returned to the Sinai Peninsula. Jordan finished the armed conflict between the two nations since the 1948 Arab-Israeli War and founded a diplomatic relationship. 6 . In other words, treaties between Israel and various Arab countries have not been impossible, even if rare. Yet, the Abraham accords are different. The Abraham Accords were announced in Washington on September 15, 2020, by Israel, Bahrain, and also the United Arab Emirates, claiming to usher forth a new chapter in Middle Eastern history. 7 Shortly after, Sudan and Morocco joined the pact. The declared aim of the Abraham Accords is to promote regional peace, stability, and economy in the Middle East. The Al-Aqsa Temple in Jerusalem, part of Islam's holiest places, would be accessible to all and have a religious significance. The accords also encourage intercultural and interfaith communication involving Israel and nations that signed the Abraham Accords to promote religious liberty and tolerance across the Middle East. The diplomats between the countries provide a space for discussions, and connections between leaders from the Abraham Accords states, Israel, the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, and the Palestinians, to advance alliances for collaborative and sustainable growth in the fields of power generation, water systems, bioengineering, cybersecurity, and new technologies to advance regional economic progress and partnership. Furthermore, the accords wish that all countries establish diplomatic relationships and completely normalize relations with the State of Israel, but without Palestinian participation. 6 "Treaty of Peace between the State of Israel and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan," 1994, https://peacemaker.un.org/sites/peacemaker.un.org/files/IL %20JO_941026_PeaceTreatyIsraelJordan.pdf 7 Bayrak, P., 2021. Abraham Accords: Palestine issue should be addressed for a peaceful Middle East. Cappadocia Journal of Area Studies, 3(1), pp.104–115.

entity and, at the very least, seek strategies to secure their ultimate survival. Likewise, though expanding on that, Morgenthau argues that every political activity is intended to maintain, expand, or demonstrate power. Of course, to ensure survival. Both ignore moral or idealistic- based policies since they might make a state vulnerable and even open it up to being destroyed or ruled by an adversary. 10 . Overall, political realism helps analyze the relationship between Israel and the UAE by explaining why decisions are being made. One can understand how most states related by considering their interests when making agreements and the political actors. The UAE and Israel have interests that correspond to their national interests and will always seek ways to make their power greater globally. 11 This thesis, however, explores whether the Abraham accords will help serve UAE's self-interest, despite opposition from its local population and the Palestinian people. 1.1 Research problem and relevance The research problem is deconstructing the Abraham accords and the purported benefits it claims to give to the countries involved and the region, focusing on the UAE. It is important because it relates to peace, stability, and progress for over 200 million people in the Arab world. 12 Given everything that has transpired between the State of Israel and Arab countries over the past several decades, it is being been argued by the US, Israel and the signatories of the Abraham accords that it aims to turn a new page for peace. 13 . Previously, Israel has made numerous attempts to normalize relations with Arab countries, but these have been described as largely unsuccessful. The two peace treaties Israel could sign with Jordan and Egypt in the 10 Walt, S. 1991, The Renaissance of Security Studies, International Studies Quarterly 35 (2), pp. 211-39. https://doi.org/10.2307/2600471 11 El Berni, H.M., 2018. Review of “Ten Myths about Israel” by Ilan Pappé. FİLİSTİN ARAŞTIRMALARI DERGİSİ, (3), pp.96-99. 12 Harmoush, A., 2022. The Abraham Accords: Yesterday’s foes, tomorrow's friends?: A Qualitative case analysis of the Geopolitical-Economic drivers of the AbrahamNormalization Accords. 13Guzansky, Y., 2015. Israel and the Arab Gulf states: from tacit cooperation to reconciliation? Israel Affairs 21, 131–147. https://doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2014.984424.

past did not serve the intended purpose and were described as 'cold agreements.' 14 The treaties were termed cold agreements, which led to uneasy peace since the parties had differing desires on the Israel-Palestine conflict. Thus, the recently signed Abraham accord claims that it will turn the so-called "cold peace" into warmer harmony that might increase the country's peace, confidence, including development. Although the Abraham Accords are made up of four contracts, they can be viewed as a brand-new phenomenon that deserves investigation and case study. Before the signing of the Abraham accord, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict was the primary focus of the regional Arab countries vis a vis the State of Israel. While there were some efforts by the UAE to forge a short peace and close relationship with Israel, the results of these efforts could have been better. In the nineties, only Tunisia, Senegal, Oman, and Doha could forge modest trade links with Israel; such accords were kept hidden from the public. 15 In contrast, today, the entire Arab region and the broader Muslim world were astonished when the Abraham accords, which call for a complete normalization of all relationships with Israel, were announced in 2020. 16 In addition, to set the groundwork for putting an end to the period of hostility between Arabs and Israelis, it is pertinent and crucial that this study explores and underline the various causes and motivations that make this arrangement possible. 17 Hopefully, this Research will contribute to our comprehension of how yesterday's adversaries could become allies. Since 14 Kahn, Y. and Arieli, T., 2020. Post Conflict Normalization through Trade Preferential Agreements: Egypt, Israel and the Qualified Industrial Zones. Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy, 26(4). 15Esaiasson, P. Gilljam, M. Oscarsson, H. Towns, A & Wängnerud, L. (2012) Metodpraktikan: konsten att studera samhälle, individ och marknad (upplaga 4). Norstedts Juridik AB: Visby 16Jones, C. and Guzansky, Y., 2019. Fraternal Enemies: Israel and the Gulf Monarchies. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2019. 17Güney, N.A., Korkmaz, V., 2021. A New Alliance Axis in the Eastern Mediterranean Cold War: What the Abraham Accords Mean for Mediterranean Geopolitics and Turkey. Insight Turkey 23, 61–76.

· What is the political effect of the Abraham Accords on the political stability of the UAE? · What are the tangible benefits, thus far, of the Abraham Accords on peace and stability in the Arab region? · How has the Abraham Accords impacted the Palestinian people and their struggle for self-determination? 1.4 Thesis chapter outline This thesis will have a total of eight chapters. The first chapter includes a brief introduction to the origins of the Palestinian dispute and a critical analysis of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It will include a discussion of both the Israeli-Arab struggle, a discussion of the knowledge deficit, and a definition of the issue surrounding the Abraham Accords phenomena. Following that will be the literature review chapter, which will provide existing information concerning Israel's relationship with the Arab region, focusing on the two peace treaties Israel signed with Egypt and Jordan. The chapter will analyze various topics to make the reader more familiar with the information to be covered and show patterns that should be expected from the Abraham Accords. Chapter three will provide the thesis's theoretical framework and research methodology and show why it is essential in answering the research questions. It will include information regarding the collection and analysis of information to create a reasonable conclusion that other studies can adopt. It will also recognize and acknowledge the study's limitations and assess where it can be improved. Chapter four will discuss the reasons behind the Abraham Accord for the UAE and Israel. It will use political realism to explain that motivation. Chapter Five will further dissect the text of the Abraham Accords using discourse analysis to explain its results. The results will reflect the analyzed data to help create arguments and answer questions. The last chapter will provide conclusions and

recommendations, which can be used for further studies and decision-making. Therefore, the thesis will have a cohesive structure to give the reader a better understanding. 2. Literature review The literature review for this thesis will begin by exploring the role of the Palestinian issue in the Arab world and whether or not there has been perpetual conflict between the Israeli and Arab communities. Scholars such as Ilan Pappe and Norman Finkelstein argue that there is no historic hostility between Israelis and Arabs. In his work, a history of modern Palestine , Pappe (2022) shows that modern Palestine has been formed by foreign and local actors who shaped state politics. Finkelstein describes how Israel uses the memory of the holocaust to dispossess the Palestinian people. The Arab world, especially Egypt, played a vital role in shaping the economy of Palestine before the West brought new perspectives that divided the population on the ideologies to follow. 19 Religion has been a substantial uniting factor between the Arab World and Palestine. Other scholars, such as Zisser (2020), argue that the relationship between Israel and its Arab neighbours is filled with hostility, rejection, and enmity, which makes it difficult to coexist peacefully as they have shared threats and challenges since its creation in 1948. 20 Webman (2019) studied the role of religion in the Palestinian conflict and how the Arab region stands firm on the aspirations of the Palestinian people. Of course, Muslims worldwide consider the Israeli occupation of Jerusalem and the Temple Mount a serious threat to peace in the region. 21 However, the question of an enduring conflict between Israelis and Arabs is important to address since it distracts from the actual crime of dispossession that took place. Instead, it weaponizes an alleged perennial conflict to suggest that there is no solution to this crisis subtly. 19 Pappe, I., 2022. A history of modern Palestine. Cambridge University Press. 20 Zisser, E., 2020. Israel and the Arab World: Breaking the Glass Ceiling. Strategic Assessment, 23(3), pp.3-17. 21 Webman , E., 2019. Rethinking the Role of Religion in Arab Antisemitic Discourses. Religions, 10(7), p.415.

According to Podeh (2015), the Israeli-Egyptian peace accord in 1979 is one of the most significant in the vicinity. 24 The Israelis and the majority of the Egyptian People's Assembly voted in favour of the agreement. This infuriated the Arab League and much of the Arab world was appalled. Johnson (2018) argued that the Arab Organization moved its headquarters from Cairo, Egypt's capital, to Tunisia to make Egypt rethink its stance. This caused Cairo to be further disconnected from the rest of the Arab region. 25 Miller describes the collective Arab attitude to the Egypt-Israel peace agreement as appearing callous. 26 On the other hand, Fulton et al. (2021) contend that local, national, and religious constraints restrained almost all Arab nations who felt the Egypt-Israel peace treaty was a betrayal. According to Podeh 27 , maintaining formal connections and the extensive discussions regarding the Palestinian dilemma made the discussions involving Israel and Egypt that followed the peace accord harder than anticipated. The timeframe of Israel's disengagement first from the Sinai Peninsula and Egypt's pledge to support other Arab nations in the event of a war involving Israel were additional topics for discussion. Because Israel relied on petroleum imports from neighbouring countries, these Sinai oil resources were the main focus of disagreement in the discussions. Ziv Rubinovitz & Retting (2018) conclude that all of Israel and Egypt analyzed the treaty's merits and demonstrated that commerce might bring peace between "two erstwhile foes." 28 . 24 Elie Podeh. Chances for peace . 1st ed. (University of Texas Press, p. Austin, 2015), 137- 38. 25Johnson, R., 2018. The de Bunsen Committee and a revision of the ‘conspiracy’ of Sykes– Picot, Middle Eastern Studies, 54(4), pp.611-637. 26 Benjamin Miller, “Contrasting Explanations for Peace: Realism vs. Liberalism in Europe and the Middle East,” Contemporary Security Policy 31 (2010): 134–64. 27Podeh, E., 2015. Chances for peace: Missed opportunities in the Arab-Israeli conflict. University of Texas Press, 235-37. 28 Ziv Rubinovitz and Elai Retting, “Crude Peace: The Role of Oil Trade in the Israeli- Egyptian Peace Negotiations,” International Studies Quarterly 62, no. 2 (2018): 380-81. https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqx073

Next, the Jordan-Israel peace pact of 1994 was a further significant development. Podeh 29 Claims that once the Gulf War ended in 1991, the world congregation and also some Arab nations separated this same Jordanian King Husayn because of his actions in acting as a "facilitator" between the foreign governments and Saddam Hussein, who during the properly registered 95% of Jordan's oil shipments. Consequently, King Husayn viewed the peace agreement with Palestine as a chance to restore Jordan's status as a key player in regional peacekeeping. The Jordanian deal, like the Egyptian-Israeli ceasefire agreement, was "a chance which was not lost" to advance security in the area, according to Podeh 30 . It was additionally described as a "cold quiet," with few interwoven interactions on a larger scale. King Hussein and Israeli Prime Minister Rabin agreed to the agreement forth from self-interest. Both possessed the credibility and backing of their respective populations, which was crucial in the talks for peace. The distinguishing features of earlier peace accords included self-interest and reason. 2.2 Current process of Normalization Finally, the literature review will discuss the background of the Abraham accords juxtapositioning it against former peace treaties. The United Arab Emirates, Israel, and the United States negotiated the "Abraham Agreements Peace Treaty: Treaty of Peace, Diplomatic Relations, and Full Normalization between the United Arab Emirates and the Israeli government" on August 13, 2020. Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco soon followed. "Aspiring to realise the vision of a Middle East region that is stable, peaceful, and prosperous, for the benefit of all States and peoples in the region" is one of the goals of the agreement. A new "Strategic Agenda for the Middle East" was outlined in the treaty, and it stated that all "Parties stand ready to join with the United States to develop" and cooperate "to 29Podeh, E., 2015. Chances for peace: Missed opportunities in the Arab-Israeli conflict. University of Texas Press, 235-37. 30Podeh, 242.

Accords are different. This enables me to explain the so-called normalization process's design, processes, and projected outcomes. To specify, to adequately understand the history of select peace treaties with Israel and compare them to the Abraham Accords, I propose the use of the methodological tool of discourse analysis (DA) – which involves an exhaustive, interdisciplinary approach to the study of discourse – or, put talk and text, that views language as a form of social practice from which to establish and enhance meaning. 31 Discourse analysis is particularly suitable for understanding power relations enacted through discourse and evaluating the peace treaties' objectives, processes, and outcomes under investigation. Overall, my theoretical framework explores the peace treaties and assesses the likelihood of success of the Abraham Accords - as defined by the signatories. Reviewing former peace agreements and their impact on Palestinian society and the region leads to important insights applicable to the broader Middle East region, especially the GCC, but even throughout the world. 3.1 Political Realism To further elaborate, political realism is described as a theory centered on brevity and clarity. 32 . The primary three proponents of political realism theory are the Greek historian Thucydides, Italian political theorist Niccol Machiavelli and English philosopher Thomas Hobbes, 33 Morgenthau and Waltz provided more concrete arguments to devise modern political realist thought. The Political realists contend that the theory captures "the truth" of global events and international politics and sheds light on how international relations operate. 31 Fairclough, N. and Scholz, R., 2020. “Critical discourse analysis as ‘dialectical reasoning’: from normative critique towards action, by way of explanation”. Interview with Norman Fairclough conducted by Ronny Scholz. Mots. Les langages du politique, (122), pp.113-123. 32 Petr Kratochvíl, “The Theory of International Relations,” Perspectives: Review of International Affairs 21 (2003): 75-8. 33 R. Jackson and G. Sørensen, Introduction to international relations . 5th ed. (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2013), 67-8.

The three primary essential principles of the power dynamic, protection, and polarity can be used, to sum up the core focus of realism, which focuses on the effects of the anarchical on society. 34 The most defining aspect of political realism is the alleged lack of ideology that drives it. In other words, self-interest, a pessimistic view of human nature, and the maximization of power drive it. Not a commitment to a larger ideological goal. Therefore, all nations fight to maximize their advantages, such as having the most advanced and efficient weapons to improve their army and protect themselves from any possible enemy attacks. 35 . According to traditional political realists, realism is the gloomy perspective of both foreign and internal instability in which nations must compromise between what will enrich themselves and keep them safe in a lawless worldwide system. 36 . Despite its pervasiveness, some of the elements of political realism have been rigorously critiqued, such as, according to Jackson and Sorensen 37 , it doesn't somehow account for various political views regarding global politics. For Waltz, political realism concentrates on two crucial aspects of world affairs: the global anarchy order constrains all nations, and the overall purpose is to secure their existence within it. Additionally, states are crucial participants in this anarchic international system and always act in their economic interest. 38 This anarchic condition motivates them to seek more protection to guarantee their preservation. Therefore, according to political realists, one of the critical issues for nations is stability. In other words, 39 , the state seeks to keep its place in the anarchy system by taking protective weapons to assure its existence and stability. 34 Schmidt, B.C. and Wight, C., 2023. Rationalism and the “rational actor assumption” in realist international relations theory. Journal of International Political Theory, p.17550882221144643. 35 James Morrow, Arms versus allies: trade-offs in the search for a security, International Organization , 47, no 2, (1993), 207-33. https://doi.10.1017/S0020818300027922 . 36 Jackson and Sørensen, Introduction to international relations, 67. 37 Jackson and Sørensen, 90-1. 38 Waltz, Theory of International Politics , 126. 39Waltz, 126.

4. Methodology 4.1 Qualitative study and research design This thesis will use a qualitative research methodology with a descriptive design method that emphasizes an inductive and deductive case study technique to deconstruct the relevant texts, speeches, and documentary sources. Since the descriptive methodology uses "words" instead of "numbers," it is more appropriate for this Research than the positivist paradigm. In other words, a quantitative methodology cannot be utilized to describe and assess the chosen literature review and the study objectives transparently in an in-depth manner. Additionally, the descriptive design highlights the theory's inductive function in the study. The qualitative methodology offers the investigator a better understanding of social science occurrences in the real world. It explains how all these actions and the people living in them are interpreted. The amount added, in turn, concentrates on analyzing various natural factual events. The Abraham Accords instance is one unique case that may be explained best using a deductive methodology since the study will develop its conclusion from existing facts. It will help understand how effective the different components of the accords can be in creating a desired outcome for Palestinians. The deductive approach involves moving from generalizations to making inferences, as opposed to the inductive approach, which starts with the specific and moves toward the general. The deductive approach's inferences cannot be false if the arguments are valid. This is so because there is nothing in the result that is not already on the premises. Contrary to deductive thinking, however, an inductive result is a generalization that does not accurately reflect the data provided in the arguments. Additionally, this investigation will be grounded in Axel Hadenius' motive-analysis conceptual approach, which outlines the various

tendencies and motivations that drive actors' choices. 46 Axel Hadenius, a professor of political science from Sweden, created the accurate motivation research technique in 1984. This methodology's primary goal is to examine the political motivations and forces that influence the decisions made by people, nations, and politicians 47 The Hadenius technique uses the actor's conduct as an example to determine the motivations behind an actor's behaviours 48 . His systematic analysis is divided into three stages. The first stage focuses on the indications of inspiration, which are the study materials that are now present. The "insinuation" that the investigator would have been able to draw from the information to link to the significant influence on performance comes in second. Lastly, the causal relationships that influenced the actors' choice of action. In our thesis, we relate this to the UAE’s behavior and signing of the Abraham Accords. According to Hadenius, finding the records in which players discuss the reasons for their conduct is the best technique. 49 , to determine the actors' intentions. The four Arab nations and Israel are the protagonists in this practical example, and the government papers and words of the agreements will serve as the foundation of this inquiry, according to our application of his remark to the Abraham agreement case. It will therefore serve as the starting point for discovering a description of the purposes, aims, and benefits assessments these nations developed to accomplish the accords. However, using this strategy and focusing on publicly available legal records can be dangerous because it hides these treaties' secret purposes and underlining objectives. 4.2 Data collection and source discussion To better comprehend the sociopolitical conditions in the area, the methodological foundation of this study is founded on credible literature in the field of politics, Palestinian history, and 46Moller, T., 2020. Political party dynamics and democracy in Sweden: developments since the ‘Golden Age’. Routledge. 47 A. Hadenius, R. Henning, and B. Holmström, (1984). Tre studier i politiskt beslutsfattande , (Uppsala: Stockholm: Univ.; Almqvist & Wiksell international, 1948), 48. 48Hadenius & al., Tre studier i politiskt beslutsfattande, 148 49 Hadenius & al. , 149.