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1 mn 3 ARR ee eas aeRO, Wem Fey] ES] 7 women fae Fee, ree sae. eee 2 DAVID F . WALKER DAMON SMYTH ‘MAR ISSA L ° UISE \ es Frederick Douglass has a uniquely American — writings, including the classic Narrative of the oe Frederick Douglass himself. Lessons on American $19. 99 “(aneda: $25.99) | AN ILLUSTRATED AMERICAN FE S From his birth | into slavery. to his escape SF rise” asa public speaker, abolitionist, andthe most : photographed man of. the nineteenth century, life story, part tragedy and part triumph. His Life of Frederick Douglass, and his Speeches . inspired People to take action against the evils _ of slavery i in the United States, and his words continue to resonate in today’s tumultuous political and cultural climates. Now this comic : book- style biography brings those words and Douglass’ s story to visual life. Along the way, : - you'll experience iconic. historical figures like co Harriet: Tubman, John Brown, Susan B. Antony, - . and Abraham Lincoln through theeyesof slavery, the rise of. photography, anda history - of the Civil War round out this essential guide to. aman whose achievements eeote toi inspire. | Se THE LIFE OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS THE LIFE OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS A GRAPHIC NARRATIVE OF A SLAVE'S JOURNEY FROM BONDAGE TO FREEDOM DAVID F. WALKER ART BY DAMON SMYTH COLORS BY MARISSA LOUISE LETTERS BY JAMES GUY HILL = . . TEN es G.M. Elliott Library — California | New YorkC iNCINNati Christian University 2700 Gienway Ave Cincinnati, OH 45204-3200 CONTENTS k Douglass & the People in His Life vi Introduction 1 - 7. - io ee . 8 fe of Frederick Douglass 5. ° Understand Slavery 16— a. | F our: The Escape 53 Five: Life as a Runaway Slave 74 oa P hotogr aphy and Frederick Douglass 98 A Brief Explanation of the Civil War 124 ainst Slaver WHO’S WHO Frederick Douglass and the People in His Life FREDERICK DOUGLASS (born Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey). BETSEY BAILEY HARRIET BAILEY Frederick’s grandmother. Frederick’s mother. ANNA DOUGLASS LEWIS, CHARLES, FREDERICK DOUGLASS JR., AND ROSETTA Four of Frederick and Anna’s Frederick’s wife. five children. Their youngest, Annie, died at the age of ten. 3 gestae ee vii & ee AARON ANTHONY LUCRETIA ANTHONY AULD Frederick’s original owner, also Daughter of Aaron Anthony, widely believed to be his father. she inherited Frederick when her father died. THOMAS AULD HUGH AND SOPHIA AULD Lucretia Auld’s husband, he inherited Thomas Auld’s brother and Frederick after his wife’s death. sister-in-law.

2 Frederick was loaned out to them as a servant. COLONEL EDWARD LLOYD Governor of Maryland, employer of Aaron Anthony, and owner of the land upon which Anthony lived with his slaves. WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON Renowned abolitionist and newspaper publisher, an early mentor to Frederick before becoming bitter enemies. They eventually reconciled. JOHN BROWN EDWARD COVEY ABRAHAM LINCOLN Militant abolitionist. A farmer and slave 16th president of the overseer, known as United States. a slave breaker. INTRODUCTION Getting to know Frederick Douglass has been no easy task. In his third autobiography, The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, written in 1881 and then revised in 1892, Douglass wrote, “It will be seen in these pages that | have lived several lives as one.” Indeed, Frederick Douglass lived several lives, or more specifically, his life’s journey took him down multiple paths, each one worthy of historical examination, and some shrouded in mystery. The primary source of information on Douglass’s life has been Douglass himself —his three autobiographies, the essays and editorials he wrote for the newspapers he published and edited, his personal correspondences, and the countless speeches he gave. All of this material has helped to create the impression of the man known as Frederick Douglass, who exists as both a historic personality and as something of a mythological figure. To be clear, when | refer to Douglass as a mythological figure, | do so in the same way | refer to Abraham Lincoln, George Washington, and all other individuals immortalized by history as mythological figures. These people, whose names are known to us, and who are recognized for key moments and actions in their lives, have all been reduced in one way or another into mythic beings, their lives often simplified into a few sentences that are easily taught to schoolchildren, but lacking in true depth or complete understanding. This is certainly the case with Frederick Douglass. Arguably the best known of the black abolitionists, Douglass’s name and image have become part of the narrative we call American history. At the same time, the recognizable face and the name that goes with it are little more than the tip of an iceberg. Much of this has to do with how Douglass told the story of his life. For example, Douglass was married to his wife, Anna, for more than forty years, yet there is no definitive information on how they met or what her life was like. Shrouded in even greater mystery are Douglass’s siblings, whom

3 he seldom mentions in his writing, even though he knew them in his youth and was reunited with some of them after the end of slavery. Douglass knew both Harriet Tubman and Susan B. Anthony, yet determining how and when he met each woman is still largely speculation. In the case of Tubman, the evidence all points to a very specific occasion when the legendary conductor of the Underground Railroad met Douglass, and it is that moment that | have depicted in this graphic novel. Frederick Douglass was an incredible writer, and though | never heard him speak, based on the transcripts of his numerous lectures, he was an amazing orator. He did not, however, write with the intention of his life being depicted in a graphic novel. | point this out to address any questions or criticisms that may be leveled at this book. | grappled with the best way to construct the narrative for this book, and in the end, | made the decision to have Douglass narrate his own tale, which | will elaborate on more below. But before | do that, | want to make clear that the voice narrating this book is based on Douglass’s writing, but it is not actually his writing. | used key words that he used in his writing, as well as the occasional paraphrased passages, but, most important, | used the ideas set forth in his work. The narration in this book is a distillation of what Douglass wrote, crafted to work within the specific medium of the graphic novel. | wrestled with how to present the narrative of this book. | worried about taking on the voice of Douglass, and the implication of writing this in the first person. | even had earlier drafts written in an omniscient voice, but it didn’t feel right. And the reason it didn’t feel right came down to the undeniable truth that surrounded everything Frederick Douglass said and did: the reclamation of his humanity, and the humanity of all those held in the dehumanizing bondage of slavery. In the minds of many Americans, slavery exists more as an abstract concept than as a harsh reality of dehumanizing, forced labor. Likewise, the slave exists as something other than human. The word slave itself serves as a replacement for human, reducing those who had been enslaved into something less than what they actually were, turning them into some type of thing. Frederick Douglass spent most of his life fighting to reclaim the humanity denied to millions of Africans and their descendants, who had been reduced to nothing more than property. For me, the goal of this graphic novel was more than just recounting the life of Frederick Douglass, it

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4 was to assert his humanity—and the humanity of slaves. As a writer, there was no better way to do this than to give Douglass a voice in this book. It was not a decision made lightly. | actually fought against it and stressed about it more than | can articulate. But in the end, | realized that if all this book did was offer a dry recounting of Douglass’s life, without delving into the humanity he spent his life asserting, then as a writer | would have failed. More important, as the descendant of human beings who had been enslaved, | would have failed in helping my relatives reclaim the humanity they had been denied during their lives. Frederick Douglass’s fight for freedom and equality continues more than a century after his death. Traces of the hate and dehumanization that allowed slavery to thrive and flourish in America still infect this country. It is my hope that this book will help people better understand Douglass, the institution of slavery, and then, little by little and step by step, move toward a place where all human lives are honored and respected with equal measure. —DAVID F. WALKER The Early Life of Frederick Douglass I WAS BORN FREDERICK AUGUSTUS WASHINGTON BAILEY, IN TALBOT COUNTY, MARYLAND, ON A PLANTATION OWNED BY COLONEL EDWARD LLOYD MORE THAN TWENTY YEARS | OF MY LIFE ge WERE SPENT WITHIN THE PECULIAR INSTITUTION KNOWN AS SLAVERY. THE NAME BY WHICH I AM BEST KNOWN, i FREDERICK DOUGLASS, WAS TAKEN AFTER MY ESCAPE FROM SLAVERY, AS I EMBARKED ON A NEW LIFE AS A FREE MAN. THE JOURNEY THAT I CALL MY LIFE HAS BEEN ONE OF SUFFERING AND CELEBRATION. I HAVE BEEN KEPT IN CHAINS, AND I HAVE CONFERRED WITH PRESIDENTS. ‘ I HAVE BEEN BEATEN, AND I HAVE FOUGHT BACK. SOME WOULD SAY THAT I HAVE LED AN INCREDIBLE LIFE, AN ASSERTION I AM NOT WILLING TO MAKE, FOR I AM JUST A MAN. eee: YET ALL MEN HAVE A STORY, AND THIS IS MINE I VO NOT RECALL HAVING EVER MET A SLAVE THAT 8 COULD TELL ME OF THEIR BIRTHDAY. MOST MASTERS I HAVE MET PREFER TO KEEP THEIR SLAVES IGNORANT OF SUCH THINGS, DEPRIVING THE SLAVES, BY BITS AND PIECES, OF THAT WHICH AFFORDS THEM HUMANITY. I DO NOT KNOW MY AGE, FOR I HAVE NEVER SEEN ANY RECORD OF MY DATE OF BIRTH. THIS IS NOT UNCOMMON FOR SLAVES, MOST OF WHOM KNOW AS LITTLE OF THEIR AGES AS HORSES KNOW OF THEIRS. ak IN MY LIFE, I SAW MY MOTHER NO MORE THAN FOUR OR FIVE TIMES, AND THEN IT WAS ONLY FOR BRIEF FLEETING MOMENTS THAT

5 ALLOWED FOR VERY LITTLE BY WAY OF FAMILIARITY OR COMFORT. ee I DO NOT KNOW THE i! IDENTITY OF MY FATHER, THOUGH POSSIBLE NAMES WERE SPOKEN IN WHISPERS. I KNOW WITH CERTAINTY [J THAT HE WAS A WHITE MAN, : AND I SUSPECT THAT HE WAS MY OWNER, CAPTAIN AARON ANTHONY. y A IT IS NOT UNCOMMON FOR THE MASTER OF THE SLAVE ALSO TO BE THE FATHER. INDEED, MANY WHITE MEN SATISFIED BOTH LUST AND GREED THROUGH THE RAPE OF BLACK WOMEN. I WAS RAISED BY MY GRANDMOTHER, BETSEY BAILEY, KNOWING LITTLE OF THE CONDITIONS OF SLAVERY IN MY EARLY YEARS. STILL, SLAVERY CAST AN EVER-PRESENT SHADOW UPON ME, TAKING ME FROM THE ARMS OF MY MOTHER, HARRIET BAILEY. SLAVERY CARES NOT FOR THE FAMILY. THE RELATIONSHIP A BETWEEN A SLAVE MOTHER AND HER CHILD IS NO DIFFERENT FROM THAT OF THE COW AND HER CALF--ALL ARE PROPERTY, AND SUBJECT TO THEIR MASTERS’ WHIMS. ey SHE DIED WHEN I WAS STILL QUITE YOUNG, AND THOUGH IT PAINS ME TO SAY THIS, SHE EXISTS FOR ME AS LITTLE MORE THAN A FEW VAGUE, FRAGMENTED MEMORIES. 5) NOT KNOWING THE DATE OF MY BIRTH OR THE IDENTITY OF MY FATHER, COMBINED WITH THE VAGUE, FLEETING MEMORIES OF MY MOTHER THAT MOCK MORE THAN THEY | COMFORT, HAUNTED ME AS A CHILD, AND REMAIN AS I ESTIMATE THAT MY AGE BURDENS I CARRY TO : he are , WAS SIX OR SEVEN WHEN THIS DAY. “ ae - ga. 4 MY GRANDMOTHER LED ff ; , © , ME FROM HER CABIN TO THE HOME OF AARON ANTHONY AT THE WYE HOUSE PLANTATION. GRAN’MAMA, WHAT IS THIS PLACE? FRED, THIS HERE IS THE HOME OF OL’ MASTER . . Se OLKS CALL IT THE GREAT HOUSE. THE GREAT HOUSE? I AIN'T NEVER SEEN ANYTHING LIKE THIS BEFORE. FAMILY I HAD NEVER KNOWN : BEFORE GREETED ME, INCLUDING MY OLDER BROTHER AND SISTERS, )uem PERRY, ELIZA, AND SARAH, NOT TO ave MENTION NUMEROUS COUSINS. THIS HERE = YOUR FAMILY, THAT'S RIGHT. THEY WERE PEOPLE NOW, YOU GO PREVIOUSLY KNOWN ON AND PLAY. TO ME ONLY IN NAME, SUDDENLY MADE REAL. IT WAS BOTH INVIGORATING AND OVERWHELMING. WE PLAYED, I SUPPOSE AS ALL CHILDREN PLAY, TOO YOUNG TO BE FULLY BURDENED BY THE REALITY OF WHAT WE WERE-- THE PROPERTY OF ANOTHER. IT WAS NOT THE FIRST TIME MY GRANDMOTHER HAD DELIVERED A CHILD OVER TO THE WORLD OF SLAVERY. I SUSPECT THIS TO BE THE REASON SHE LEFT WITHOUT SAYING A WORD. (HEY,

6 GRAN’MAMA, LOOK AT a2 PERHAPS THE PAIN OF DOING SO HAD TAUGHT HER THAT WORDS WOULD BRING NO COMFORT TO HER OR TO ME. HOW MANY CHILDREN AND GRANDCHILDREN CAN ANY ONE PERSON LOSE AND REMAIN UNBROKEN? Where’s Gran’mama? SHE GONE, FRED. THIS HERE YER NEW HOME. ALTHOUGH I HAD BEEN BORN A SLAVE, IT WAS NOT UNTIL MY GRANDMOTHER LEFT ME AT THE GREAT HOUSE THAT I STARTED TO BECOME AWARE OF WHAT THAT TRULY MEANT. BEFORE WE LEFT MY GRANDMOTHER'S HUMBLE CABIN, MAKING THE LONG WALK TO MY NEW HOME, I WAS, AS FAR AS MY LIMITED UNDERSTANDING PERMITTED, SIMPLY A CHILD. BUT BY THE END OF THAT Day, MY CHILDHOOD HAD ENDED, REALITY ITSELF BEGAN TO TRANSFORM, AND I, BY VIRTUE OF CIRCUMSTANCES I COULD NOT COMPREHEND OR CONTROL, HAD BECOME A SLAVE. The history of slavery in the British American colonies, and then later in the United States, is complicated, spanning nearly two hundred fifty years. This does not include slavery in Spanish colonies in the Caribbean or South America, which goes back more than another one hundred years. The number of Africans shipped to North America, South America, and the Caribbean between 1525 and 1866 was over twelve million. In the American colonies, and later the United States, slaves were not counted in the census as people, but as property. In the 1790 census of the American colonies, the number of slaves listed was just under 700,000. By 1860, that number had climbed to just under four million. The following is a very brief lesson in the history of slavery in America, highlighting key dates, events, and individuals. It is not meant to bea comprehensive overview by any stretch of the imagination, but it serves to give some historical context of the world Frederick Douglass was born into. 1619: Twenty Africans are brought to the British colony of Jamestown, Virginia. This marks the beginning of the enslavement of Africans in the British American colonies. Early slaves of African descent were not held in bondage for life, much like the white indentured servants of the time. Likewise, children of slaves were often not considered slaves. 1640: Three indentured servants, two white and one black, run away from their masters in the Colony of Virginia. All three are captured, and the terms of service for the white men are extended. The term of service for the black man, John Punch, is extended to life, making him the first known slave for life in the colonies. This is also the first known

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7 case involving forced labor in which there was a clear distinction based on racial identity. 1662: Virginia passes a law declaring that a child’s status as slave or free is determined by the status of their mother. This is the first time such a law is enacted, making the children of slave women slaves as well. 1664: Maryland passes a law that mandates servitude for life for black slaves. Other states begin to adopt similar laws. 1676: Nathaniel Bacon, a white planter from Virginia, leads a group of white farmers, white indentured servants, and black slaves in a resistance against the regional government. Known as Bacon’s Rebellion, this outbreak of violence, fueled by interracial solidarity, would lead to numerous laws banning all forms of interracial socialization and interaction. It also marks the beginning of a shift away from white indentured servants in favor of black slaves. 1682: Virginia passes a law declaring that all blacks imported as slaves will be held in bondage for life. 1688: Quakers in Pennsylvania pass a resolution regarding antislavery. 1705: Virginia laws define slaves as property. Under this law, slave owners can pass ownership to their heirs. The laws also make it possible for an owner to destroy runaway property—that is, kill runaway slaves—as they see fit. 1723: Virginia abolishes manumission, meaning siaves cannot be set free. 1740: South Carolina passes the Negro Act. Under the law, blacks cannot assemble in groups, earn money, raise food, or learn to read. The law also makes it legal for owners to kill rebellious slaves. 1775: In Pennsylvania, the first abolitionist society is formed. 1776: The Continental Congress adopts the Declaration of Independence, forming the United States. After considerable debate, a section denouncing slavery is left out. 1777: Vermont abolishes slavery before joining the United States. Other northern states begin to abolish slavery, starting with Pennsylvania (1780) and ending with New Jersey (1804). 1785: The New York Manumission Society is founded by John Jay to end slavery. Other founding members include Alexander Hamilton and Hercules Mulligan. 1787: The Constitution of the United States is adopted. The words slavery and slave are omitted. Southern, slave-owning states want to count blacks in their population, to increase numbers in the House of Representatives and votes in the electoral college. The Three-Fifths Compromise results in every black person being counted as three- fifths of a human being, although blacks are not granted any rights within the Constitution. 1793:The

8 first Fugitive Slave Act is passed, guaranteeing slave owners the right to recover escaped slaves, even in free states. That same year, Eli Whitney invents the cotton gin, significantly increasing cotton production and, in turn, creating demand for a larger labor force. 179.9: George Washington dies, and in his will he sets free his 123 slaves. Of the first twelve presidents of the United States, ten were slave owners. 1808:The United States officially bans the importation of slaves, though slavery itself continues. 1820: After considerable debate, Missouri is admitted to the Union as a slave state, while Maine is admitted as a free state. The Missouri Compromise states that slavery will be forbidden in all territories above parallel 36°30' north. This essentially creates the demarcation line between slave states and free states. 1822: Denmark Vesey, a freed slave in South Carolina, unsuccessfully attempts to lead a revolt in Charleston. eee | €° 14 ee 1831: Nat Turner, a slave in Virginia, leads a revolt that leaves close to sixty dead. Turner manages to avoid a manhunt for two months, before he is caught and executed. As a result of his uprising, southern slave owners began to enforce harsher restrictions on all slaves. 1848: Mexico is defeated in the Mexican-American War, handing over a considerable amount of territory. The acquisition of this land sparks heated debate over whether or not slavery will be permitted in these new territories. 1849: Harriet Tubman escapes slavery. She subsequently returns to the South on numerous occasions as a conductor on the Underground Railroad, helping to liberate hundreds of other slaves. 1850: California is admitted to the Union as a free state. To appease slave states, the government adopts a new version of the Fugitive Slave Act that places more responsibility on northern states to capture and return runaway slaves to their owners. 1852: Harriet Beecher Stowe’s book Uncle Tom’s Cabin is published, offering a scathing indictment of slavery. It becomes a best seller. 1857: The Supreme Court of the United States hands down the Dred Scott decision, stating that blacks cannot be citizens of the United States and have no rights under law. 1860: South Carolina secedes from the Union, followed by other southern slave-owning states, leading the way for the Civil War. 1863: President Abraham Lincoln issues the Emancipation Proclamation, decreeing all slaves are “forever free.” 1865: The Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution outlaws slavery. Art on page 12 by Damon Smyth. Images on pages 13 and 14 courtesy

9 of the Library of Congress. Art on this page by John Jennings. _ Coming to Understand Slavery eae ae a uae SLEEPING UPON THE FLOOR OF A KITCHEN CLOSET, MY NEW LIFE WITHIN THE GREAT HOUSE WAS A NIGHTMARE THAT NO HUMAN SHOULD EVER ENDURE, MOST ESPECIALLY A CHILD. TROUGH CAPTAIN ANTHONY WAS THE MASTER OF THE PROPERTY, HE LEFT ITS CHARGE TO A WOMAN KNOWN TO ALL AS AUNT KATY. WE CHILDREN WERE FED CORNMEAL, SERVED IN A WOODEN TROUGH, AS IF WE WERE PIGS, EACH FIGHTING FOR ENOUGH FOOD TO SATIATE THE HUNGER IN OUR BELLIES. THE FASTEST ATE THE MOST, THE | STRONGEST SECURED THE BEST Pp) PLACE, AND THE MAJORITY, LIKE MYSELF, LEFT THE TROUGH HUNGRY AND WANTING MORE. ONE DAy, I OFFENDED AUNTY KATY. THE SPECIFICS OF THE OFFENSE HAVE BEEN FORGOTTEN, FOR MY OFFENSES WERE NUMEROUS AND DEPENDED GREATLY ON AUNT KATY’S MOOD. IT IS DIFFICULT, EVEN AFTER ALL THESE YEARS, TO FIND THE WORDS TO CONVEY THE REALITY OF BEING A SLAVE. ILL- TEMPERED AND CRUEL BY NATURE, AUNT KATY SEEMED TO TAKE PLEASURE IN BOTH MY HUNGER AND SUFFERING, AS IF I, A CHILD SHE HAD NEVER MET, HAD DONE HER SOME | IRREPARAEBLE HARM. YOU A BAD CHILE, FRED FOR THAT, I’M FIXIN’ TO STARVE THE LIFE OUTTA YOU. AUNT KATY DID NOT FEED ME. TOO HUNGRY TO SLEEF I WEPT IN THE KITCHEN. ALONE, AFRAID, AND HUNGRY, I HAD REACHED A LEVEL OF GREAT DESPAIR. I’S JUST REAL I AIN’T DO NOTHIN’ HUNGRY AND .. 3 WRONG, I PROMISE. WHILE WITHIN THAT MOST PITIABLE OF STATES THAT I FOUND MYSELF, THERE CAME A MOST UNEXPECTED RESCUER. FRED, BABY, AIN’T NOTHIN’ TO FEAR--IT’S ME, YOUR MAMA. AFTER LABORING IN THE FIELD ALL DAY, SHE WALKED TWELVE MILES TO SEE ME--TWELVE MILES SHE WOULD NEED TO WALK AGAIN BEFORE THE SUN NEXT ROSE. SHE WALKED | TWELVE MILES TO BAKE ME A CAKE. APPEARING AS SHE DID, IT SEEMED AS IF SHE HAD BEEN DELIVERED TO ME IN ¥ RESPONSE TO THE DESPAIR THAT GRIPPED MY SOUL. SHE WALKED TWELVE MILES TO REMIND ME THAT I WAS THE SON OF A MOTHER WHO LOVED ME. TRON ee oe pad aio I TOLD HER OF AUNT KATY’S ABUSES, AND SHE CAME TO MY DEFENSE AS ONLY A MOTHER WOULD. YOU DON’T TREAT MY BOY LIKE THAT, OR YOU GONNA ANSWER TO ME. YOU HEAR ME, KATY? NX DON’T YOU EVER FORGET, YO’ MAMA AUNT KATY’S TYRANNY LOVES YOu, NEARLY DEFEATED ME, HAD THERE EVER BEEN FRED

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10 A BUT MY MOTHER'S LOVE A TIME WHEN I DOUBTED - HAD DELIVERED TO THE LOVE OF MY MOTHER, ; ME A VICTORY. IT WAS THEN AND FOREVER : : DISPELLED THAT NIGHT. UNFORTUNATELY, THE VICTORY WAS SHORT-LIVED, FOR AS I SLEPT, MY MOTHER BEGAN HER TWELVE-MILE JOURNEY BACK TO HER OWN CIRCUMSTANCES. pon COME THE MORNING, WHEN I AWOKE, MY MOTHER WAS GONE. MAMA, WHERE YOU AT? THAT WAS THE LAST TIME I SAW MY MOTHER. SHE ; I WAS NOT PRESENT DIED SHORTLY AFTER fee DURING HER ILLNESS, HER VISIT. na HER DEATH, OR a Ae HER BURIAL. . : es eee «| SLAVERY LEAVES THE FEW ARE AS EVIL AS ae Pie ’ ‘ |) HER DEATHBED, WITHOUT MOTHER AND CHILD-- { : : BN ; THE FORCE THAT i, ay \ : DIE AS A BEAST, GIVEN NO KEEPS THEM APART, . MB] MORE ATTENTION THAN A EVEN AT THE TIME 4 ae @ . “W COW OR PIG WHOSE TIME OF DEATH. . 4 ene ‘ : ie ~ | HAS COME TO AN END. I TAKE FEW STEPS IN LIFE WITHOUT FEELING THE LOVE OF MY MOTHER, COBBLED TOGETHER FROM MEAGER MOMENTS CUT SHORT TOO SOON. I ONLY HOPE THAT AT [FF HER TIME OF DEATH, MY LOVE } WAS KNOWN TO HER, AS HER LOVE FOR ME IS KNOWN. THE INTERVENTION OF MY a G ONCE, AFTER I HAD BEEN STRUCK MOTHER DID LITTLE TO . | IN THE HEAD BY ONE OF COLONEL CURB THE CRUELTY AND /j LLOYD'S SLAVES, AUNT KATY DID ABUSE OF AUNT KATY. g 3 Bad NOTHING TO TEND TO MY WOUNDS. IF ANYTHING, IT a ’ ee ers FANNED THE FLAMES | @ eae OF HER HOSTILITY | & MESSIN’ WITH : 5 | THEM LLOYD NIGGERS! AS I GREW OLDER AND MORE THOUGHTFUL, KATY’S ABUSE FILLED ME WITH A SENSE OF MY OWN WRETCHEDNESS. IN TIME, I WOULD COME TO WISH THAT I HAD NEVER BEEN BORN. FORTUNATELY, ANOTHER WOULD COME TO MY DEFENSE. OH DEAR, LET US SEE WHAT WE CAN DO TO TAKE CARE OF THIS MESS. MISS LUCRETIA AULD, { MISGUIDED THOUGH IT MAY fF” DAUGHTER OF CAPTAIN | #| HAVE BEEN, I THOUGHT ANTHONY, WAS A KIND | — 4 OF MISS LUCRETIA AS A PERSON, AS FAR AS f §&/ FRIEND, AND TO THIS DAY, | oe SLAVE OWNERS GO. | #4 I HOLD HER INA PLACE [o@ SHE TREATED ME WELL, H) OF CONSIDERABLE OFTEN FEEDING ME \ § ff] ESTEEM. a WHEN SHE COULD. | § et THANK YOU, MISS LUCRETIA. MUCH OF MY TIME SPENT WITH DANIEL LLOYG THE YOUNGEST OF COLONEL THE CHILDHOOD OF A SLAVE IS PERHAPS THE BEST TIME OF THEIR LIFE. TOO YOUNG TO WORK THE FIELDS, THEY ARE NOT YET FULLY AWARE OF THE INDIGNITY TO WHICH THEY HAVE BEEN

11 BORN. WAS LLOYD'S SONS. I WAS SOMETHING BETWEEN A FRIEND AND A PET TO MASTER DANIEL. Mao Tien ran pee COLONEL LLOYD HAD HIRED JOEL PAGE, A PRIVATE TUTOR, TO EDUCATE DANIEL. IT WOULD NOT DO FOR THE PROGENY OF SOUTHERN WEALTH TO BE UNEDUCATED, SPEAKING IN THE SAME MANNER AS THE MOST ILLITERATE OF ‘dil SLAVES. ss g THE MOST I HAD TO DO WAS DRIVE UP THE COWS IN THE EVENING, OR KEEP THE FRONT YARD CLEAN. INERY GOOD, DANIEL. YOUR READING AND WRITING SKILLS ARE EXCELLENT. NOW WE WILL WORK ON DICTION. IT WAS IN THIS MANNER THAT I LEARNED THE IMPORTANCE OF DICTION AND ARTICULATION--HOW TO SPEAK IN A MANNER DEEMED PROPER. CHOOSE YOUR WORDS WELL. SPEAK WITH AUTHORITY AND CLARITY. FROM MY HIDING PLACE, MY EARLIEST ATTEMPTS TO EDUCATE MYSELF BEGAN. I WOULD SPY ON YOUNG MASTER DANIEL AS HE RECEIVED HIS LESSONS FROM PAGE. A GENTLEMAN IS EXPECTED TO SPEAK IN A CERTAIN MANNER, AND AS YOU GROW OLDER, HOW YOU SPEAK WILL DETERMINE HOW YOU ARE PERCEIVED. ALLOW THE MANNER OF YOUR ARTICULATION TO DEFINE YOU AS A YOUNG MAN OF CULTURE AND INTELLIGENCE. WY LIFE AT THE GREAT HOUSE WAS THE BEGINNING OF MY TRUE INDOCTRINATION INTO SLAVERY--THAT PECULIAR INSTITUTION BUILT ON THE FOUNDATION OF DEHUMANIZATION. ONE MORNING, WHILE SLEEPING ON THE FLOOR THAT SERVED AS MY BED, IN THE CLOSET THAT SERVED AS MY ROOM, I WAS AWOKEN BY BLOOD-CHILLING SCREAMS. I DID NOT WANT TO KNOW WHAT IT WAS THAT COULD MAKE ANOTHER HUMAN BEING SCREAM IN SUCH A WAY... TO MY HORROR, I SAW THE SOURCE OF THE SCREAMS... I EXPERIENCED AND WITNESSED THIS DEHUMANIZATION EARLY ON AT THE GREAT HOUSE. ... MY AUNT HESTER-- MY MOTHER'S YOUNGER SISTER. “ \ AUNT HESTER HAD ANGERED CAPTAIN ANTHONY BY KEEPING COMPANY WITH ANOTHER SLAVE, NED ROBERTS. FOR THIS OFFENSE, SHE WAS WHIPPED. AUNT HESTER’S PLEAS FOR MERCY WERE MET WITH A DIRECT MEASURE OF FURY AND BRUTALITY. EACH CRACK OF THE WHIF EACH LACERATING LASH THAT TORE FLESH FROM HER BACK, BROUGHT WITH IT A TORRENT OF PROFANITY FLOWING FROM THE MOUTH OF CAPTAIN ANTHONY. IN TIME, I TOO WOULD KNOW THE } CUTTING STING OF THE LASH. I WONDERED NOT ABOUT WHAT OFFENSE COULD POSSIBLY WARRANT SUCH INHUMAN TORTURE; RATHER, I WONDERED WHAT KIND OF HUMAN ) COULD DO THIS | TO

12 ANOTHER. I WOULD UNDERSTAND WHAT KIND OF PERSON COULD DO THIS TO THEIR FELLOW HUMAN BEING. THE LAWS OF SLAVERY GAVE WHITE PEOPLE THE RIGHT OF LIFE AND DEATH OVER BLACK INFRINGEMENT OR PERCEIVED \ WRONGDOING COMMITTED BY } A BLACK PERSON COULD BE DEALT WITH BY MURDER. pi Soe ne rad IN THE EYES OF THE LAW, THIS WAS NOT KILLING. IT WAS MERELY THE DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY, AN OFFENSE THAT COULD BE CORRECTED THROUGH FINANCIAL REMUNERATION. A COMMON SAYING I HEARD MANY TIMES IN MARYLAND WAS THAT IT WAS “WORTH HALF A CENT TO KILL A NIGGER, AND HALF A CENT TO BURY HIM.” SLAVERY TO ME WAS A CURSE, THOUGH I DID NOT FULLY UNDERSTAND THAT THERE WAS AN ALTERNATIVE FOR THOSE CAUGHT IN ITS INHUMAN GRIF WITH EACH DAY OF MY CHILDHOOD, I BECAME INCREASINGLY AWARE OF WHAT IT MEANT TO BE A SLAVE--THAT THIS CONDITION WAS NOT TEMPORARY. THIS WAS LIFE. u I BECAME AWARE OF [> FREEDOM AND ESCAPE, TWO THINGS INTRICATELY INTERWOVEN. UNCLE NOAH RAN AWAY, INTRODUCING ME TO THE CONCEPT OF ESCAPE. Eh A\, ja 6 I MET OLDER SLAVES, fe ' t Se WHO SPOKE OF COMING FROM AFRICA--OF HAVING BEEN ABDUCTED AND SOLD INTO SLAVERY. l AS FOR FREEDOM, IT WAS A WORD THAT IMPLIED A STATE OF BEING I COULD NOT [ame FULLY COMPREHEND. / & : BOTH FREEDOM AND ESCAPE PEOPLE THEY HAD MET : WERE SPOKEN OF ONLY IN HUSHED WHO HAD COME FROM y WHISPERS, BUT I LISTENED, FOR ; | AFRICA, OR OF THOSE Piha THE VERY IDEA OF A LIFE OUTSIDE WHO HAD RUN AWAY. 3 OF SLAVERY FILLED ME WITH : - NOTHING SHORT OF HOPE. SO IT CAME TO BE THAT AT A VERY YOUNG AGE I SET MY MIND TO ESCAPE AND FREEDOM, DETERMINING TO DO WHATEVER IT TOOK TO DELIVER MYSELF FROM SLAVERY. 27 I WAS EIGHT OR NINE WHEN CAPTAIN | ANTHONY'S HEALTH BEGAN TO FAIL. MISS LUCRETIA DELIVERED THE NEWS OF MY RELOCATION, WHICH FILLED ME WITH GREAT JOY. AT LAST, I WOULD BE FREE OF THE TYRANNY OF AUNT KATY. FOR REASONS THAT I WILL NEVER KNOW, CAPTAIN ANTHONY DECIDED TO SEND ME TO BALTIMORE TO LIVE WITH | HUGH AULD, THE BROTHER OF MISS LUCRETIA’S & HUSBAND, THOMAS. THERE IS NO NEED TO WORRY, FRED. YOU WILL ABSOLUTELY LOVE YOUR NEW LIFE IN BALTIMORE. BUT FIRST, WE MUST CLEAN YOU UP _ CE ‘ aaa | SCRUBBED CLEAN OF THE PLANTATION’S | DIRT AND DRESSED IN NEW CLOTHES, I | WAS

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13 ACCOMPANIED BY MY COUSIN TOM, A CABIN BOY ON THE SHIP THE SALLY LLOYD, AS I WAS SENT TO BALTIMORE. FRED, YOU GONNA LOVES IT-- BALT’MORE. IT AIN'T LIKE IT IS ON THE PLANTATION. MY NEW HOME WAS THAT OF MY NEW MASTERS, HUGH AND SOPHIA AULD, AND THEIR YOUNG SON, TOMMY. YOUNG MASTER THOMAS, AND MY NEW OCCUPATION WAS TO CARE FOR HIM. BOTH OF US WERE TOO YOUNG TO FULLY COMPREHEND OUR STATIONS--THAT I WAS PROPERTY TO BE MASTERED OVER. INSTEAD, WE WERE, FOR A TIME, LITTLE MORE THAN CHILDREN WHO PLAYED TOGETHER. LIKEWISE, MISS SOPHIA, HAYING NEVER OWNED & SLAVES BEFORE, TREATED ME MORE LIKE A SON THAN A THING SHE OWNED. THOSE WERE GOOD DAYS-- DAYS IN WHICH I WAS FED WELL, DRESSED IN GOOD CLOTHES, AND PERMITTED TO SLEEP UPON A REAL BED. OF HAPPINESS AND CONTENTMENT I MAY HAVE FELT, HOWEVER, WAS SHORT-LIVED, AS CIRCUMSTANCES QUICKLY CHANGED. OUR DESTINIES WERE TO BE FIXED FOR LIFE. WE HAD NO MORE VOICE IN THE DECISION THAN A COMMON FARM ANIMAL. BEING AS SUCH THAT I WAS THE PROPERTY OF AARON ANTHONY, I WAS SENT BACK TO BE VALUED ALONG WITH THE OTHERS THAT HE SNE SHORTLY AFTER I MOVED TO BALTIMORE, AARON ANTHONY DIED. LEAVING BEHIND NO WILL, HIS PROPERTY WAS TO BE DIVIDED J) BETWEEN HIS SURVIVING CHILDREN, [| ANDREW AND LUCRET _— I FOUND MYSELF ASSEMBLED WITH OTHER MEN AND WOMEN, YOUNG AND OLD, MARRIED AND SINGLE; MORAL AND THINKING HUMAN BEINGS DENIED THEIR HUMANITY. OUR EXISTENCE WAS REDUCED TO THAT OF SHEER HORNED CATTLE, AND SWINE. I WATCHED AS FAMILIES-- MY OWN INCLUDED--WERE ASSIGNED A VALUE AND DISTRIBUTED ACCORDINGLY. MY GREATEST FEAR WAS THAT I WOULD BE HANDED OVER TO CAPTAIN ANTHONY'S SON, ANDREW, A MAN WHOSE CRUELTY RIVALED THAT OF THIS FATHER. DIVIDED, I WITNESSED ANDREW ANTHONY BEAT MY BROTHER PERRY. THAT MY FUTURE MIGHT BE SPENT AS THE PROPERTY OF ONE SO INHUMANE AS ANDREW FILLED ME WITH DREAD. AS FATE WOULD HAVE IT, MY OWNERSHIP WAS TRANSFERRED TO MISS LUCRETIA, AND SHE AND HER HUSBAND, THOMAS, DECIDED TO RETURN ME TO BALTIMORE, TO CONTINUE WORKING FOR HUGH AND SOPHIA AULD I HAD BEEN SPARED THE FATE THAT I FEARED THE MOST, BUT I WAS STILL A SLAVE--A FACT THAT I WOULD COME TO UNDERSTAND MORE AND MORE WITH EACH

14 PASSING DAY. z THREE Unfit to Be a Slave ONE OF THE MOST EFFECTIVE WEAPONS FOR KEEPING A SLAVE IN THEIR PLACE IS TO DENY THEM EDUCATION--TO LIMIT THEIR ABILITY TO THINK AND REASON BEYOND THAT WHICH THEIR MASTER DEEMS NECESSARY. IF A COW DOES NOT NEED TO READ, OR A PIG DOES NOT NEED TO WRITE, WHY WOULD A SLAYE NEED THE ABILITY TO DO EITHER? THAT IS THE THINKING OF THE SLAVE MASTER, FOR A SLAVE |S LITTLE MORE THAN AN ANIMAL. he f PHIA, THE WIFE I CONFESS, WITHOUT SHAME, et : Hicks, MASTER, THAT IN MY YOUTH I DID NOT : OFTEN READ ALOUD KNOW THE IMPORTANCE OF FROM THE BIBLE. EVUCATION, NOR THE POWER OF DENYING IT TO SLAVES. I WAS, AFTER ALL, A CHILD & MY LIFE BEGAN TO CHANGE ONCE THE MYSTERY OF | READING WAS INTRODUCED | TO ME. AS SHE READ TO YOUNG PEPE eae fitgfg I DID NOT KNOW WHAT READING | TOMMY AND ME, MY WAS, NOR COULD I IMAGINE CURIOSITY GREW. : in > geet WB . \ N| eo sais aie. wr i, 2: RS. ae I MERELY WANTED TO BETTER UNDERSTAND THIS On oe : STRANGE RITUAL THAT ; MISS SOPHIA ENGAGED IN, WHICH SEEMED TO BRING HER MUCH JOY. THIS IS CALLED See mie IT WOULD BE MY PLEASURE, FRED PLEASE, MA’AM, CAN YOU SHOW ME HOW TO DO THIS READING? FILLED WITH PRIDE OVER WHAT WE HAD ACCOMPLISHED TOGETHER, MISS SOPHIA AND I WERE EAGER TO DEMONSTRATE TO MASTER HUGH MY NEWFOUND SKILLS. ... AND MY SALVATION. THE LORD IS THE STRENGTH ORsMYsclEEe. OH, HUGH, JUST WAIT UNTIL YOU SEE WHAT FREDDY AND I HAVE MANAGED WHOM SHALL I FEAR? ... OF WHOM SHALL I BE AFRAID? TO DO. THE LORD IS MY LIGHT. WHEN THE WICKED, EVEN MINE ENEMIES AND MY FOES, | CAME UPON ME TO EAT UP MY FLESH, THEY STUMBLED AND FELL. WHAT IS THIS?/ DO YOU REALIZE ce ee oe THAT WHAT YO on ‘ 3 Pn i FURTHERMORE, IT HAVE DONE HERE ee : e , IS UNLAWFUL? , NG. ge IS DANGEROUS. A SLAVE SHOULD KNOW NOTHING OTHER THAN THE WILL OF HIS MASTER, me pies Women Te LEARN ONLY ENOUGH TO WILL MAKE HIM FOREVER OBEY IT. UNFIT TO BE A SLAVE/ IF YOU TEACH HIM TO READ, HE’LL WANT TO LEARN TO WRITE, AND THEN IT IS ONLY A MATTER OF TIME BEFORE HE RUNS AWAY WITH HIMSELF TWO THINGS HAPPENED IN THAT MOMENT. FIRST, MISS SOPHIA CEASED OUR LESSONS, AND IN DOING SO, OUR RELATIONSHIP FOREVER CHANGED. SECOND, I DISCOVERED , : THOUGH STILL A CHILD, THE PATHWAY FROM I VOWED TO SOMEDAY

15 SLAVERY TO FREEDOM. BE FREE OF SLAVERY. I AM AWARE THAT THE CIRCUMSTANCE OF MY SLAVERY WITHIN THE AULD HOUSEHOLD WAS NOT AS HORRIFIC AS THAT ENDURED BY = Bf - ee EO FT =< OTHERS HELD - ; te ‘ anes : ISLEPTINA “& IN BONDAGE. tas a Tram * , es BED, WORE NICE rt oy” 3 * Ve est C CLOTHES, AND MY BELLY WAS FULL. & I COULD HEAR THE HAUNTING CLANG OF CHAINS AND LEG-IRONS AS SLAVES WERE BROUGHT TO MARKET. THESE SOUNDS TAUNTED ME--TELLING ME OF THE PRIVILEGE I ENJOYED-- "1 THE PRIVILEGE THAT COULD } BE TAKEN AWAY AT ANY ‘ MOMENT. THE SOUNDS SANG’ OUTTOMEASA & MOURNFUL DIRGE. AND TRY AS I MIGHT, I COULD NOT BLOCK OUT THE TRUTH THAT CRUSHED MY aN SOUL AND FILLED MY BRAIN: fe “YOU ARE A SLAVE.” HUGH AULD’S INSISTENCE ie en. | THAT I NO LONGER READ DENIED ACCESS TO READING MY WHITE PLAYMATES, WHO KNEW ONLY STRENGTHENED MATERIAL WITHIN THE HOUSE AND fie HOW TO READ, TAUGHT ME WHAT MY RESOLVE TO TO THE LESSONS PROVIDED BY THEY KNEW. at : THE CONTRARY. \ BOOKS, I BECAME DETERMINED S ‘ TO LEARN OUTSIDE THE HOME. _ 1 BET YOU aaa : DON’T KNOW é I KNOW THAT THIS WORD | THROUGH MEANS OF MISCHIEF WORD. IT IS I OBTAINED A COPY OF i FA-CIL-I-TATE. WEBSTER’S AMERICAN FACILITATE. SPELLING BOOK. st SENT TO WORK AS AN ERRAND BOY AT THE : SHIPYARDS, I WATCHED I EARNED MONEY THE MEN THERE AS THEY BY SHINING SHOES. WROTE UPON BOARDS, STUDYING THE FINE ART —_ OF MAKING LETTERS. THIS MONEY, VERS TH w 28 w 2 FOOLISHNESS. “(HELP ME WITH THIS NIGGER! ANOTHER ACT OF DEFIANCE GAVE ME STRENGTH. JUST GET BACK TO WORK/ ‘moinnat Garistian University FOUR The Escape MY YEAR OF SERVICE WITH EDWARD COVEY CAME TO AN END, AND MASTER THOMAS AULD HAD ALREADY FOUND ANOTHER TO WHOM HE COULD RENT MY SERVICES. AT THIS POINT, MY REPUTATION WAS WELL KNOWN THROUGHOUT THE AREA. I WAS HARD TO WHIP, KNOWN TO STRIKE BACK, AND, AT TIMES, I "GOT THE DEVIL IN ME.” = CU IT WAS ALSO KNOWN THAT I COULD READ AND WRITE, MAKING ME ESPECIALLY TROUBLESOME TO SLAVE OWNERS THAT PREFERRED THEIR PROPERTY TO BE DOCILE IN NATURE, HARD-WORKING, AND IGNORANT OF ALL--SAVE THE FACULTIES REQUIRED FOR MANUAL LABOR. | MY NEW MASTER WAS Son, WILLIAM FREELAND, A FARMER RESIDING IN CLOSE PROXIMITY TO EDWARD y COVEY, BUT WHOSE GENERAL /, PEN men :

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16 DISPOSITION PLACED HIM eee C':«(ITHIN THE CONTEXT OF A WORLD AWAY FROM ; mee 6©60CSSté‘Y:C«C ONE: WHO ENSLAVE THE SLAVE BREAKER. A = OTHER HUMAN BEINGS, > FREELAND COULD BE CONSIDERED A DECENT MASTER. BY EVERY MEASURE OF WORTH, HE WAS THE EXACT OPPOSITE OF COVEY. mae 3 Y\ FREELAND WORKED HIS SLAVES HARD BY DAY, BUT GAVE US TIME TO REST AT NIGHT. Ba) WE WERE FED WELL AND [= BECAME FRIENDS WITH HENRY AND - JOHN HARRIS, BROTHERS OWNED BY FREELAND; HANDY CALDWELL, 2 - WHO HAD BEEN HIRED OUT TO FREELAND; AND SANDY JENKINS, WHO HAD PROVIDED THE ROOT — T ME FROM COVEY. THESE WERE AMONG THE FINEST MEN I HAVE EVER KNOWN, AND — THE BOND WE FORMED HELPED TO RESTORE THE DAMAGE SUSTAINED WHILE UNDER THE OWNERSHIP OF COVEY. TO BETTER OURSELVES AND TO RISE ABOVE THE LOWLY STATION IN WHICH WE WERE TRAPPED, WE STARTED A » SUNDAY SCHOOL. BEING THE ONLY ONE WHO COULD READ OR WRITE, I WAS THE TEACHER, WHILE THE OTHERS WERE MY SCHOLARS. MY TASK WAS NOT ONLY TO BRING THE WORD OF GOD TO THEIR HEARTS, BUT ALSO TO BRING THE ABILITY TO READ AND WRITE TO THEIR MINDS. WE MET IN SECRET, THOUGH WE MADE LITTLE EFFORT TO HIDE OUR ACTIVITIES.) _ IN TIME, OUR GROUP | GREW, FILLING WITH \_ SLAVES EAGER TO Phe NOURISH THEIR MINDS} AND SOULS. THOUGH SURROUNDED BY FRIENDS AND IN CIRCUMSTANCES FAR LESS INHUMANE, THE FACT THAT I WAS A SLAVE HAD NOT CHANGED. MY LIFE, IN ITS ENTIRETY, WAS TO BE SPENT IN FORCED SERVITUDE. HAVING VERY NEARLY BEEN BROKEN IN SPIRIT BY COVEY, AND SOMEWHAT CONTENT WITH MY FRIENDSHIPS AND THE SUNDAY SCHOOL, ESCAPE NO LONGER OCCUPIED MY FOREMOST THOUGHTS. AND YET, OVER TIME, MY DESIRE TO ESCAPE NEVER WENT AWAY COMPLETELY. WHA’CHU GETTIN’ AT, FRED? HENRY, JOHN, YOU EVER THINK THERE HAS GOT TO BE MORE TO LIFE THAN BEING A SLAVE? THAT GOD INTENDS MORE FOR US? YEAH, WHA’CHU GOT YO’ MIND SET ON? is ™ I HAV BEEN WITH WILLIAM y FREELAND FOR A YEAR, AND HE HAD RENEWED THE PURCHASE ¢ OF MY SERVICES FOR ANOTHER YEAR FROM THOMAS AULD. da UPON THE BEGINNING OF MY SECOND YEAR WITH FREELAND, I VOWED TO MYSELF THAT BEFORE ANOTHER YEAR PASSED, I WOULD MAKE MY MOST EARNEST ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE SLAVERY. INCLUDED IN MY PLAN WERE THE HARRIS BROTHERS,

17 CHARLES ROBERTS, HENRY BAILEY, AND MY OLD FRIEND, SANDY JENKINS. WE MET IN SECRET, TAKING GREATER CARE THAN WE DID WITH OUR SUNDAY SCHOOL. THE PLAN BEGAN TO COME TOGETHER 2 QUITE QUICKLY. FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT FOR SLAVES CAME ONLY IN THE FORM OF SLAVE PASSES--DOCUMENTS OF WRITTEN PERMISSION THAT ALL SLAVES WERE REQUIRED TO CARRY UPON LEAVING THEIR PLANTATION. I WAS TO WRITE PASSES FOR EACH OF US, ALLOWING US TO VISIT BALTIMORE OVER THE EASTER HOLIDA HENRY AND JOHN HARRIS WERE TO STEAL A LARGE CANOE OWNED BY MR. WILLIAM HAMILTON. ON THE SATURDAY NIGHT BEFORE EASTER, THE GROUP OF US WOULD PADDLE THE CANOE ALONG THE CHESAPEAKE--FROM MARYLAND TO DELAWARE. THIS SOUNDS MIGHTY DANGEROUS. DON’T NONE OF US KNOW NOTHIN’ ‘BOUT SAILIN’ NO BOATS. AND THEM WATERS OF THE CHES’PEAK BEEN KNOWN TO CHURN. AND WHAT IF SOMEONE SEES THAT THE CANOE GONE MISSIN’? IF ESCAPE WAS NOT FRAUGHT WITH DANGER, THEN MORE SLAVES WOULD ESCAPE. THE DAY OF OUR PLANNED “ FRED, I CAN’T ESCAPE HAD ARRIVED. WE DO THIS. I’S HAD WORKED IN THE FIELDS AS A VISION--IT AIN’T EXPECTED, SO AS NOT TO GONNA WORK. RAISE SUSPICION. DO WHAT YOU MUST, SANDY. BUT DO NOT STAND IN OUR WAY. AS THE MORNING HORN SUMMONED US TO BREAKFAST 7 WE BEEN CAREFUL, AT THE KITCHEN, A SENSE OF FRED sBUT TELE YAS= DREAD CREPT UPON ME. SOMETHING DON’T FEEL RIGHT. JOHN HARRIS WAS ALREADY AT THE KITCHEN, AND THE EXPRESSION ON HIS FACE SPOKE OF A J (I FEEL IT TOO, SIMILAR DREAD. 498 | MY FRIEND. ANYONE IN OUR POSITION WOULD HAVE FELT A SENSE OF DREAD-- TO NOT FEEL WORRY OR CONCERN WOULD HAVE BRANDED US FOOLS. YET, IN MY EAGERNESS TO BE FREE, I DISMISSED THE FEELING OF IMPENDING DOOM.. - .- UNTIL IT WAS VERY NEARLY TOO LATE. WE HAVE BEEN BETRAYED [= ese pee CHARLES ROBERTS AND HENRY BAILEY HAD BEEN ARRESTED. I KNEW THEIR CAPTORS, LED BY MR. WILLIAM HAMILTON, AND THEY APPEARED TO ME, IN THAT MOMENT, AS THE 7 HORSEMEN OF THE APOCALYPSE. MY COMRADES, ROBERTS AND BAILEY, WERE BOUND AND DRAGGED BEHIND HORSES. FEAR GRIPPED MY HEART, AND I KNEW NOT WHAT TO DO. MR. FREELAND? HE IS OVER AT THE BARN, SIR I TRIEV TO REMAIN CALM. 7 yYOUNbOY=— \ WHERE |S WILLIAM FREELAND? PERHAPS THEY DO NOT KNOW OF OUR INVOLVEMENT. WE MUST REMAIN

18 CALM--WE CANNOT BETRAY OURSELVES. WE FINISHED, FRED. AT BEST, WE GONNA BE SOLD DOWN SOUTH. AT WORSE, WE GONNA BE HUNG. VE, THREE SHERIFFS ROVE UP ON FREELAND’S PROPERTY WITH GREAT URGENCY, AND A SITUATION I KNEW TO BE BAD BECAME WORSE. SOMEHOW, OUR ESCAPE PLAN HAD BEEN EXPOSED. WHAT DO ¥ Ee Lee ee a = FRED, COME HERE. \ WE DO? feu ~~ | SF | THESE MEN WISH TO SAY NOTHING. At SPEAK TO YOU. \ ADMIT NOTHING. : S C’MERE, BOY! I AIN'T DONE \ ANYTHING. WE SHOULD SEARCH THEM FOR THE PAPERS FRED FORGED. THAT WILL BE THE EVIDENCE WE NEED. 60 WE CAN SEARCH ‘EM LATER--NEED TO TAKE ‘EM ALL INTO CUSTODY FIRST. CROSS YOUR HANDS, BOY. THE SHERIFF NEXT TURNED HIS ATTENTION TO HENRY HARRIS. 7 WHAT'S GOIN’ ON OYER THERE? WITH MY HANDS BOUND 4) IN FRONT OF ME, I FELT { HELPLESS. = THIS NIGGER’S | BACK-TALKIN’. GiVE’ME YOUR HANDS, OR AS GOD IS MY WITNESS, I WILL SHOOT YOU WHERE YOU STAND, HENRY HARRIS PUT ME TO SHAME THAT DAY, FOR HIS DEFIANCE WAS MEASURED ” AGAINST MY COWARDICE, ri HIS ACTION TO MY INACTION. YOU CAN'T KILL ME BUT ONCE! SHOOT ME, AND BE DAMNED, ‘CAUSE I SURE AIN’T LETTIN’ YOU TIE MY HANDS. I WARNED YOU, BOY. INTENTIONAL OR NOT, HENRY’S DISTRACTION PROVIDED THE OPPORTUNITY | THAT WE ALL NEEDED I HAD TO MAKE SURE THE PAPERS WERE DESTROYED. ALL I KNOW IS THAT A MAN MORE HEROIC THAN HENRY HARRIS HAS NEVER DRAWN BREATH. | \ ON MY PERSON — { WERE THE PAPERS-- | | \ THE PAPERS I HAD | [ FORGED pare | TO THIS DAY, I DO NOT ) KNOW IF THE DEFIANT {| ACTIONS OF HENRY HARRIS }\ WERE BY DESIGN--IF HE ) OFFERED HIS BODY AS A SACRIFICE SO THAT WE "| MIGHT APPEAR INNOCENT }) OF THE CRIMES WE FACED. I SAT ALONE FOR DAYS, AWAITING WORD THAT MASTER THOMAS WAS SELLING ME DOWN SOUTH--TO SOMEPLACE LIKE LOUISIANA OR ALABAMA, WHERE ESCAPE WAS NEARLY IMPOSSIBLE. APPEARING BEFORE ME WAS A LIFE OF LIVING DEATH. I WOULD BE DOOMED TO WORK A COTTON OR SUGAR PLANTATION, WHERE THE HORRORS OF SLAVERY THAT I HAD ALREADY KNOWN WOULD SEEM A WELCOME RESPITE. A DEEP DESPAIR TOOK HOLD OF ME. AFTER SEVERAL DAYS, MY COMPANIONS WERE RELEASED FROM JAIL-- AND RETURNED TO THEIR MASTERS. THE INNOCENT HAD BEEN TAKEN, WHILE I, THE GUILTY-- THE MASTERMIND OF THE ESCAPE PLOT-~- REMAINED CAGED. AT LAST, MASTER THOMAS CAME FOR

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19 ME. I DON’T KNOW WHAT TO DO WITH YOU, FRED. I HAVE HALF A MIND TO SELL YOU OFF--FAR SOUTH, DOWN ALABAMA WAY. IT WOULD SERVE YOU RIGHT. PNewsty. Oita YOU CAN’T STAY HERE. ALL OF THE Vee fas COMMUNITY BELIEVES Sess YOU BACK TO YOU ORCHESTRATED THIS } ALTIMORE, TO MY FAILED ESCAPE. THEY BROTHER, HUGH. WOULD SEE YOU STRUNG pCO UF AND I CAN'T BLAME THEM. YOU ARE TROUBLE. THANK YOU, MASTER THOMAS. . os Of I DID NOT YOU WILL LEARN ANG | BELIEVE HIM. TRADE, AND IF YOU BEHAVE, WHEN YOU REACH THE AGE OF TWENTY- FIVE, I SHALL EMANCIPATE YOU. WHAT SAY YOU? I, WHILE BEING A MAN, WOULD REMAIN FOR THE REST OF MY LIFE A BOY. ONCE AGAIN, I RETURNED TO BALTIMORE. MORE THAN THREE YEARS HAD PASSED SINCE I LAST CALLED THE CITY HOME. BOTH IT AND I HAD CHANGED DURING THAT TIME. “| WITH TREPIDATION, THE AULD FAMILY WELCOMED MY RETURN. YOUNG TOMMY, WHOM I HAD ONCE CARED FOR AND THOUGHT OF NOT UNLIKE A BROTHER, WAS NEARLY GROWN, AND THE BOND WE ONCE J j SHARED NO LONGER EXISTED. OCT EEE. ZA Ie ir | IT FILLED MY HEART WITH SADNESS TO [ SEE THE CHANGE THAT HAD OCCURRED BETWEEN MYSELF AND TOMMY. HE WAS > ON HIS WAY TO MANHOOD, WITH A THOUSAND AVENUES OPEN TO HIM. Bin, Zz ™ am “aa IN SHORT ORDER, MASTER HUGH ARRANGED FOR MY APPRENTICESHIP WITH MR. WILLIAM GARDINER, A RESPECTED SHIPBUILDER. MY PRESENCE WAS NOT WELCOME AMONG THE WHITE APPRENTICES OR CARPENTERS. THEY RESORTED TO VIOLENCE. BLOOD AND BRUISES NOTWITHSTANDING, THEY PROVED NOTHING... WHEN I PROVED TOO MUCH FOR ANY ONE OF THEM, THEY ATTACKED AS A GROUP THEY BEAT ME TO PROVE THEIR SUPERIORITY. ... SAVE THAT I COULD ENDURE THEIR WORST AND STILL STAND UP FOR MYSELF THE ATTACKS AT GARDINER’S SHIPYARD INFURIATED » MASTER HUGH. [JUSTICE WILL | BE SERVED, FRED. THIS I SWEAR. , UNDETERRED, MASTER ff HUGH FOUND ME WORK ¥ AT THE SHIPYARD OF MR. WALTER PRICE, WHERE I FINISHED MY APPRENTICESHIP BECOMING A CAULKER. I BEGAN EARNING ) THE TOP WAGES OF A JOURNEYMAN CAULKER, AT TIMES AS MUCH AS SIX OR SEVEN DOLLARS PER WEEK. I BEGAN TO BECOME ACQUAINTED WITH OTHER CAULKERS, MANY OF THEM BEING FREE MEN OF COLOR WHO COULD ALSO READ AND WRITE. HIS INDIGNATION WAS CURBED BY THE REALITY OF RACIAL INJUSTICE. FOR IN THE CASE OF COLORED

20 VICTIMS VERSUS WHITE ASSAILANTS, THE WORD OF A WHITE ATTACKER ALWAYS PREVAILS. ALL OF THE MONEY | I EARNED WENT TO | HUGH AULD, FOR I y > WAS HIS AND THE | | SAME WAS TRUE \ FOR WHAT I HAD. THEY HAD FORMED THE EAST BALTIMORE MENTAL IMPROVEMENT SOCIETY. AND THOUGH I WAS NOT FREE, I WAS STILL GIVEN MEMBERSHIP GIVEN A CERTAIN AMOUNT OF FREEDOM BY MASTER HUGH, I WAS ABLE TO MOVE ABOUT BALTIMORE, MEETING AND SOCIALIZING WITH OTHER BLACKS, MANY OF WHOM WERE NOT SLAVES. I BECAME ACQUAINTED WITH A WOMAN NAMED ANNA MURRAY, WHOSE COMPANY I GREATLY APPRECIATED SHE POSSESSED PRAGMATISM AND HUMOR IN EQUAL MEASURE, BOTH OF WHICH DREW ME TO HER. Pi... ANNA AND I BEGAN TO ; be Ney S! Meme, | HAVING SEEN TOO MANY FAMILIES SPEAK OF MARRIAGE, BUT et, Gee ERS TORN APART BY SLAVERY--MY THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF MY \il 3 SRR i) eeenenseneneeneccn f1 OWN INCLUDED--I REFUSED TO : er Sa By ASL) ) ENTER INTO MARRIAGE UNDER 6 THE POTENTIAL THREAT OF BEING § SOLD AWAY FROM MY WIFE AND CHILDREN. : HAVING ALREADY VOWED \ | i“ ies TO ESCAPE FROM SLAVERY BEFORE THE YEAR’S END CAND WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF ANNA), I DECIDED THAT \ THE TIME HAD COME. ' COMPARED TO OTHERS WHO ESCAPED SLAVERY, MY TALE IS NEITHER HEROIC NOR THRILLING. fF ANNA ALTERED MY CLOTHES TO RESEMBLE THE UNIFORM OF A SAILOR. y FREE PEOPLE Ue SAILORS WERE REQUIRED TO OF COLOR WERE Vina - CARRY PROTECTION PAPERS, REQUIRED TO CARRY [imams WHICH SERVED A SIMILAR WHAT WAS KNOWN Bid PURPOSE TO FREE PAPERS. AS FREE PAPERS, ~~ ft & WHICH LISTED ALL MANNER OF PHYSICAL | DESCRIPTION TO = BE USED FOR IDENTIFICATION. KNOWING NO FREE MEN THAT MATCHED MY APPEARANCE, I TURNED TO A RETIRED SAILOR. CLAD IN THE UNIFORM THAT ANNA MAUVE FOR ME AND CLUTCHING THE PROTECTION PAPERS, I COMMITTED TO THE ONE THING I WANTED MORE THAN ANYTHING ELSE. I SUPPOSE \ YOU HAVE 4, YOUR FREE A. PAPERS? HAVE YOU ANY PAPERS? I HAVE MY PROTECTION PAPERS, SIR. NO, SIR. I NEVER CARRY MY FREE PAPERS TO SEA WITH ME. SS es MY HEART BEAT SO LOUD, I WAS CERTAIN THAT OTHERS COULD HEAR IT. - CARRY ON. MINUTES SEEMED LIKE HOURS. THE TRAIN CARRIED ME FROM BALTIMORE TO WILMINGTON, DELAWARE. Perry E EE LEAF fan! va AND FROM THERE, I TOOK A TRAIN TO NEW YORK

21 CITY. FROM THERE, I TOOK A STEAMER SHIP TO PHILADELPHIA. IT TOOK ME LESS THAN TWENTY- FOUR HOURS TO MAKE MY JOURNEY--A SHORT TIME, WHEN MEASURED AGAINST THE NEARLY TWENTY YEARS THAT CAME BEFORE. IN THE MOMENT, TIME MATTERED NOT. FOR AT LONG LAST I WAS FREE. I WAS FREE. FIVE “Life. asa , Runaway Slave. MY LIFE AS A FREE MAN BEGAN ON THE THIRD DAY OF SEPTEMBER, 1838. ON THE MORNING OF SEPTEMBER 4, I FOUND MYSELF IN NEW YORK CITY. I LIVED MORE IN ONE DAY THAN IN A YEAR OF MY SLAVE LIFE. FOR ALL OF THE WONDER AND SPECTACLE OF NEW YORK, I QUICKLY LEARNED THAT IT WAS NOT AS SAFE AS I HAD IMAGINED. ON MY FIRST DAY IN NEW YORK, I HAPPENED ACROSS - So ie KNOWN TO ME fo IN BALTIMORE AS ALLENDER’S : JAKE--A SLAVE, SUCH AS a3 bas Sate MYSELF, WHO HAD ESCAPED IN SPIRIT AND AND TAKEN THE NEW NAME CONSUMED \ OF WILLIAM DIXON. BY MISTRUST. EXCUSE ME-- I KNOW YOU, eS FRIEND. NO, SIR, YOU AIN’T KNOW ME... BUT T’LL | TELL You \ SOMETHING: AND DON’T TRUST NO COLORED FOLKS... BEST OF LUCK TO YOU IN YOUR JOURNEYS. -AND I AIN KNOW YOU. DON’T TRUST NO ONE. THIS CITY'S FULLA WHITE FOLKS FROM DOWN SOUTH, PASSIN’ THROUGH. NEVER KNOW WHEN ONE OF ‘EM MIGHT MISTAKE A FREE MAN FOR AN ESCAPED SLAVE ..- LOTTA FREE NIGGERS MAKE A FEW DOLLARS SELLIN’ OUT ANYONE THEY THINK’S A RUNAWAY. CAN’T BE TOO CAREFUL. SEE, IT AIN’T SAFE FOR FREE MEN LIKE YOU AN’ ME, ON ACOUNTA WE MIGHT BE MISTAKEN FOR A RUNAWAY. FREE MEN LIKE US, GOTTA WATCH WHERE WE GO, AND WHO WE TALK TO. UNDERSTAND? WITH NEW YORK OVERRUN BY THOSE SEEKING TO EARN A PROFIT BY RETURNING RUNAWAY SLAVES TO THEIR FORMER STATION, I WOULD HAVE TO REMAIN VIGILANT. EVEN IN FREEDOM, THE SPECTER OF SLAVERY LINGERED IN THE SHADOWS--LIKE DEATH ITSELF WAITING TO CLAIM VICTIMS. AFTER MY ENCOUNTER WITH THE MAN FORMERLY KNOWN TO ME AS ALLENDER’S JAKE, I KNEW NOT WHO TO TRUST. Sp I SLEPT ON THE WHARF, UNCERTAIN OF WHAT MY NEXT MOVES WOULD BE. ALONE AND, I MUST CONFESS, CONSUMED BY | FEAR, MY FIRST NIGHT IN NEW YORK WAS SPENT AS A FREE MAN--FREE OF SLAVERY, BUT ALSO FREE OF FOOD OR LODGING. /&. THE NEXT MORNING, I WANDERED THE STREETS OF HAVING MADE IT TO 3 NEW YORK, DIRECTIONLESS, | FREEDOM, IT FELT FEAR, UNCERTAINTY, AND » SLIPPING DEEPER AND : AS

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22 THOUGH THIS | se, | MISTRUST HAD GRABBED | DEEPER INTO DESPAIR, 4 MIGHT BE BUT A ° | HOLD OF ME AND, I Z FOR I HAD NO PLAN. 5 TEMPORARY STATE. 44 y? REALIZED, HAD MADE -- 7 ME A DIFFERENT KIND bs =, freee a OF SLAVE. IT WAS WITH BITTER IRONY THAT I FOUND MYSELF ACROSS THE STREET FROM THE CITY’S HOUSE OF DETENTION-- THE TOMBS. =< HAVING SPENT MY ENTIRE LIFE AN UNWILLING SERVANT TO MY MASTERS, I CAME TO THE CONCLUSION THAT I WOULD NOT BOW DOWN BEFORE THESE NEW MASTERS THAT EXISTED DEEP WITHIN ME. & 26 EIA Spe Bee @) FREEDOM WOULD jam ONLY BE FOUND IF I WAS WILLING TO RISK EVERYTHING. _..1 FIND MYSELF | ) I DID NOT IN UNFORTUNATE KNOW HIM. CIRCUMSTANCES. : PERHAPS YOU WOULD “\ BE WILLING TO HELP] SS — : A FELLOW SAILOR pas | | UNFORTUNATE INNEED 4 | CIRCUMSTANCES, —_ YOU SAY? = I DID NOT \ ee KNOW IF | : : Tego THE ONLY THING ?ICOULD | i I KNEW WITH ANY TRUST HIM. } CERTAINTY WAS THAT I NEEDED HELP ; ... ROBBED BY A GROUP OF SCOUNDRELS. THEY TOOK ALL MY MONEY, AND NOW I FIND MYSELF... 5 I KNOW SOMEONE \ NO NEED TO | { WHO CAN HELP YOU IN EXPLAIN, FRIEND. i YOUR TIME OF NEED / ~ I HAVE KNOWN bas ——— OTHERS IN SUCH UNFORTUNATE CIRCUMSTANCES. THE SAILOR IN WHOM I HAD PLACED MY TRUST WAS NAMED STUART. I COULD NOT HAVE CHOSEN A BETTER MAN TO TURN TO IN MY TIME OF NEED FOR STUART WAS, UNLIKE THOSE DESCRIBED TO ME BY ra ALLENDER’S JAKE, COMMITTED TO HELPING RUNAWAY SLAVES, NOT PROFITING FROM THEIR CAPTURE. WELCOME, DEAR STUART TOOK ME TO THE HOME OF DAVID RUGGLES, THE SECRETARY OF THE NEW YORK VIGILANCE COMMITTEE, AND AN OFFICER ON THE FRIEND. MY HOME IS YOUR HOME. AND IN MY HOME, YOUR FREEDOM IS SAFE. UNDERGROUND RAILROAD. g > MR. RUGGLES KEPT ME HIDDEN AND INTRODUCED ME TO OTHERS INVOLVED IN THE \ UNDERGROUND RAILROA THERE iS MUCH WE MUST DO TO ENSURE YOUR FREEDOM, BUT FIRST, LET US START WITH A NEW NAME, FOR SLAVE CATCHERS WILL BE HUNTING FREDERICK BAILEY. FOR THE TIME BEING, YOU WILL GO BY THE NAME FREDERICK JOHNSON. FEELING COMPARATIVELY SAFE, I SENT WORD TO ANNA, MY INTENDED ) WIFE. SHE HAD BEEN INSTRUMENTAL IN THE PLANNING OF MY ESCAPE AND COULD NOW JOIN a ME IN NEW sie KE CONGRATULATIONS. PENNINGTON. , WE WERE QUICKLY WED IN A CEREMONY OFFICIATED BY

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23 REVEREND J. W. C. I NOW PRONOUNCE YOU ) LIKE MYSELF, PENNINGTON \ MAN AND WIFE. / | ~ WAS AN ESCAPED SLAVE, } ALSO FROM BALTIMORE. J FREDERICK, I HAVE BEEN THINKING, WITH YOUR SKILLS AS A SHIP CAULKER, PERHAPS YOU SHOULD MOVE TO NEW BEDFORD, MASSACHUSETTS. WORK IS { PLENTIFUL, AND IT IS SAFER THERE FOR ESCAPED SLAVES. { WITH OUR MEAGER BELONGINGS IN TOW, \ ANNA AND I MOVED TO THE WHALING TOWN OF NEW BEDFORD. DESPITE A LACK OF FUNDS, OUR PASSAGE WAS PAID FOR BY WILLIAM TABER AND JOSEPH >» RICKETSON, BOTH QUAKERS AND BOTH STEADFAST ABOLITIONISTS \ KNOWN TO DAVID RUGGLES. wt Bees — a St | AS DIRECTED BY RUGGLES, WE SOUGHT OUT THE ASSISTANCE OF NATHAN AND MARY JOHNSON, PROMINENT MEMBERS OF NEW 7 IN. WE HAVE BEEN ee EXPECTING YOU. besomed| ta Se WELCOME TO OUR HOME. I TRUST YOUR JOURNEY WAS \ WITHOUT INCIDENT. TELL ME, FREDERICK, |S ere JOHNSON YOUR Ke 7 NO, I ASSUMED THE NAME TRUE LAST NAME? Hi} | “JOHNSON” WHEN I ARRIVED i}\ IN NEW YORK. MY TRUE NAME IS FREDERICK AUGUSTUS WASHINGTON BAILEY. WELL, THAT IS CERTAINLY A MOUTHFUL. THE NAME JOHNSON TO BE CANDID, IS QUITE COMMON I HAD NOT GIVEN HERE IN NEW BEDFORD. MUCH THOUGHT NOT A DAY GOES BY TO A NEW NAME. WHEN I DO NOT MEET PLEASE, I WOULD HAVE YOU CHOOSE A : NEW NAME FOR ME MIGHT I SUGGEST AND ANNA. A DIFFERENT NAME, AS YOU EMBARK ON YOUR NEW LIFE? IN HIS POEM “LADY OF THE LAKE,” WALTER SCOTT WRITES OF A HEROIC FIGURE NAMED DOUGLAS. I THINK PERHAPS THAT NAME WOULD SUIT YOU WELL. / ¥ Pettsa ON AND WITH THAT, I BECAME | FREDERICK DOUGLASS. FIVE DAYS AFTER ARRIVING IN NEW BEDFORD, I SET OUT TO FIND WORK. @ MY FIRST JOB WAS SHOVELING COAL. I WAS PAID TWO SILVER HALF-DOLLARS. WORDS CANNOT EXPRESS THE EMOTION THAT CONSUMED ME AS I CLASPED THE MONEY IN MY HAND, REALIZING THAT NO MASTER COULD TAKE THE EARNINGS OF MY LABOR FROM ME. IT WAS MY OWN MONEY, IN MY OWN HAND, AND NEITHER BELONGED TO ANOTHER. TO UNDERSTAND THIS FEELING, ONE MUST HAVE THEMSELVES BEEN A SLAVE. WORK WAS PLENTIFUL, THOUGH THE LABOR FOR WHICH I WAS MOST SKILLED--WHICH WOULD HAVE FETCHED THE HIGHEST WAGES-- ELUDED ME. THE OTHER CAULKERS, ALL OF THEM WHITE, REFUSED TO WORK BY MY SIDE, REDUCING MY EMPLOYMENT

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24 FROM SKILLED CRAFTSMAN TO COMMON LABORER. I PERFORMED MANY TASKS, FROM CUTTING WOOD TO SHOVELING COAL TO MOVING RUBBISH. I SCOURED THE CABINS OF MANY SHIPS, LOADED AND UNLOADED MANY VESSELS, BUT NOT ONCE WAS I HIRED AS A CAULKER. DISAPPOINTING THOUGH THIS WAS, SLAVERY HAD SEASONED ME TO SUCH HARDSHIPS, AND THE REALITY OF MY FREEDOM EASED THE WEIGHT OF MANY TROUBLES. Sood ANNA AND I SETTLED INTO OUR LIFE OF FREEDOM. FIRST, WE MOVED INTO OUR OWN HOME. THEN CAME THE BIRTH OF OUR FIRST CHILD, OUR DAUGHTER ROSETTA. I BECAME A : ANNA GAVE BIRTH TO E OUR FIRST SON, LEWIS LICENSED PREACHER, NENRY Coda ace PROVIDING ME WITH é : OPPORTUNITIES TO GROW COMFORTABLE IN PUBLIC SPEAKING AND TO SHARPEN MY ORATORY SKILLS. I WAS INTRODUCED TO i ates ) I ALSO BEGAN TO ATTEND THE LIBERATOR, A WEEKLY é ; ANTI-SLAVERY MEETINGS ABOLITIONIST NEWSPAPER S IN NEW BEDFORD. EDITED BY WILLIAM LLOYD ; GARRISON AND PUBLISHED BY ISAAC KNAPP. 5 MY MIND, BODY, AND SPIRIT ce WERE INVIGORATED WITH EVERY UTTERANCE AGAINST THOUGH LIVING ON A MEAGER BUDGET é THE SLAVE SYSTEM. WITH A FAMILY TO SUPPORT, I BECAME A SUBSCRIBER. THE LIBERATOR TOOK A PLACE IN MY HEART SECOND ONLY TO THE BIBLE. I KNEW NOT THEN THAT MY FREEDOM WAS INCOMPLETE. IF ASKED AT THE TIME, I WOULD HAVE BEEN INCAPABLE OF EXPRESSING THE LINGERING NOTION THAT CLAWED AT MY SOUL... .-- AS LONG AS ONE WAS ENSLAVED, ALL WERE ENSLAVED. I HAD ESCAPED SLAVERY, THOUGH PART OF MY BEING WAS STILL HELD WITHIN ITS GRIP IT WAS THE GRIP OF UNREALIZED POTENTIAL THA HELD ME TIGHT. THOUGH CONTENT WITH MY LIFE AND MY FAMILY, AND THE FREEDOM THAT WE ENJOYED, MY LIFE LACKED SOMETHING I COULD NOT IDENTIFY OR FULLY COMPREHEND. THEN I MET A MAN WHO CHANGED MY LIFE, SHEDDING A LIGHT OF ; » HOPE AND PERSEVERANCE |\ DOWN A DARKENED PATH OF INHUMAN CRUELTY. I HAD NEVER SEEN ANYONE QUITE LIKE WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, THE EDITOR OF THE LIBERATOR. I STAND BEFORE YOU AS A BELIEVER IN THAT PORTION OF THE DECLARATION OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE THAT PROCLAIMS THE SELF-EVIDENT TRUTHS “THAT ALL MEN ARE CREATED EQUAL; THAT THEY ARE ENDOWED BY THEIR CREATOR WITH CERTAIN INALIENABLE RIGHTS; THAT Os ae AMONG THESE ARE LIFE, LIBERTY, AND J} THE PURSUIT OF

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25 HAPPINESS.” ae BECAUSE OF THIS, I AM AN ABOLITIONIST. THE ABOLITIONISM FOR WHICH I STAND | S AS RESOLUTE AS THE LAW OF GOD, AND AS UNYiIELDING. THERE IS NO ROOM FOR COMPROMISE. THERE ARE NO EXCEPTIONS TO BE MADE. EVERY SLAVE IS A STOLEN MAN. EVERY SLAVEHOLDER IS A THIEF BY NO PRECEDENT, NO EXAMPLE, NO LAW, NO COMBINATION OF CIRCUMSTANCES |S SLAVEHOLDING RIGHT OR JUSTIFIABLE. INSPIRED BY GARRISON AND HIS FELLOW ABOLITIONISTS, I BEGAN TO SPEAK OUT PUBLICLY--NOT JUST AGAINST THE EVILS OF SLAVERY, BUT AT THE PREPOSTEROUS NOTION THAT SLAVES SHOULD BE SET FREE AND RETURNED TO AFRICA. WE WILL NOT BE CAST ASIDE-- PLACED ON BOATS AND SHIPPED OFF LIKE UNWANTED RUBBISH. ...AS TO THIS NOTION OF COLONIZATION-- THAT THE EMANCIPATED SLAVE SHOULD BE . SENT BACK TO AFRICA, I SAY TO THIS... I KNOW LITTLE OF ¥ AFRICA, FOR IT IS NOT MY HOME. I DO NOT KNOW ITS ...- Dl AM AMERICAN! MY SWEAT AN? BLOOD AND TEARS ARE NOT SOAKED INTO THE EARTH LANGUAGES. OF AFRICA. AMERICA iS MY HOME. I AM THE PRODUCT OF ITS GREATEST SIN, AND I WILL NOT LEAVE MY HOME SIMPLY TO APPEASE THE GUILTY CONSCIENCE OF 4g A NATION. WE ARE HUMAN BEINGS. AS SLAVES, WE BUILT THIS NATION, BY FORCE. WE WILL NOT, AS FREE MEN AND WOMEN, BE MADE TO LEAVE THAT WHICH WE HAVE BUILT. MY NAME BECAME KNOWN WITHIN THE § BLACK COMMUNITY. / I SPOKE WITH GREAT REGULARITY. IN TIME, WORD BEGAN TO SPREAD, AND I BECAME KNOWN TO OTHERS. PA, I HAD NO REASON TO BELIEVE THAT I WAS KNOWN TO ANYONE OUTSIDE OF MY COLORED WHAT AN FRIENDS AND NEIGHBORS WHO INCREDIBLE GATHERED TO HEAR ME SPEAK. SPEAKER. MY NAME IS WILLIAM COFFIN, AND YOU, SIR, ARE A MAGNIFICENT SPEAKER. MIGHT I HAVE A WORD WITH YOU? THERE IS AN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION IN NANTUCKET MERE DAYS FROM NOW. MIGHT I CONVINCE YOU TO JOIN US IN ATTENDANCE? WITH EQUAL MEASURE OF TREPIDATION AND ANTICIPATION, I ACCEPTED THE INVITATION OF MR. COFFIN, VENTURIN TO NANTUCKET. on I FELT CONSIDERABLE CONCERN AT LEAVING ANNA AND THE CHILDREN AT HOME, BUT I FELT A POWERFUL FORCE PULLING ME TOWARD THIS GATHERING. bd FREDERICK! SO GLAD YOU COULD Ee OVER HERE! | MAKE IT, FREDERICK. Pearl pols HAVE YOU GIVEN CONSIDERATION TO WHAT WE DISCUSSED EARLIER? ...BUT I DO y NOT KNOW. MY STOMACH CHURNS AND MY KNEES

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26 TREMBLE AT THE VERY THOUGHT. .. . BUT YOU ARE : MORE THAN AN IDEA, LOOK AROUND GOOD SIR. YOU ARE Eo ae YOU, FREDERICK. \ THE MANIFESTATION THOUSANDS HAVE ‘ OF WHAT WE ARE ALL GATHERED TO END = FIGHTING FOR. THAT WHICH YOU we HAVE ENDURED WHAT THEY KNOW OF SLAVERY IS TRIVIAL COMPARED TO THE EXPERIENCES YOU CAN SHARE. RIGHT NOW, WHAT THEY FIGHT FOR IS AN IDEA... I SAT AND LISTENED TO ? MORE SPEECHES THAN I CAN RECALL--EACH OF THEM DENOUNCING THE INHUMANITY OF SLAVERY AND CALLING FOR ITS ABOLITION. PLEASE, I WOULD LIKE TO ADDRESS THOSE OF YOU GATHERED HERE ON THIS FINE DAY. I DID NOT KNOW WHAT I WAS GOING TO SAY, NOR DO I REMEMBER MUCH OF WHAT I SAID. BUT THE MORE I LISTENED, THE MORE I FELT A STIRRING WITHIN THE CORE OF MY BEING. AND WHEN THE CROWD WAS SOLICITED FOR THOSE WITH SOMETHING » TO SAY, I FOUND MYSELF COMPELLED BY FORCES ™ I DID NOT RECOGNIZE. FEAR SEEMED A VOICE IN MY TO WRAP ITS ICY HEAD TAUNTED ME, HANDS AROUND TELLING ME THAT I MY THROAT. WAS MAKING A FOOL OF MYSELF I STUTTERED AND STAMMERED, APOLOGIZING TO ALL LISTENING, AND THOUGH MUCH OF WHAT I SAID HAS BEEN FORGOTTEN, OF TWO THINGS I AM CERTAIN... ... FIRST, I SPOKE FROM THE HEART, j q TELLING ONLY THE Dae Le TRUTH OF WHO I pet ie BEFORE YOU AS AN WAS AND WHAT I ’ ESCAPED SLAVE. HAD EXPERIENCED / ENS MY SECOND CERTAINTY IT WAS AS WILLIAM IS THAT THE CROWD COFFIN SAID IT WOULD fF, GATHERED BEFORE ( BE. I MADE REAL FOR fF ME WAS MOVED BY } \ THEM THE INHUMAN MY RECOLLECTIONS. E HORRORS OF SLAVERY. SA Ted i BITES EOS at SEN IE THEY WEPT THEY GASPED WHEN I FROM THAT MOMENT, WHEN I SPOKE ¥e TOLD THEM OF BEING WHEN THEY THOUGHT OF ry OF THE MOTHER “ Me BEATEN AND WHIPPED SLAVERY, THEY WOULP? I HARDLY KNEW. fF s wee SEE MY FACE. AND THAT, MY FRIENDS, IS THE STORY OF MY LIFE AS A SLAVE. WOULD HEAR MY VOICE. IT WAS A MOMENT OF REVELATION AND TRANSFORMATION, FOR THEM AND FOR MYSELF BUT IT WAS NOT THE END... RETA .-- LT WAS JUST THE BEGINNING. AMONG THOSE MOST MOVED BY MY STAMMERING RECOLLECTIONS WAS NONE OTHER THAN WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. I FELT IT WHEN I STOOD UP TO EDWARD COVEY, THE SLAVE BREAKER. f I FELT IT WHEN I STEPPED OFF THE TRAIN IN NEW YORK. IT WAS THE FEELING THAT THE LIFE I HAD LED THUS FAR HAD CHANGED

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27 FOREVER--THAT THERE WOULD BE NO GOING BACK TO WHAT ONCE WAS, ONLY MOVING FORWARD TO THE UNKNOWN INEVITABILITY OF WHAT WAS TO BE. TELL ME, MY FRIENDS-- HAVE WE BEEN LISTENING TO A THING, TO CHATTEL PROPERTY, OR TO A MAN? SHALL WE ALLOW A MAN ‘%& SUCH AS THIS--SUCH AS ANY--TO BE HELD IN THE BONDAGE OF SLAVERY? THE CROWD ROARED FOR & GARRISON, THOUGH TRUTH BE TOLD, IT WAS FOR ME ~ THEY CHEERED. \ . | A FEELING, NOT UNLIKE 2 THOSE EXPERIENCED ON A fi SELECT FEW OCCASIONS, CAME UPON ME. FOR A TIME, I HAD THOUGHT, QUITE FOOLISHLY, THAT MY OWN PERSONAL FREEVOM WOULD BRING WITH IT A SENSE OF COMFORT AND CONTENTMENT. ry WONDERFUL SPEECH, ¥ MR. DOUGLASS. YOUR STORYTELLING RESONATES DEEPLY. TO BE CLEAR, WORDS CAN NEVER CONVEY WHAT MY FREEDOM HAS MEANT §& TO ME. BUT MY FREEDOM WAS SIMPLY fF my NOT ENOUGH, FOR WHILE I WADED IN INDEED. WOULD YOU CONSIDER COMING TO WORK FOR THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY? A MAN OF YOUR TALENT, WITH YOUR EXPERIENCE, WOULD BE A TREMENDOUS ASSET IN THE STRUGGLE TO END SLAVERY. q ® THE WATERS OF FREEDOM, OTHERS DROWNED IN THE SEA OF SLAVERY. f/ I AM NO ORATOR, SIR. THAT ANYONE HEARD ME OVER THE KNOCKING OF MY KNEES IS NOTHING SHORT OF A MIRACLE. , AFTER MY SPEECH IN NANTUCKET, WILLIAM COFFIN INTRODUCED ME TO WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON AND JOHN COLLINS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. NONSENSE. YOU SPOKE FROM THE HEART, WITH A TRUTH THAT NEEDS TO BE HEARD. THERE ARE MANY OF US WHO SPEAK OUT AGAINST THE EVILS OF SLAVERY, BUT YOU DO MORE THAN TALK-- YOU MAKE IT REAL. GENTLEMEN, I AM FLATTERED. LET ME CONSIDER YOUR PROPOSITION AND DISCUSS IT WITH MY WIFE. THEY WANT ME TO TRAVEL AND SHARE MY EXPERIENCES AS A SLAVE. THEY FEEL THAT MY STORY--THAT THE EXPERIENCES I RECOUNT--ARE A DAMNING INDICTMENT OF SLAVERY. IT WOULD MEAN CONSIDERABLE TIME AWAY FROM HOME--AWAY FROM THE CHILDREN. IT WOULD ALSO MEAN THAT I WAS DOING IT SOUNDS TO ME THAT MY PART TO ABOLISH YOUR MIND IS MADE UP NOT ENTIRELY. WE THE THING I HATE WITH a MUST DISCUSS THIS ALL MY BEING. I THINK AS A FAMILY... OF ALL THOSE STILL HELD IN BONDAGE... ... THE RAGE THAT I FEEL IS BEYOND MEASURE. FREDERICK, PLEASE. Lap YOU ARE GOING TO DO \ IF I WERE TO THIS, BECAUSE THIS IS 8 7 ASK YOU

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28 NOT TO DO WHO YOU ARE. THIS, IT WOULD BE | ITS OWN FORM OF BONDAGE. AND I WILL NOT DO THAT ~ TO YOU. I TOOK THE POSITION OFFERED BY THE MASSACHUSETTS ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, TRAVELING THROUGHOUT THE NORTHERN STATES, RENOUNCING SLAVERY, AND RECOUNTING THE HORRORS OF MY EARLY [fm LIFE. I SPARED NO DETAILS, SAVE THOSE THAT MIGHT REVEAL MY TRUE IDENTITY AND EXPOSE ME TO SLAVE HUNTERS. » MY WORK KEPT ME IN THE COMPANY OF THE ( GREATEST ABOLITIONISTS } OF OUR TIME. TIME AWAY FROM MY FAMILY MEANT TIME FACING THE PREJUDICES OF THE NORTH, WHERE SLAVERY NO LONGER EXISTED BUT THE HATRED OF BLACK SKIN CONTINUED. ...BUT THE VEHEMENT HATRED }¥ / OF COLORED PEOPLE BY SOME ,) NORTHERNERS CAUSED ME TO § REALIZE THAT SLAVERY WAS NOT THE ONLY EVIL TO OVERCOME. TOO OFTEN, I WAS AWAY FROM MY FAMILY, INCLUDING MY THIRD CHILD, FREDERICK JUNIOR. I HAD BEEN AWARE OF THE RACIAL PREJUDICE IN THE NORTH, HAVING EXPERIENCED IT ON MORE THAN ONE OCCASION ... THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY | ADHERED TO A POLICY OF NONVIOLENCE. BUT I WOULD NOT REFRAIN FROM DEFENDING MYSELF WHAT THESE MEN OF INTOLERANCE AND IGNORANCE DID NOT REALIZE WAS THAT IF THE REPEATED BEATINGS OF AARON ANTHONY AND THOMAS AULD AND EDWARD COVEY COULD NOT DETER ME FROM MY CAUSE... I WAS BEATEN LIKE A DOG, BY WHITE MEN WHO HELD NO CLAIM OF OWNERSHIP OVER ME NOR ANY OTHER PERSON OF COLOR. WE HAVE EMBARKED ON A hy _.. THEIR ATTACKS HOPELESS ENDEAVOR. f COULD NOT BREAK IN f — ME WHAT HELD FIRM. : MY FRIEND, WAS IT NOT EDMUND BURKE WHO SAID, “THE ONLY THING NECESSARY FOR THE TRIUMPH OF EVIL IS FOR GOOD MEN TO FO COTS ffl WE SHALL F{ CARRY ON UNTIL | THE WORK IS DONE. THIS IS HOW I SPENT MUCH OF THE NEXT THREE YEARS. THE ACTS OF PHYSICAL VIOLENCE THAT I ENDURED WHILE SPEAKING OUT AGAINST SLAVERY WERE NOT THE ONLY ATTACKS TO WHICH I WAS SUBJECTED. Se ee eS SURELY NO SLAVE--NO BEAST 4, OF BURDEN--COULD POSSESS { THE INTELLECTUAL PROWESS OF ONE SUCH AS I. LISTEN TO THE WAY : ... THERE IS NO WAY ... HE IS SO ARTICULATE HE SPEAKS .... HE HAS EVER BEEN AND WELL-SPOKEN... A SLAVE. MY SKIN COLOR WAS USED : ; THIS NOTION INFURIATED ME, TO DENY MY HUMANITY, ; AND I REALIZED THAT THE ONLY WHILE MY INTELLECT AND es aucune WAY TO PROVE THE VALIDITY OF THE

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29 ARTICULATION OF MY ™ a \ MY NARRATIVE WAS TO SHARE EXPERIENCES WERE USED es ’ THE FULL DETAILS OF MY LIFE, fi I WOULD HAVE TO EXPOSE TO CALL INTO QUESTION THE INCLUDING MY TRUE NAME AND MYSELF TO THE DANGERS ¢ VALIDITY OF MY NARRATIVE. THE NAMES OF MY MASTERS. OF BEING CAPTURED AND RETURNED TO SLAVERY. ae MY FIRST AUTOBIOGRAPHY WAS MET WITH CRITICAL AND | COMMERCIAL SUCCESS. \ NOT ALL WHO READ IT WERE PLEASE THESE ARE NOTHING BUT MALICIOUS LIES! I WILL FIND THIS LYING COWARD AND SEE TO IT THAT HE IS RETURNED TO ME. E —! Df, WITH MY IDENTITY EXPOSED AND SLAVE CATCHERS EAGER TO PUT ME BACK IN MY PLACE, IT BECAME CLEAR I WOULD HAVE TO LEAVE MY FAMILY FOR AN EXTENDED TIME AND SEEK REFUGE IN ENGLAND. AS SOON AS IT IS SAFE, I WILL RETURN TO YOU. AND THEN I WILL SELL HIM, SO THAT HE MAY TOIL THE REST OF HIS DAYS PICKING COTTON OR TOBACCO. ONCE AGAIN, I WAS A SLAVE FLEEING FOR HIS LIFE. Frederick Douglass is believed to be the most photographed American of the nineteenth century. Historians have identified 160 distinct photos of Douglass, while only 126 distinct photos of Abraham Lincoln have been identified. It is important to understand the impact of photography in the life and work of Douglass. From the very beginning, he was fascinated with pictures and considered them to be an art form of truth, free of prejudice. In 1839, Louis-Jacques- Mandé Daguerre invented the daguerreotype process, the first commercially viable form of photography. In 1841, Frederick Douglass posed for his first known portrait, around the age of twenty-three. That was three years after he escaped from slavery, and four years before he would pen the first of three autobiographies. Douglass would go on to write and speak about the power of pictures, firm in his belief that photography was one of the most effective weapons in fighting the negative representation of blacks depicted in other visual media. Drawings and paintings of blacks were often steeped in the ugliest of stereotypes, and were used to dehumanize blacks. By comparison, photographs captured the truth. Frederick Douglass was acutely aware of the fact that photographs could be used to help define his image in the public eye and, as a result, also influence how white people viewed blacks. In many pictures, his eyes are cast directly at the camera, an uncommon practice at the time, which resulted in a seemingly defiant expression. He used this

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30 understanding to incredible effect, forever shaping how he was perceived by the public. For instance, of all the photos taken of Douglass, only one shows him smiling. This was a conscious decision on Douglass’s part, as he never wanted to be portrayed as content or happy with his condition and the condition of other blacks in America. Douglass gave portraits of himself to family, friends, and supporters, and pictures were also sold to admirers. His image was used to promote his public speeches and his newspaper, and they were circulated in such great numbers that he would become not only the single most recognizable African American of his time, but also one of the most recognizable Americans of the nineteenth century. Images on pages 98 and 99 courtesy of the Library of Congress. 99 England and Freedom = peor eee ts rt se ESSE TLE EL ET SE LEE LES SESE S SELECT ELD DEDEDE LASSE ELL CELA I ARRIVED IN ENGLAND FOR A SPEAKING TOUR THAT WOULD INCLUDE IRELAND AND SCOTLAND. I MISSED MY WIFE AND CHILOREN. I MISSED MY FRIENDS. I DID NOT, HOWEVER, FEEL THE SAME FOR AMERICA. I BEGAN TO EVOLVE AS A MAN, TO SEE MYSELF WITH A CLARITY OF VISION UNOBSTRUCTED BY SLAVERY. FREE OF THE FEAR OF CAPTURE sass THOUGH I RESPECTED MY AND UNENCUMBERED BY THE é WHITE COMRADES IN THE GUIDING PRINCIPLES THAT INFORMED FIGHT TO END SLAVERY, IN MANY OF MY FELLOW ABOLITIONISTS ) MANY WAYS I HAD COME IN AMERICA, I BEGAN TO DEVELOP af “@ TO FEEL LIKE A SERVANT A NEW SENSE OF MY OWN BEING. A TO THEIR CAUSE. Co a SE IN ENGLAND, I WAS RECEIVED, DIFFERENTLY. THAT, IN TURN HELPED TO CHANGE MY PERCEPTION OF MYSELF ie IN AMERICA, MY MANHOOD CAME IN BITS AND PIECES, ALL OF WHICH I HAD STOLEN BACK FOR MYSELF, FOK A COLORED MAN IS NOT AFFORDED HIS HUMANITY IN THE UNITED STATES. BY COMPARISON, IN ENGLAND, I FOUND LITTLE INSTANCE OF MY HUMANITY BEING QUESTIONED OR DENIED. DESPITE HAVING ESCAPED, I WAS, IN THE EYES OF THE LAW, A FUGITIVE SLAVE TO BE RETURNED TO HIS OWNER. CONFLICTED, I DID NOT KNOW HOW I COULD RETURN TO AMERICA. LAWS REGARDING SLAVERY MADE ME A WANTED MAN, AND THE POPULARITY OF MY BOOK MADE ME KNOWN TO MANY. =| WHILE IN ENGLAND, ? I WAS INFORMED THAT THOMAS AULD HAD SOLD ME TO HIS BROTHER, HUGH, FOR THE SUM OF $100. THE PROSPECT OF RETURNING TO AMERICA | BECAME INCREASINGLY DANGEROUS. I WAS AN EMBARRASSMENT

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31 NOT JUST TO THE AULDS, BUT TO EVERY SLAVE OWNER. AFTER ALL, I WAS SHEDDING LIGHT ; UPON THE DARKNESS OF THEIR SOULS. AMONG THE DEAR FRIENDS I MADE IN ENGLAND, ELLEN | RICHARDSON AND HER SISTER-IN-LAW, ‘\ ANNA, CAME UPON / A MOST SIMPLE SOLUTION TO THE DANGER OF MY RETURNING TO AMERICA. IN LITTLE TIME, THE ARRANGEMENTS WERE MADE, THE MONEY RAISED, AND HUGH AULD SOLD ME MY FREEDOM FOR MORE THAN $700. y HE IS YOUR PROBLEM NOW, DEAR BROTHER. THAT IS, IF YOU CAN EVER GET YOUR HANDS ON HIM. FREDERICK, WE WISH TO RAISE THE MONEY NEEDED TO HELP YOU BUY YOUR FREEDOM. THERE ARE THOSE WHO WILL OBJECT TO SUCH A PROPOSITION. “ LET THEM OBJEC YOUR PLACE |S WITH | YOUR FAMILY, FIGHTING TO END SLAVERY IN AMERICA. SCOUNDREL SETS WE CAN HIRE A LAWYER TO NEGOTIATE WITH HUGH AULD AND COME TO AN ARRANGEMENT FOR YOUR MANUMISSION. I WAS NOW LEGALLY FREE-- NO LONGER A FUGITIVE SLAVE, LOOKING OVER HIS SHOULDER IN FEAR. IT WAS TIME TO RETURN TO AMERICA. J THE OPERATORS OF THE SHIP LINE WOULD NOT LET ME DINE WITH THE WHITE PASSENGERS. AMERICA SERVED ASA ff ; ONCE AGAIN, I WAS TREATED SOMBER REMINDER OF [ee AS AN INFERIOR, AS SOMETHING il THE REALITY TO WHICH a LESS THAN HUMAN. I WAS RETURNING. am ... AFFORDING ME THE OPPORTUNITY TO CONTEMPLATE MY NEXT ENDEAVORS, SOMETHING I HAD ALREADY GIVEN 4 CONSIDERATION EVEN BEFORE LEAVING ENGLAND. _¢——= BUT BEFORE I | fe s a4 WOULD EMBARK ON es: a a NEW CRUSADES AS AN AS Pe Q : ay ABOLITIONIST, ORATOR, i THE JOURNEY (an FF OO ee. ~ aa oe ae By WAS LONG... aa | | ~ J i ; Me _.. I WOULD TAKE A i § : TOO MUCH TIME HAD “ FEW BRIEF MOMENTS TO fq PASSED SINCE I LAST MY YOUNGEST SON, > ENJOY MY POSITION AS _ \ GAZED UPON ANNA CHARLES, WAS NOT FATHER AND HUSBAND. AND THE CHILDREN. YET A YEAR OLD WHEN “oats | I LEFT FOR ENGLAND, AND NOW HE WAS ALMOST THREE. THAT’S ENOUGH. GIVE YOUR FATHER TIME TO GATHER HIMSELF I HELD MY CHILDREN. THERE IS NO NEED TO GATHER MYSELF, ANNA. I COULD NOT BE MORE COMPLETE THAN I AM IN THIS MOMENT. ... HOW MANY OTHERS HAD SLAVERY DENIED THE PLEASURE OF BEING WITH THEIR FAMILIES? PAPA, IT IS ME, ROSETTA. I GAZED UPON a MY WIFE. dat 1 103 Y WE WONDERED IF YOU * WOULD EVER RETURN HOME, FREDERICK. f MY HEART FILLED

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32 WITH JOY. ” NOT EVEN THE VAST - ATLANTIC OCEAN COULD KEEP ME .--WHO IS THIS BEAUTIFUL YOUNG LADY I SEE BEFORE ME? ROSETTA? OH, HOW I HAVE MISSED YOU. YOU ARE MORE BEAUTIFUL THAN I REMEMBER. I HAD COME HOME TO SEE MY FAMILY. I HAD COME HOME TO CONTINUE THE FIGHT AGAINST SLAVERY. SEVEN A Voice Grows Louder ——————— ee nenEnEEnEEEnEenee I CONTINUED TO SPEAK tba aa OLE Wg 2 PUBLICLY, FOR THAT IS WHAT [7 DespITE THE PROTESTS “THERE ARE ALREADY ENOUGH EAS EE Nae I] OF MY PEERS AND oT ABOLITIONIST NEWSPAPERS,” YET I WANTED TO DO MORE. [> FRIENDS, AMONG THEM Ae Prien acc i sist Aedeg WM AS sien WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Vig ra ee? BUSINESS SENSE AND THE or |) 1 DECIDED TO START MY 42 ‘hid. FINANCIAL MEANS FOR SUCH OUT OF RESPECT TO THE LIBERATOR AND THE NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVERY STANDARD, BOTH OF WHICH WERE PUBLISHED IN NEW ENGLAND, I DECIDED TO SET UP MY OPERATION IN ROCHESTER, NEW YORK. IN A SHORT TIME, I WOULD MOVE MY FAMILY TO ROCHESTER AS WELL, RELOCATING TO A COMMUNITY KNOWN FOR ITS ANTI-SLAVERY SENTIMENTS AND POPULATED WITH PEOPLE I CONSIDERED CLOSE FRIENDS. I DO NOT KNOW HOW OLD I WAS AT THE TIME, THOUGH I ESTIMATE MY AGE TO HAVE BEEN THIRTY. HAD I BEEN TOLD YEARS EARLIER, WHILE TOILING FOR MEN LIKE EDWARD COVEY AND THOMAS AULD, THAT I : WOULD ONE DAY PUBLISH MY § OWN NEWSPAPER, SUCH A : STATEMENT WOULD BE MET f j 3 : vyr WITH DISBELIEF : oN 4 . . THE HUNGRY CHILD, COWERING : ‘ K IN FEAR OF AARON ANTHONY'S | WHIP AND AUNT KATY’S CRUELTY, bi KNEW NOT OF NEWSPAPERS, ABOLITIONISTS, OR FREEDOM. 104 ABOUT THE TIME THE NORTH STAR BEGAN PUBLICATION, AND WHILE ON A SPEAKING TOUR IN MASSACHUSETTS, I HAD THE CHANCE TO MEET WITH r MY FRIENDS THE REVEREND HENRY HIGHLAND GARNET AND J. W. LOGUEN, | BOTH STAUNCH ABOLITIONISTS. HIS HATRED FOR SLAVERY RIVALS THAT OF ' ANY COLORED MAN HELD IN BONDAGE. PERHAPS, DARE I SAY IT, EVEN MORE. INDEED. HE IS, IN ¥ WORDS AND ACTION, VERY DIFFERENT FROM MEN LIKE GARRISON. IN ADDITION TO GLAD TIDINGS, THEY BROUGHT WORD OF | A MAN WHO WANTED A, TO MEET WITH ME. I TELL YOU, FREDERICK, YOU HAVE NEVER MET A WHITE MAN SUCH AS THIS. { BROTHER GARNET IS RIGHT. THIS MAN POSSESSES A FIRE THE Mm sOLIKES OF WHICH : fe) 1 HAVE NEVER SEEN. Ae HE APPEALED

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33 TO US, THAT WE WOULD EXTEND AN INVITATION TO YOU, FOR HE WOULD LIKE TO MEET. VERY WELL, MY FRIENDS, YOU HAVE AROUSED MY INTEREST. WHO IS THIS MAN, AND HOW MIGHT I MAKE HIS ACQUAINTANCE? HE STOOD LESS THAN SIX FEET TALL, HIS WIRY FRAME WEIGHING NO MORE THAN ONE HUNDRED FIFTY POUNDS, BUT CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN TOWERED WITH THE PRESENCE OF A MOUNTAIN PINE. LEAN AND STRONG, HE LOOKED AS IF HE WAS BUILT FOR TIMES OF TROUBLE AND FITTED TO GRAPPLE WITH THE MOST DIFFICULT HARDSHIPS. MR. DOUGLASS, IT IS AN HONOR. I HAVE LONG WISHED TO MAKE YOUR ACQUAINTANCE. HIS EYES WERE FULL OF FIRE, AND UPON SEEING HIM FOR THE FIRST TIME, I UNDERSTOOD WHY HIS NAME WAS MENTIONED ONLY IN WHISPERS. = PLEASE, CAPTAIN BROWN, CALL ME FREDERICK Sas 7 ONLY IF YOU CALL ME JOHN, \ GOOD SIR. JOHN, ITIS A PLEASURE TO MEET YOU. I HAVE HEARD g MANY FAVORABLE THINGS ABOUT YOU. / f AND I OF YOU. COME, WE HAVE MUCH TO DISCUSS. PLEASE, COME IN AND MAKE YOURSELF AT HOME. I HAVE READ YOUR BOOK, FREDERICK, AND FOLLOWED THE COURSE OF YOUR IMPRESSIVE CAREER. THIS IS WHY I IMPLORED GARNET AND LOGUEN TO FACILITATE OUR MEETING. ; tg WE ARE BOTH IN AGREEMENT THAT SLAVERY IS AN ABOMINATION--ON THIS I FEEL MOST ABOLITIONISTS AGREE. , GUT CONDEMNATION IN WORDS ALONE, IN BEGGING POLITICIANS FOR REFORM, ~ THESE ARE NOT ENOUGH. SLAVEHOLDERS HAVE * FORFEITED THEIR RIGHT TO LIVE. EXCUSE ME. PERHAPS I ae MISUNDERSTAND. a SLAVES HAVE , Bl GARRISON WOULD aS Fae BW Like THE RIGHT TO ‘ DISAGREE. MANY GAIN THEIR WOULD DISAGREE. LIBERTY THROUGH | WHATEVER MEANS POSSIBLE... WORDS CANNOT END SLAVERY, FREDERICK. OTHERWISE IT : WOULD HAVE ENDED BY NOW. AND HOW FEEL : YOU, FREDERICK? oe 3 ‘ THE PRICE OF LIBERATION IS agi | ACTION--THE WILLINGNESS TO, IF REQUIRED, SHED THE BLOOD, OF YOUR OPPRESSORS. IS YOUR COMMITMENT TO ABOLITION LIMITED TO MORAL PERSUASION? 107 ; THE ALLEGHENY MOUNTAINS HE LAID OUT BEFORE US | STRETCH FROM THE BORDERS OF A MAP AND PROCEEDED NEW YORK INTO THE SOUTHERN STATES. TO REVEAL HIS PLANS. GOD HAS PROVIDED IN THESE HILLS THE MEANS OF FREEDOM, FOR THEY ARE FILLED WITH NATURAL FORTS, WHERE ONE MAN COULD DEFEND HIMSELF AGAINST THE ATTACKS OF A HUNDRED. I WILL RAISE A SMALL ARMY OF ; COLORED MEN HUNGRY

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34 FOR FREEDOM AND TAKE TO THE ALLEGHENIES, IN VIRGINIA. THIS WILL WEAKEN THE VALUE OF SLAVE PROPERTY, AS MORE AND MORE JOIN OUR FIGHT. " THIS PLAN MAY WORK IN VIRGINIA, BUT WHAT OF STATES FURTHER SOUTH? WE WILL BUILD AN ARMY, MOVING DEEPER -{ INTO THE SOUTH, COUNTY BY COUNTY, STATE BY STATE, TURNING SLAVES AGAINST THEIR MASTERS AND DESTROYING THE VERY SYSTEM ITSELF JOHN BROWN’S PLAN GAVE ME MUCH TO CONSIDER. IT WAS RIDDLED WITH FLAWS AND ASSUMPTIONS THAT COULD PROVE DEADLY FOR ALL !NVOLVED STILL, I DID NOT DISMISS HIM COMPLETELY, FOR HIS FIRE AND CONVICTION WERE ADMIRABLE. I CAME AWAY FROM MEETING BROWN LESS HOPEFUL THAT ABOLITION COULD BE ACHIEVED PEACEFULLY. SHORTLY AFTER MEETING WITH JOHN BROWN, I WAS INVITED TO ATTEND THE FIRST WOMEN’S RIGHTS CONVENTION IN SENECA FALLS, NEW YORK. I KNEW OF THE WOMEN’S RIGHTS MOVEMENT, BUT IT HAD NOT YET OCCUPIED A PLACE OF PRIORITY IN MY LIFE. I ALSO BEGAN TO SEE THE SIMILARITIES BETWEEN THE MACHINATIONS OF OPPRESSION USED TO KEEP COLORED PEOPLE IN PLACE, AND THE TOOLS USED TO RELEGATE WOMEN TO THE STATUS OF SECOND-CLASS CITIZENS WITH NO VOICE IN GOVERNANCE OF THEIR OWN AGENCY. IT IS WITH THIS IN MIND THAT I BEGAN TO SPEAK OUT FOR THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN, SPECIFICALLY THE RIGHT TO VOTE. MY SENSE OF PRIORITY BEGAN TO CHANGE, IN LARGE PART DUE TO WITNESSING THE UNWAVERING COMMITMENT OF SO MANY WOMEN ¥ | TO THE CAUSE OF ABOLITION. WHEN IT COMES TO THE ISSUE OF POLITICAL RIGHTS, WE MUST BE UNWAVERING IN THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN, WHO ARE ENTITLED TO THE SAME LIBERTIES AFFORDED MEN. PRY Be eure te aan SS a Z SSR LE FL acd fica Sia eR ERE AU bia scorn RS re JUSTIFIED FEAR SWEPT THROUGH FUGITIVE SLAVES WHO HAD LIVED IN RELATIVE SAFETY COLORED COMMUNITIES IN AND SECURITY FOR YEARS--WHO HAD BUILT LIVES, THE NORTH : ESTABLISHED BUSINESSES, AND PROVED THEMSELVES TO BE CITIZENS OF. THE HIGHEST ORVER--BEGAN TO FLEE THE COUNTRY FOR CANADA. THOSE THAT REMAINED, LIKE SHADRACH MINKINS, WERE TAKEN INTO CUSTODY BY SLAVE | CATCHERS. AS IN THE CASE OF MINKINS, HE WAS VIOLENTLY Noa LIBERATED FROM HIS CAPTORS. } OTHERS, LIKE ANTHONY BURNS AND THOMAS SIMS, WERE NOT AS FORTUNATE. THEY WERE SENT BACK TO THE HELL FROM WHICH THEY HAD ESCAPED. THE FUGITIVE

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35 SLAVE ACT WAS A CONSIDERABLE = TO MAKE MATTERS WORSE, CONFLICTS OF IDEOLOGY Tea tea sa BEGAN TO CREATE A DIVIDE AND IF ANY GAINS HAD es BEEN MADE, THIS NEW LAW | i) AMONGST THOSE STEADFAST IN 3 ke io THEIR RESOLVE TO ERADICATE Beal alae eas oie Pas SLAVERY FROM THE NATION. DIFFERENCES IN PHILOSOPHY GREW EVER GREATER BETWEEN MYSELF AND WILLIAM LLOYD 4— GARRISON. THE PROBLEM OF SLAVERY LIES WITHIN THE CONSTITUTION THAT BINDS AND RULES THIS NATION, FOR IT IS A COVENANT ; ORJEVIE: : THE CONSTITUTION MUST BE j UNDONE AND THE NATION J DISMANTLED, PEACEFULLY. ONLY ,» THEN CAN WE BUILD A NATION FREE OF SLAVERY. t THE PROBLEM LIES NOT WITHIN THE CONSTITUTION, BUT IN THE BODY POLITIC THAT ENFORCES LAVERY WILL NOT BE ITS WORDS IMPROPERLY, INFORMED Vecictee SEY CEC ee BY A LACK OF MORALITY. THE CONSTITUTION IS DISCARDED. SLAVERY CAN ONLY BE UNDONE BY DESTROYING THE IMMORALITY THAT FEEDS IT. AND IF THIS MUST BE DONE THROUGH MEANS DEEMED VIOLENT, SO BE IT. Gas GARRISON HAV BEEN MY MENTOR, AND I HIS WILLING STUDENT. FOR A TIME, OUR GOALS WALKED SIDE BY SIDE. BUT AS SLAVERY CONTINUED TO GROW, OUR GOALS TOOK DIVERGENT PATHS. HE WOULD HAVE PREFERRED I REMAIN HIS LOYAL DISCIPLE, PREACHING HIS PARTICULAR GOSPEL. HAVING BECOME = MY OWN MAN, I COULD NO > WAN FNS . So LONGER DO THAT. THAD MY fy =m € OW TS Sis eG Obes OWN VOICE AND COULD No ff tBe . oe PCECOMING ON ase ea bLaN i wy. as _ THAT DEVOURED OUR : - ; FRIENDSHIP AND THE MAN I ONCE CONSIDERED NOT __ UNLIKE A BROTHER--ONE- OF MY DEAREST F 112 MY SPLIT WITH GARRISON AND f HIS DEVOTED FOLLOWERS DID NOT DETER MY WORK AS AN ABOLITIONIST; IT MERELY LED TO NEW ALLIES AND TACTICS. THE EMERGENCE OF WHAT WOULD BECOME KNOWN AS THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD PROVIDED A PATH TO FREEDOM FOR MANY RUNAWAY SLAVES. I BECAME WHAT WAS KNOWN AS A “STATIONMASTER,” ONE OF THOSE COMMITTED TO HELPING FUGITIVE SLAVES FIND THEIR FREEDOM. BS Stl Se sce airers PLL YES? HOW CAN I HELP YOU? : L ‘ if 1 4 7 t PALA GML TIGA MET EELS EL LBS ELLE LEELA DED DE PLEASE, COME IN. WE’LL GET YOU ALL FED AND FIND PLACES FOR YOU TO REST. INDEED. IF THERE IS NO ROOM IN WE WILL THE HOUSE... MAKE ROOM IN THE BARN. THOMAS GARRETT FROM DELAWARE SAID YOU COULD HELP NAME’S TUBMAN. HARRIET TUBMAN.

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36 WE’RE IN NEED OF REST AND SHELTER: THE FOOD MAY BE PLAIN, BUT THERE WILL BE ENOUGH TO GO AROUND. WE WILL KEEP YOU SAFE UNTIL WE CAN ARRANGE PASSAGE TO CANADA. JUST DOING MY BEST TO HELP MY PEOPLE. WASN’T EXPECTING SO MANY PASSENGERS ON THIS TRIP-- AND THE NEW LAWS MAKE IT HARDER. YOU ARE THE BRAVEST OF SOULS, MISS TUBMAN. HOW MANY TRIPS HAVE YOU MADE BACK ACROSS THE LINES OF FREEDOM? HEARD A LOT ABOUT YOU, MR. DOUGLASS. CAN'T THANK YOU ENOUGH FOR OPENING . YOUR DOOR TO US. BACK ON THOSE SEEKING FREEDOM, A JUST AS ONE DOES NOT SHY AWAY FROM THE OPPORTUNITY TO CONFER WITH THE LEGENDARY HARRIET TUBMAN. ; NX ELEVEN SEEMS LIKE A CONSIDERABLE AMOUNT--— AND AN INFANT SLAVERY DON’T AMONG THEM. CARE NOTHING ABOUT AGE. AN INFANT TODAY WILL SHO’ NUFF BE WORKING IN THE FIELD COME TOMORROW. THIS IS MY THIRD TRIP AND I’LL MAKE THREE HUNDRED MORE, IF THAT'S WHAT IT TAKES TO SET OUR PEOPLE FREE. 114 ON MORE THAN ONE OCCASION, I HAVE THOUGHT MYSELF A COWARD--LACKING THE COURAGE OF THOSE LIKE HARRIET TUBMAN. | WITH DOUBT GNAWING AT MY SOUL, I OFTEN WONDERED IF I COULD HAVE DONE MORE THAN SPEAK. ...IT IS A DAY THAT REVEALS, MORE THAN ANY OTHER DAY OF THE YEAR, THE INJUSTICE AND CRUELTY TO WHICH THE SLAVE IS A CONSTANT VICTIM. 115 ON MORE THAN ONE OCCASION, I WONDERED IF LENDING MY VOICE TO THE STRUGGLE WAS ENOUGH. WHAT TO THE SLAVE IS THE FOURTH OF JULY? Z WICE TEL’ YOUN. TO THE SLAVE, YOUR CELEBRATION OF LIBERTY AND BOASTS OF FREEDOM ARE A HYPOCRITICAL SHAM. NO OTHER NATION ON THIS PLANET IS MORE GUILTY OF PRACTICES SHOCKING AND BLOODY THAN THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES AT THIS VERY MOMENT, WHO ALLOW SLAVERY TO CONTINUE. ON MORE THAN ONE OCCASION, I HAVE WONDERED IF I COULD HAVE DONE MORE. IN THE YEARS FOLLOWING MY ESCAPE FROM SLAVERY, BOTH THE CONFLICT OVER THAT PECULIAR INSTITUTION AND THE INSTITUTION ITSELF GREW. FORCES ON BOTH SIDES BECAME INCREASINGLY VIOLENT. MY DEAR FRIEND JOHN BROWN TOOK UP ARMS IN THE KANSAS TERRITORY, LEADING TO DEATH AND MAYHEM. THE BLOOD ON HIS HANDS MADE HIM BOTH HERO AND VILLAIN, DIVIDING NOT JUST A NATION BUT ABOLITIONISTS AS WELL. I FOUND MYSELF TORN AND UNCERTAIN WHETHER I COULD CONDONE THE ACTIONS OF

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37 CAPTAIN BROWN (THOUGH I HAVE OFTEN WONDERED IF MY TREPIDATION WAS MERELY MY COWARDICE MASQUERADING AS A MORAL CONFLICT). SHORTLY AFTER BROWN LEFT KANSAS STAINED IN BLOOD, THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES ISSUED A DECISION IN DRED SCOTT V. SANDFORD, A CASE IN WHICH THE ENSLAVED SCOTT HAD SUED HIS MASTER FOR FREEDOM AFTER BEING MOVED TO A FREE STATE. THE SUPREME COURT RULED AGAINST SCOTT, STATING THAT CONGRESS DID NOT HAVE AUTHORITY TO EXCLUDE SLAVERY FROM TERRITORIES WHERE SLAVERY DID NOT EXIST. THE COURT WENT ON TO STATE THAT BLACKS HAD NEVER BEEN CITIZENS, COULD NEVER BE CITIZENS, AND, AS A RESULT, WERE NOT ENTITLED TO THE RIGHTS GUARANTEED BY THE CONSTITUTION. I BEGAN TO CONSIDER THE POSSIBILITY THAT JOHN BROWN WAS CORRECT: SLAVERY COULD ONLY END THROUGH THE USE OF FORCE AND, IF NEED BE, THE LOSS OF LIFE. A HUNTED MAN, JOHN BROWN CONTINUED TO PLAN HIS NEXT * ATTACK AGAINST SLAVERY WHILE 2 _ MARK MY WORDS, ELUDING THOSE WHO WOULD ¢ KANSAS WAS JUST SEE HIM EXECUTED FOR HIS THE BEGINNING, ACTIONS IN KANSAS. NEARLY A MONTH OF THAT TIME WAS SPENT AS A GUEST IN MY HOME. BROWN LEFT MY RESIDENCE IN LATE FEBRUARY, STILL PLANNING HIS SLAVE REVOLT, \ AND SEEKING SUPPORT FOR WHAT I FEARED WOULD BE A CAMPAIGN PREDESTINED TO END IN TRAGEDY. AT THE PROPER TIME, I WILL SEND WORD OF MY READINESS. MORE THAN A YEAR HAD PASSED WHEN JOHN BROWN SENT WORD TO MEET HIM. ACCOMPANYING ME TO MY CLANDESTINE MEETING WITH CAPTAIN BROWN WAS A MAN KNOWN AS SHIELDS GREEN, A RUNAWAY SLAVE THAT I HAD BEEN HARBORING FOR A CONSIDERABLE TIME. 117 HE IS NOT WRONG, ANNA. I FEAR AN END TO SLAVERY CAN ONLY COME WHEN THE LAND IS SOAKED IN BLOOD. IF HE CALLS UPON ME AGAIN, I WILL RESPOND. AT THAT TIME, I WILL MAKE MY DECISION. yw WE WILL RAID THE ARSENAL AT HARPER'S FERRY, VIRGINIA. MUNITIONS ARE PLENTIFUL THERE--MORE THAN ENOUGH TO START AN INSURRECTION. DOUGLASS? WHEN WE STRIKE, A BIGGER ARMY WILL COME. THOSE ENSLAVED WILL CAST OFF THEIR SHACKLES IN EXCHANGE FOR THE WEAPONS OF LIBERATION. DOUGLASS, YOU ARE A BROTHER TO ME AS MUCH AS ANY MAN. WE HAVE BROKEN BREAD ON MANY » OCCASIONS. I LIVED IN YOUR HOME. I KNOW THE SOUND OF THE HEART BEATING IN YOUR CHEST--IT CRIES OUT FOR

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38 JUSTICE. WHAT THINK YOU, ¥7 WITH THESE WEAPONS, WE CAN LIBERATE SLAVES, ENLIST THEM TO THE CAUSE, AND ARM THEM IN THE STRUGGLE BEFORE US. CAPTAIN BROWN, THIS IS NOT THE PLAN OF WHICH YOU ORIGINALLY SPOKE. WHAT KRAPPENED TO FORTIFYING THE ALLEGHENIES? LIBERATING THOSE IN BONDAGE AND DESTABILIZING THE ECONOMIC WORTH OF SLAVERY? THISSREAN Eee IT IS NOT AN ATTACK ON SLAVEHOLDERS, BUT ON THE VERY GOVERNMENT. IT WILL BRING THE NATION DOWN UPON YOU AND YOUR ARMY, WHICH ARE BUT A FEW MEN. MY FRIEND, THIS PLAN IS DANGEROUS. THERE ARE NOT ENOUGH OF YOU, AND YOU WILL MAKE AN ENEMY NOT JUST OF THE SLAVEHOLDER, BUT OF THE GOVERNMENT. f THERE IS A BETTER WAY TO ACHIEVE ABOLITION. BUT YOU SOUND LIKE YOUR MENTOR, WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. HE HAS TURNED YOU INTO A LION WITH NO TEETH--WITH NO CLAWS. ey | WE SAT ACROSS FROM EACH 7» AMBITIOUS AND ILL-CONCEIVED a HE, IN TURN, TRIED TO OTHER FOR HOURS--TALKING, DARING AND FOOLHARDY. I TRIED f7 PERSUADE ME TO JOIN HIM. DEBATING THE NATURE OF ee MY BEST TO CONVINCE HIM THAT #2 HIS PLANS. ZA THERE HAD TO BE A BETTER WAY. es NIGHT GAVE WAY TO DAY, AND DAY BEGAN TO GIVE WAY TO NIGHT. NEITHER OF US COULD CONVINCE THE OTHER. CAPTAIN BROWN, I \ CANNOT JOIN YOU. +a WHAT OF YOU, GREEN? WILL YOU COME WITH ME, OR STAY WITH THE CAPTAIN? (SO WITH GOD) DOUGLASS. 2 BELIEVE HLL.GO ¥ WITH THE OLD MAN. 4 MAY GOD WATCH OVER YOU, MY FRIEND 19 AS I HAD FEARED, CAPTAIN }) BROWN’S RAID ON HARPER'S FERRY WAS ILL-FATED. MOST INVOLVED WERE KILLED, THOUGH JOHN BROWN HIMSELF WAS CAPTURED. HIS EXECUTION FOR TREASON, HOWEVER, WAS A FOREGONE CONCLUSION. MY PROMINENCE AND NOTORIETY MADE ME A PUBLIC FIGURE, AND WHEN PRESIDENT BUCHANAN ISSUED ORDERS THAT ALL ALLIES OF BROWN BE APPREHENDED, MY LOCATION IN PHILADELPHIA WAS WELL KNOWN. AUTHORITIES SEARCHED FOR * CLUES OF ACCOMPLICES TO BROWN’ S PLANNED INSURRECTION. | CORRESPONDENCES FROM | — MYSELF TO CAPTAIN BROWN | WERE FOUND, IMPLICATING ME IN THE RAI, IT WAS ONLY THROUGH PROVIDENCE THAT THE TELEGRAPH OPERATOR IN & PHILADELPHIA, A MAN NAMED JAMES ; HERN, WAS AN ANTI-SLAVERY ADVOCATE. HE INTERCEPTED THE , TELEGRAPH DIRECTING THE SHERIFF TO ARREST ME. WASTING NO TIME, HERN

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39 RACED TO | THE HOME OF THOMAS DORSEY, A WELL-KNOWN ABOLITIONIST, HOPING THAT DORSEY WOULD KNOW HOW TO GET WORD TO ME. ¢ I WAS, IN FACT, Em STAYING WITH DORSEY. DORSEY AND SEVERAL OTHERS RUSHED ME TO THE WHARF, NONE OF MY COMPATRIOTS WHERE I BOARDED A FERRY WOULD TRAVEL WITH ME, FOR BOUND FOR NEW JERSEY, FEAR OF BEING MARKED AND-- WHAT I BELIEVED TO GUILTY BY ASSOCIATION. BE--IMMINENT ARREST. 120 MUCH OF THE NATION WAS OUTRAGED OVER HARPER’S FERRY, AND MY NAME QUICKLY EMERGED AS A POSSIBLE ACCOMPLICE. BLACKALL CONVEYED A MESSAGE TO MY SON LEWIS, WHO I INSTRUCTED TO BURN ALL THE IMPORTANT PAPERS IN MY HIGH DESK. r MRS. POST, BEING ONE OF THE MOST DEVOUT ABOLITIONISTS I HAVE EVER KNOWN, BROUGHT STILL’S LETTER TO MY HOME. EE SS es a Sra MY FRIEND OTTILIE ASSING HARBORED ME IN NEW JERSEY. PRIVY TO INFORMATION REGARDING A WARRANT FOR MY ARREST, WILLIAM STILL WROTE A LETTER ENCOURAGING ME TO FLEE THE COUNTRY. MRS. POST AND HER HUSBAND, ISAAC, MADE THE NECESSARY ARRANGEMENTS FOR ME TO FLEE THE COUNTRY. UNDER MY INSTRUCTION, OTTILIE SENT A TELEGRAPH TO B. F BLACKALL, A TELEGRAPH OPERATOR IN ROCHESTER THAT I KNEW COULD BE TRUSTED. THE LETTER WAS SENT TO AMY POST, OUT OF CONCERN THAT MAIL DIRECTED TO ME WOULD BE INTERCEPTED. ALONE, I WAITED FOR THE BOAT TO CANADA, PONDERING MY DECISION NOT TO JOIN CAPTAIN BROWN. WAS IT COMMON SENSE OR COWARDICE? THE MORNING AFTER I BOARDED THE BOAT FOR CANADA, UNITED STATES MARSHALS ARRIVED IN ROCHESTER LOOKING FOR ME. AS I LEFT CANADA FOR ENGLAND, CAPTAIN BROWN’S FATE WEIGHED I BELIEVED IN THE MAN HEAVILY ON MY MIND. AND IN HIS GOALS, BUT NOT IN HIS PLAN. WHILE I FLED TO SAFETY, MY FRIEND SAT IN A JAIL CELL, AWAITING TRIAL--AND HIS INEVITABLE EXECUTION A FOR TREASON. COULD I NOT HAVE TRIED ¥ HARDER TO PERSUADE HIM TO TAKE ANOTHER COURSE OF ACTION? COMMITTED AS I WAS TO THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, I COULD NOT BRING MYSELF TO SACRIFICE MY LIFE. JOHN BROWN WAS EXECUTED. HE DIED FOR WHAT HE BELIEVED IN. SEVERAL MONTHS LATER, MY YOUNGEST DAUGHTER, ANNIE, DIED AT THE AGE OF TEN. I WAS NOT PRESENT FOR CAPTAIN BROWN. I WAS NOT PRESENT FOR ANNIE. I WAS FREE AND SAFE IN ENGLAND WHEN THE PEOPLE FOR WHOM I CARED GREATLY DIED--FREE AND

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40 SAFE WHILE THE HORRORS OF SLAVERY CONTINUED IN AMERICA. I COULD NOT SAVE MY FRIEND. I COULD NOT SAVE MY DAUGHTER. I COULD NOT SAVE MY PEOPLE. ALONE IN ENGLAND, I STRUGGLED TO FIND THE WORDS TO DESCRIBE THE FEELING THAT CLAWED AT MY BEING. IN TIME, THE APPROPRIATE WORD CAME TO ME-- UNWORTHY. I WAS UNWORTHY. A Brief History of the Civil War Slavery had been a part of the British American colonies dating back to 1619, with Massachusetts being the first colony to formally legalize the practice in 1641. The original colonies adopted slavery, though opposition to the institution began in the 1680s. On July 4, 1776, the Continental Congress issued the Declaration of Independence, forming the United States of America and proclaiming the colonists who backed it free from British rule. While breaking away from England, the newly formed United States failed to address slavery in the Declaration of Independence. In 1777, Vermont became the first of the newly formed states to abolish slavery. Other states in the Northeast began to do away with slavery. Meanwhile in southern states, slavery continued to grow. With its vast agriculture industry consisting largely of cotton, tobacco, and rice, southern states were able to build incredible wealth through slave labor. This created an economic imbalance within the newly formed nation, leading to tense debates over slavery. Delegates from all the states gathered in 1787 for the Philadelphia Convention to revise the Articles of Confederation, though the end result was instead the creation of the Constitution of the United States. CEY eeStenSNemea Rambiahar One of the most hotly contested issues in the drafting of the Constitution was “proportional representation” within the states. Although slaves had no rights as human beings, slave owners wanted them counted as part of the population of their states. This would give southern slave states a larger population, meaning more seats in the House of Representatives, and more electoral votes. That, in turn, would give these states more political power. Northern free states were opposed to this, which only added to the tension between the North and the South. The end result was that slaves, while still being considered property and having no rights, would each be counted as three-fifths of a person. Known as the ThreeFifths Compromise, this decision legally declared that slaves were not complete human beings while increasing the political power of southern states. For example, in 1812, seventy-six of

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41 the one hundred forty-three members of the House of Representatives were from slave states, though the number of members without the Three-Fifths Compromise would have been fifty-nine. As a consequence, southern slave states had a disproportionate amount of control over the government. As more states began to enter the Union, it was in the best interest of slave states that new territories adopt slavery as well. That way, southern states could maintain control over the government—and continue the practice of slavery. Meanwhile, northern states became increasingly opposed to the expansion of slavery, as it meant that they would never have control of Congress or enough electoral votes to decide a presidential election. Whether a new state was admitted to the Union as free or slave could shift the balance of power in government, meaning that slavery had become one of the key factors in deciding how the government was run. In 1820, Missouri joined the Union as a slave state, while Maine was admitted as a free state. After considerably heated debate, the Missouri Compromise was struck, determining that slavery would not exist in territories above parallel 36°30' north, with the exception of Missouri. In 1850, California was admitted to the Union as a free state. This did not sit well with southern slave states, which saw California’s admission as the beginning of a shift in power. In an effort to appease the slave states, northern congressmen adopted a new version of the Fugitive Slave Act as part of the Compromise of 1850. The Fugitive Slave Act made it more difficult for slaves to escape, placed the responsibility of returning escaped slaves on law enforcement and government agents, and made it a crime to harbor escaped slaves. The significance of this new Fugitive Slave Act is that it held the North accountable for maintaining both slavery and the position of power held by the South. The Kansas—Nebraska Act of 1854 left it to the two newly formed territories to decide if they would be slave or free. It resulted in a series of deadly clashes between anti-slavery and pro-slavery forces that gathered in Kansas, including those killed in the Pottawatomie massacre led by militant abolitionist John Brown. The violent conflict over the territories became known as Bleeding Kansas. ' | | i. Nich SOSA LA SVS AIEEE LEI AD RAPER NS LENIN PD “The Old Flag Never Touched the Ground” by artist Rick Reeves, depicting the 54th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry Regiment’s attack on Fort Wagner, South Carolina, on July 18,

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42 1863. Tension between free states and slave states continued to grow, with more and more northerners calling for an end to slavery. Many of those opposed to slavery did not have a moral problem with the institution, just an economic and political one. Among those was a politician named Abraham Lincoin, who was vocal in his antislavery beliefs, but who was not an abolitionist. Lincoln was most concerned with ending the expansion of slavery and the disproportionate control that southern slave states had in the government. He was not, however, openly committed to ending slavery completely, or to emancipating blacks who were already enslaved. Lincoln was elected president of the United States in 1860. Many southern states saw his election as a threat to slavery and the power wielded by slave states. A month after the election, South Carolina seceded from the Union. The secession of South Carolina was the direct result of concerns over slavery. Congressman Laurence Massillon Keitt stated, “Our people have come to this on the question of slavery.” Within three months of Lincoln’s election, seven slave states had seceded from the Union. When Mississippi seceded from the Union in 1861, it issued a secession declaration stating, “Our position is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery—the greatest material interest of the world. Its labor supplies the product which constitutes by far the largest and most important portions of commerce of the earth. These products are peculiar to the climate verging on the tropical regions, and by an imperious law of nature, none but the black race can bear exposure to the tropical sun. These products have become necessities of the world, and a blow at slavery is a blow at commerce and civilization.” 126 MPca“s iPeJNo Although there were other factors involved, for every state that seceded, the declarations of secession clearly identify the threat to slavery and the need to preserve slavery as primary reasons for leaving the Union. It is very important to understand this, because history has redefined the cause of the Civil War as a conflict over “state’s rights,” which is a general and vague explanation that leaves out the true importance of slavery to the South. Eleven states seceded from the Union. And in February of 1861, they formed a new nation known as the Confederate States of America, or simply the Confederacy. On April 12, 1861, Confederate forces attacked Fort Sumter in South Carolina, triggering the Civil War. Faced with a divided nation and the

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43 promise of economic instability in the North, President Lincoln initially fought to restore the Union. Ending slavery and emancipating slaves was not a priority for Lincoln. Ina letter to the New York Tribune in 1862, Lincoln wrote: “My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If | could save the Union without freeing any slave | would do it, and if | could save it by freeing all the slaves | would do it; and if | could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone | would also do that. What | do about slavery and the colored race, | do because | believe it helps to save the Union; and what | forbear, | forbear because | do not believe it would help to save the Union.” In time, Lincoln came to understand that even though the North was fighting to restore the Union, the South was fighting to maintain slavery, and that abolition lay at the heart of the conflict. The Civil War was, in fact, a war for abolition, and victory could only come with the destruction of slavery. Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, freeing all slaves in the Confederate states. The war would last two more years, ultimately claiming nearly 700,000 lives. Images on pages 124 and 127 courtesy of the Library of Congress. Art on page 126 courtesy of the United States National Guard. EIGHT A War Against Slavery THOUGH IT WOULD HAVE BEEN SAFER TO REMAIN IN ENGLAND, I RETURNED TO AMERICA. I HAD TO MOURN THE LOSS OF ANNIE WITH MY FAMILY. I ALSO HAD TO HONOR THE SACRIFICE OF JOHN BROWN AND HIS MEN AT HARPER’S FERRY BY CARRYING ON THE FIGHT TO END SLAVERY. Ari | ee We IN THE MONTHS I WAS GONE, THE NATION HAD CHANGED. TENSIONS BETWEEN ANTI-SLAVERY m> AND PRO-SLAVERY FACTIONS HAD GROWN, WITH THE BATTLE OVER ABOLITION TAKING FIRMER ROOT. ~ % BN eT | RA WP 2 et eee RENE: TS WITH THE UPCOMING PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1860 LOOMING, THE ISSUE OF SLAVERY WAS ON THE MIND OF THE NATION. THE FEELING WAS PALPABLE. WHO BECAME THE NEXT PRESIDENT WOULD BE A DECIDING FACTOR IN THE FUTURE OF SLAVERY. ae t MY CLOSE ALLY IN ABOLITION, JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, STEPHEN DOUGLAS, ABRAHAM LINCOLN OF GERRIT SMITH, SECURED A KENTUCKY DEMOCRAT, AN ILLINOIS DEMOCRAT, ILLINOIS REPRESENTED A NOMINATION, AND WOULD WAS THE STANDARD- HAD TIME AND TIME THE STILL-YOUNG MOST CERTAINLY END SLAVERY. BEARER FOR SLAVEHOLDING AGAIN REVEALED THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. DESPITE

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44 CAMPAIGNING FOR SOUTHERNERS. HE WOULD PREJUDICE IN HIS LINCOLN SPOKE OF HIM, I KNEW THAT HE HAD KEEP SLAVERY INTACT, HEART, AND THAT HE CURTAILING THE SPREAD NO CHANCE OF WINNING. AND POSSIBLY SEE ITS WAS NO FRIEND TO OF SLAVERY TO NEW EXPANSION. COLORED PEOPLE. STATES JOINING THE UNION, AND OF POSSIBLY ENDING SLAVERY. HE WAS FAR FROM A RADICAL ABOLITIONIST, OR EVEN A MODERATE ONE FOR THAT MATTER, AND IT WAS UNCLEAR WHERE HE TRULY STOOD ON SLAVERY. I DID NOT KNOW LINCOLN, AND I CERTAINLY DID NOT CARE FOR HIS VIEWS OF THE NEGRO OR OF SLAVERY, BOTH OF WHICH SEEMED TO PACE BACK AND FORTH BETWEEN THE PREJUDICE OF THE TIMES AND DEGREES OF AMBIVALENCE. STILL, IT WAS LINCOLN AND LINCOLN ALONE WHO STOOD A CHANCE AGAINST BRECKINRIDGE AND DOUGLAS, AND THEREFORE HE BECAME THE CANDIDATE TO SUPPORT, FOR WITH HIM CAME THE POSSIBILITY OF ENDING SLAVERY, SLIM THOUGH IT MAY HAVE BEEN. THE ELECTION OF ABRAHAM = LINCOLN DID LITTLE TO FILL ME La ee it oneeed WITH CONFIDENCE. I DID NOT IN TWO. KNOW IF HE WOULD BE ABLE TO BRING AN END TO THE MOST DEPLORABLE OF INSTITUTIONS. THE CAUSE OF THE NATION’S ABRUPT DISMANTLING WAS THE PERCEIVED THREAT OF ABOLITION AND EMANCIPATION. FEARING THE LOSS OF THEIR FORCED LABOR, SOUTHERN STATES ADOPTED A DECLARATION THAT THEIR SECESSION WAS MEANT TO PRESERVE SLAVERY. HE SPOKE LITTLE OF ENDING SLAVERY, AND MOST ASSUREDLY WITH FAR LESS CONVICTION. COULD LINCOLN HAVE RESTORED THE UNION WITHOUT SETTING A SINGLE SLAVE FREE, HE WOULD HAVE DONE SO. HE SAID AS MUCH DURING HIS INAUGURATION SPEECH, AS HE APPEALED TO SECESSIONISTS TO REJOIN THE NATION. LINCOLN ASSURED SOUTHERNERS THAT THEY COULD KEEP THEIR SLAVES, THOUGH RUNAWAY SLAVES WOULD NOT BE RETURNED, NOR WOULD SLAVERY EXPAND TO NEW TERRITORIES. LINCOLN SPOKE OF REPAIRING THE NATION--OF MAKING IT WHOLE AGAIN. LINCOLN IS ONLY CONCERNED WITH MAKING THE NATION WHOLE ONCE MORE. HE WILL CONCEDE TO THE SOUTH, LETTING THEM KEEP US ENSLAVED, IF IT MEANS HE CAN MAINTAIN HIS PRECIOUS UNITED STATES. WHAT GOOV CAN COME FROM STAYING? WHAT GOOD CAN COME FROM LEAVING OUR HOME? IN MY DESPAIR-- IN THE BELIEF THAT SLAVERY WOULD NEVER END--I BEGAN TO MAKE PREPARATIONS TO LEAVE THE

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45 COUNTRY WITH MY FAMILY. 129 ON APRIL 12, 1861, CONFEDERATE FORCES ae ATTACKED FORT SUMTER IN SOUTH CAROLINA, - —— SETTING OFF A WAR BETWEEN THE SECESSIONISTS AND THE UNION. THE FIGHTING WAS BLOODY AND INTENSE, AND MANY HELD ON TO THE NOTION THAT AN END WOULD COME QUICKLY. THE NORTH FIGHTS THE REBELS WITH ONLY ONE HAND, WHEN IT COULD MORE EFFECTIVELY STRIKE WITH TWO. THEY FIGHT WITH THE SOFT WHITE HAND, WHILE THEY KEEP THEIR BLACK IRON HAND CHAINED BEHIND THEIR BACK. FOR THE NEWLY FORMED CONFEDERACY, IT WAS NOT ENOUGH THAT LINCOLN HAD OFFERED THEM THE OPPORTUNITY TO MAINTAIN THEIR SLAVES, IF THEY WOULD JUST REJOIN THE UNION. IN THEIR RESPONSE TO LINCOLN’S DEPLORABLE CONCESSION, THE SOUTH PROVED ACCURATE THE ASSERTION OF JOHN BROWN--THAT SLAVERY WOULD NOT END WITHOUT BLOODSHED. I HAD NO SUCH BELIEF IT WOULD NOT BE UNTIL THE NORTH ENGAGED IN A WAR TO END SLAVERY THAT THERE COULD BE A RESOLUTION. THE UNION WOULD HAVE TO CRUSH THE CAUSE FOR WHICH THE CONFEDERACY FOUGHT. THE WAR WOULD HAVE TO BE FOR THE LIBERATION OF THE SLAVE, AS WELL AS THE SALVATION OF THE UNION. THEY ARE FIGHTING THE EFFECT, WHILE PROTECTING THE CAUSE. THE UNION WILL NOT PROSPER UNTIL THIS WAR BECOMES ONE TO END SLAVERY--UNTIL IT ENLISTS THE NEGRO TO FIGHT FOR WHAT WE RICHLY DESERVE. 130 THE WAR DRAGGED ON MUCH LONGER THAN MOST HAD THOUGHT OR HOPED. THE UNION ENDURED CONSIDERABLE LOSSES, SUFFERING MORE THAN 24,000 CASUALTIES AT ANTIETAM AND FREDERICKSBURG ALONE. THAT CLAIMED THEIR SONS, BROTHERS, HUSBANDS, AND FATHERS, AND MANY FELT THE WAR WAS CAUSED BY BLACKS. EVEN { EINCOLN HAD ALLUDED TO SUCH. LINCOLN MET WITH LEADING AS THE WAR CONTINUED, ABOLITIONISTS TO DISCUSS THE LINCOLN MET WITH HIS 5 POSSIBILITY OF EMANCIPATION AND CABINET TO DISCUSS tT COLONIZATION FOR COLOREDS-- THE MATTER OF SLAVES. HE WAS EXPLORING THE NOTION OF SETTING US FREE AND THEN SENDING US OFF TO LIVE SOMEWHERE FAR LINCOLN WOULD NOT LET THEM FIGHT FROM AMERICA. FOR THE UNION. AND THOUGH THERE WERE RUMORS OF EMANCIPATION, THE PRESIDENT GAVE NO INDICATION OF SERIOUS CONSIDERATION TO THE SUBJECT. I DID NOT SHY AWAY FROM MY CRITICISM OF an ans 6 NOT HET ae

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46 PRESIDENT LINCOLN. th = INCOMPETENT LEADER, WITH NO REGARD FOR THE NEGRO AND MM NO REAL MORAL CONVICTION & HB) REGARDING SLAVERY. — : aye as DESPITE THE RUMORS, I HAD LITTLE FAITH ee ‘ 1) THAT LINCOLN YE fis nlf GATHERED IN BOSTON AT TREMONT WOULD DELIVER a ; 4 TEMPLE, I WAITED WITH NO RESERVE THE PROMISED figs fF, | OF PATIENCE AS THE DAY OF THE EMANCIPATION : Wis PROMISED LIBERATION ARRIVED-- PROCLAMATION. + ee, BELIEVING THAT LINCOLN WOULD ULTIMATELY FAIL THE HIGH HOPES SO MANY HAD PLACED UPON HIS SHOULDERS. HOURS PASSED. WHAT LITTLE HOPE I HAD FADED LINCOLN HAD NOT KEPT HIS WORD. THERE WOOLE. BE NO EMANCIPATION. EMANCIPATION HAS ARRIVED! FOREVER FREE. 132 DESPITE A WILLINGNESS TO FIGHT, COLORED MEN WERE NOT ENLISTED BY THE UNION TROOPS. INSTEAD, THEY WERE USED AS A LABOR FORCE, DIGGING TRENCHES AND DOING LITTLE ELSE. HAVING ISSUED THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION AND ANTICIPATING AN EXODUS OF FREED BLACKS, LINCOLN FINALLY ACQUIESCED: HE WOULD USE COLORED TROOPS. MASSACHUSETTS GOVERNOR JOHN A. ANDREW HAD LONG PRESSURED LINCOLN TO USE COLORED TROOPS, AND FOR HIS DILIGENCE, THE PRESIDENT TASKED GOVERNOR ANDREW WITH FORMING TWO COLORED REGIMENTS. GOVERNOR ANDREW TURNED TO KNOWN ABOLITIONISTS TO HELP RECRUIT COLORED SOLDIERS, INCLUDING GEORGE LUTHER STEARNS, KNOWN TO ME FOR HIS LOYALTY TO JOHN BROWN. FROM TRE PAGES OF MY NEWSPAPER, I SENT OUT THE CALL... THE TIME HAS COME, DOUGLASS. THE UNION NOW TURNS TO COLORED MEN TO FIGHT. CAN I COUNT ON YOU TO HELP RECRUIT MEN WILLING TO TAKE UP ARMS? YOU WILL 1 | ee HAVE YOUR SOLDIERS. ... MEN OF COLOR, TO ARMS! 4 133 THE IDEA OF SENDING NEGRO TROOPS INTO BATTLE WAS MET WITH RESISTANCE, BROUGHT ABOUT BY THE MISINFORMED BELIEF THAT COLORED MEN WERE INFERIOR AND PRONE TO COWARDICE. I KNEW THESE MISCONCEPTIONS TO BE FALSE, JUST AS I KNEW THAT ONE OF THE GREATEST FEARS OF ANY SLAVE OWNER WAS TO FACE IN BATTLE THOSE HE HAD BRUTALIZED AS HIS PROPERTY. THE APPREHENSION ABOUT Le SENDING COLORED SOLDIERS \ : es INTO COMBAT QUICKLY FADED, | THE BATTLE OF FORT WAGNER AND THE S4TH, LED BY ROBERT | =) was A BRUTAL CAMPAIGN, BUT THE COULD SHAW, WAS DISPATCHED & 54TH PROVED THEIR METTLE ON TO SOUTH CAROLINA: THE

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47 BLOODSOAKED FIELD. NO ONE WOULD QUESTION THE BRAVERY OR COMPETENCY OF COLORED SOLDIERS AGAIN. cee 135 SO perianaiien COLORED SOLDIERS HAD PROVEN THEMSELVES IN BATTLE AS CAPABLE }- WARRIORS, BUT THEY WERE STILL TREATED AS INFERIORS. COLORED SOLDIERS WERE NOT PAID EQUAL WAGES TO THEIR WHITE BROTHERS-IN-ARMS. LIKEWISE, BLACK SOLDIERS WERE NOT PROMOTED. MOST TROUBLING, HOWEVER, WAS THE WHOLESALE EXECUTION OF BLACK SOLDIERS CAPTURED BY THE CONFEDERATES. THE CITY WAS OVERRUN WITH SLAVES 7 FLEEING THE SOUTH. THEY WERE KNOWN AS THE CONTRABAND OF WAR. THEY LIVED IN SQUALOR, AS SMALLPOX, MEASLES, DIPHTHERIA, TYPHOID FEVER, AND SCARLET FEVER RAVAGED THE CITY. a §ERIS,ater adapta peaceSe ae ws AIT IN AUGUST OF 1863, I JOURNEYED f TO WASHINGTON, D.C., WITH THE HOPE OF ADDRESSING THESE ISSUES WITH PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE SECRETARY OF WAR. UNION SOLDIERS WANDERED THE STREETS. MANY OF THEM WERE SHELLS OF THE MEN THEY HAD BEEN, RAVAGED BY A WAR THAT SEEMED TO HAVE NO END IN SIGHT. SURROUNDED BY THE CASUALTIES OF WAR, I SAW AGAIN THE UGLY REALITY OF WHAT SLAVERY HAD WROUGHT. WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON THOUGHT SLAVERY COULD BE DESTROYED PEACEFULLY. JOHN BROWN THOUGHT THE CONTRARY. HAD ONE BEEN MORE CORRECT, HAD ONE BEEN LESS ACCURATE, HAD THERE BEEN SOME SENSE OF BALANCE BETWEEN THE TWO BELIEFS--PERHAPS MY SOUL WOULD NOT HAVE FELT SO TORMENTED. : : I KNEW NOT IF I WOULD BE GRANTED 2 ; DOUGLASS, IS THAT YOU? > A MEETING WITH ‘ WHAT BRINGS YOU TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN. cae Be WASHINGTON, D.C.? AS LUCK WOULD HAVE |T, I CHANCED UPON SENATOR SAMUEL POMEROY. I HAVE COME WITH THE HOPE OF SPEAKING TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND SECRETARY STANTON. ALLOW ME TO ACCOMPANY YOU. PERHAPS MY PRESENCE WILL OPEN SOME DOORS THAT MIGHT OTHERWISE REMAIN CLOSED. GRANTED A MEETING WITH SECRETARY Gy Soe Gan Pe é OF WAR EDWIN STANTON, I ADDRESSED : é Q va Sg WHAT INCENTIVE DOES ANY MY CONCERNS RELATED TO THE UNFAIR : Ree Cees a CoS MAN OF COLOR HAVE TO TREATMENT OF NEGRO SOLDIERS. : ey S ENLIST, TO FIGHT, AND : TO RISK HIS LIFE? I UNDERSTAND THAT YOU SEEK EQUALITY FOR THE COLORED TROOPS. IF ONLY IT WERE THAT EASY, BUT THERE ARE PREJUDICES TO BE OVERCOME, DIFFICULTIES TO BE WORKED THROUGH. IN

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48 TIME, THERE WILL BE EQUALITY. “FREEDOM SHOULD BE ENOUGH INCENTIVE. UNEQUAL PAY. NO OPPORTUNITY FOR ADVANCEMENT. ‘# WHAT DOES EQUAL PAY AND ADVANCEMENT IN RANK MATTER IF THE REBELS WIN THIS WAR? IN THE MEANTIME, CONDITIONS WILL IMPROVE. ioe Bi : I WOULD LIKE TO EMPLOY I HAVE ALREADY STARTED TAKING g pig. sp thie. | YOU AS A COMMISSIONED THE STEPS TO ENSURE EQUALITY. ee a. aie OFFICER--TO RECRUIT BUT FOR NOW... eee wi j Bi FREEDMEN IN i, y 7 THE SOUTH. ... COLORED SOLDIERS MUS7 FIGHT AS IF THEIR FREEDOM DEPENDS ON IT, FOR IT DOES. 4 : ; Ey ‘a if THIS MEETING WITH STANTON HAS AT THE REQUEST OF SECRETARY a x ae GIVEN ME HOPE, SENATOR POMEROY. STANTON, JOHN USHER, SECRETARY a 2 PERHAPS I WILL BE FORTUNATE OF THE INTERIOR, ISSUED ME L Ay me i ENOUGH TO BE GRANTED A A TRAVEL PASS TO ENSURE SAFE : " a MEETING WITH THE PRESIDENT. TRAVEL WITHIN UNION LINES. ‘ : : PERHAPS. I HAVE KNOWN MEN TO WAIT AS LONG AS A WEEK TO MEET WITH PRESIDENT LINCOLN. POMEROY LED ME TO THE WHITE HOUSE, WHERE HE OFFERED INSTRUCTION ON THE PROPER WAY TO REQUEST AN AUDIENCE WITH THE PRESIDENT. Hy ae BAS es eae I PREPARED MYSELF FOR a FREDERICK DOUGLASS, WHAT WAS CERTAINLY PRESIDENT LINCOLN WILL NOW GOING TO BE A LONG GRANT YOU AN A WAIT--HOURS, OR ; pach PERHAPS EVEN DAYS. ES I WAS NOT EXPECTING IT TO BE A MATTER OF A FEW MINUTES. THE FIRST TIME I LAID EYES UPON HIM, PRESIDENT ABRAHAM LINCOLN APPEARED TIRED AND OVERWORKED. a \ TO SEE YOU. =-/ IT |S A PLEASURE TO @\ MEET YOU. PLEASE, SIT. HOW CAN I BE OF SERVICE TO YOU, MR. DOUGLASS? MR. PRESIDENT, FREDERICK DOUGLASS MR. PRESIDENT, ALLOW ME TO INTRODUCE MYSELE Sy. I KNOW WHO YOU ARE, MR. DOUGLASS. SECRETARY OF STATE SEWARD HAS TOLD ME ALL ABOUT YOU. I HAVE SOUGHT YOUR AUDIENCE TO BRING THREE PRESSING MATTERS TO YOUR ATTENTION. FIRST IS THE MATTER OF UNEQUAL PAY FOR COLORED TROOPS. SECOND IS THE EXECUTION OF COLORED TROOPS TAKEN PRISONER BY THE CONFEDERATES. THIRD IS THE LACK OF ADVANCEMENT FOR COLORED SOLDIERS. 139 THERE ARE STILL A GREAT MANY PREJUDICES TOWARD THE COLORED TROOPS, AND THOSE WHO WOULD RATHER NOT SEE THEM IN SERVICE TO THE UNION. THE FACT OF THE MATTER, LIKE IT OR NOT, IS THAT COLORED TROOPS STAND TO GAIN \. MORE FROM A UNION

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49 VICTORY. AS TO THE TREATMENT OF COLORED PRISONERS BY THE CONFEDERATES .. - THERE IS NO EASY SOLUTION. I CANNOT RETALIATE AND EXECUTE SOUTHERN PRISONERS OF WAR. THERE IS NO TELLING WHERE THAT WOULD END, ESPECIALLY FOR BLACKS ALREADY FACING EXTREME PREJUDICE. I FEAR THAT ACTS OF VENGEANCE WOULD ONLY CREATE MORE ANIMOSITY FROM THOSE WEARY OF THE WAR AND LACKING J SYMPATHY FOR YOUR CAUSE. AS FOR YOUR THIRD CONCERN, I WILL APPROVE THE PROMOTION OF ANY COLORED SOLDIER THE SECRETARY OF WAR CALLS TO ATTENTION. 140 I WAS NOT SATISFIED WITH EVERYTHING LINCOLN SAID TO ME. BUT I HAD BEEN HEARD, AND HIS RESPONSES, THOUGH NOT WHAT I WANTED TO HEAR, WERE PRESENTED WITH RESPECT AND CONSIDERATION. HE TREATED ME NOT AS A COLORED MAN, BUT AS A MAN. THANK YOU, MR. PRESIDENT, FOR YOUR TIME AND CONSIDERATION. DOUGLASS, PLEASE, CALL UPON ME WHENEVER YOU FIND YOURSELF IN WASHINGTON. I WOULD CONTINUE TO RECRUIT COLORED TROOPS. I WOULD DO MY PART TO WIN THE WAR. SECRETARY OF WAR STANTON HAD | aa A ias cnen Meroe PROMISED ME A COMMISSION TO BME tone c@NED BY HIGH-RANKING RECRUIT COLORED SOLDIERS IN. > Coes IN tas GOTERINEHT eee Miah : INCLUDING PRESIDENT LINCOLN. WITH THIS COMMISSION AND THIS PASS, I WOULD BE ABLE TO LEND MY EFFORTS TO THE CAUSE OF ABOLITION IN WAYS THAT I HAD NEVER IMAGINED. IN PREPARATION FOR THE NEW JOB THAT LAY BEFORE ME, I CEASED PUBLICATION OF MY NEWSPAPER. AFTER FIFTEEN YEARS OF PUBLISHING, THIS WAS NOT A DECISION THAT CAME WITH EASE. BUT MY NEW POSITION, AS A COMMISSIONED OFFICER OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT, WOULD GIVE ME AN EVEN GREATER VOICE IN THE CALL FOR ABOLITION. Ko UNFORTUNATELY, FOR REASONS I NEVER KNEW, THE COMMISSION DID NOT COME. PERHAPS LINCOLN AND STANTON WERE PLACATING ME, MAKING FALSE PROMISES TO QUIET MY PROTESTS. OR PERHAPS THE ORDERS FOR MY COMMISION WERE LOST. NO MATTER THE REASON, THE RESULT WAS THE SAME. m GE IT A MATTER OF PRIDE OR A MATTER OF PRAGMATISM, I WOULD NOT VENTURE INTO THE SOUTH TO RECRUIT COLORED SOLDIERS AS A MERE CIVILIAN. MEANWHILE, THE WAR WAGED ON, THE NATION GROWING INCREASINGLY WEARY. DISAPPOINTED AND DISILLUSIONED THAT THE COMMISSION FAILED TO | MATERIALIZE, I CONTINUED WITH THE

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50 CAUSE. I SPOKE WHEREVER AND WHENEVER I COULD. I AM HERE, TODAY, TO DISCUSS WITH YOU THE MISSION OF THE WAR. 142 WE FIND OURSELVES DEEP IN A BLOODY CONFLICT THAT HAS NOW LASTED MORE THAN THREE YEARS, WHEN IT WAS PREDICTED AT THE OUTSET TO LAST NO LONGER THAN THREE MONTHS. MANY OF YOU ARE APPALLED AND DISAPPOINTED BY THIS ENDLESS WAR. I AM NEITHER APPALLED NOR DISAPPOINTED, BECAUSE I FORESAW THIS. I KNEW THAT ONCE CONFLICT EMERGED BETWEEN DESPITE WHAT OTHERS SAY NOW, NORTH AND SOUTH, OVER SLAVERY OR OR WHAT THEY WILL SAY IN THE FREEDOM, THE BATTLE WOULD BE LONG, FUTURE, THIS IS AN ABOLITION FIERCE, AND BLOODY. WAR--A WAR TO END SLAVERY. YES, THIS IS A WAR FOR THE UNION, FOR THE CONSTITUTION, BUT ONLY IN THE SENSE THAT THESE ARE BUT PARTS OF A GREATER ISSUE AT HAND. SLAVERY HAS PROVEN ITSELF TO BE THE STRONGMAN OF OUR NATION. IN EVERY REBEL STATE, SLAVERY HAS PROVEN ITSELF TO BE STRONGER THAN THE UNION, STRONGER THAN THE CONSTITUTION, AND STRONGER THAN THE POLITICAL PARTIES THAT VIE FOR CONTROL OF THE GOVERNMENT. WE CANNOT RESTORE THE UNION OR HONOR THE CONSTITUTION IF WE CONTINUE TO BOW BEFORE THE STRONGMAN THAT HAS BROUGHT BOTH TO ITS KNEES. 143 LET ME BE CLEAR. THE SOUTHERN STATES THAT NOW CALL THEMSELVES THE CONFEDERACY ARE FIGHTING FOR ONE THING, AND ONE THING ALONE--THEY FIGHT FOR SLAVERY. IT IS THE CORNERSTONE UPON WHICH THEIR SOCIETY HAS BEEN BUILT. THIS CORNERSTONE |S FORMED BY TWO STEADFAST IDEAS. FIRST, THAT SLAVERY IS A RIGHT, AND SECOND, THAT SLAVEHOLDERS ARE SUPERIOR TO THOSE THEY ENSLAVE. AROUND THESE TWO IDEAS, THE SOUTH HAS BUILT A SOCIETY AND A WAY OF LIFE, THAT WHEN CHALLENGED, THEY LEFT THE UNION, IT WAS NOT THE DISREGARDED THE CONSTITUTION, DISMANTLING OF THE AND FIRED THE OPENING SHOTS UNION THAT MOTIVATED THE OF THIS WAR. THE UNION HAS SECESSION OF THE SOUTH. THIS IS WHY THE WAR IS AN BEEN A CASUALTY OF THIS WAR. IT WAS THE PRESERVATION ABOLITION WAR. THIS IS WHY THE THE CONSTITUTION HAS BEEN OF SLAVERY. VICTORY MUST BE AN ABOLITION A CASUALTY OF THE WAR. BUT VICTORY. ABOLITION iS THE ENEMY NEITHER HAS BEEN THE CAUSE. OF SLAVERY, AND IT IS SLAVERY THAT IS AT THE HEART OF THIS UGLY CONFLICT. IT IS THE PROTECTION OF THIS ACCURSED, DAMNABLE INSTITUTION THAT

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51 HAS SOAKED THE GROUND iN BLOOD NO WAR BUT AN ABOLITION WAR/ NO PEACE BUT AN ABOLITION PEACE/ LIBERTY FOR ALL, AND CHAINS FOR NONE/ 144 — i A YEAR AFTER OUR FIRST MEETING, AND WITH HIS STRUGGLE FOR REELECTION LOOMING, PRESIDENT LINCOLN SENT A CORRESPONDENCE REQUESTING MY PRESENCE. Pts MR. PRESIDENT, I HAVE VW COME IN RESPONSE TO YOUR REQUEST. DOUGLASS, THANK YOU FOR COMING. I NEED YOUR COUNSEL. PLEASE, SIT. 145 wy I WAS SURPRISED, GIVEN MY FREQUENT CRITICISM OF HIM AND HIS POLICIES, YET I COULD NOT IGNORE AN INVITATION FROM THE PRESIDENT. DOUGLASS... YOU ARE A MAN OF GREAT CONVICTION. YOU HAVE NOT HELD BACK YOUR CRITICISM, AND IT IS WITH THAT IN MIND I NEED YOUR WISDOM. THE WAR DOES NOT GO WELL. AT THE OUTSET OF THIS CONFLICT, I SOUGHT ONLY THE RESTORATION OF THE UNION. WITH HUMILITY AND SHAME, I ADMIT THAT I DID NOT CARE ABOUT FREEING SLAVES. I SEE NOW THAT THIS WAR WAS NEVER ABOUT THE UNION REMAINING INTACT. IT HAS ALWAYS BEEN ABOUT SLAVERY. EVERYTHING ELSE FALLS UNDER THAT DARK SHADOW. THEN IT IS CLEAR, IN SHORT TIME, I FACE REELECTION, WHICH I AM CERTAIN TO LOSE. THE BEST WE CAN HOPE FOR IS A PRESIDENT WHO WILL NEGOTIATE A PEACE WITH THE CONFEDERACY; BUT THAT WILL NOT COME WITHOUT A CONCESSION. MR. PRESIDENT. WE MUST WIN THIS WAR BEFORE THE ELECTION. THE TERMS OF THE : CONFEDERACY’S SURRENDER MUST fie BE DETERMINED AND EXECUTED BEFORE THE INAUGURATION OF YOUR SUCCESSOR. THE EMANCIPATION WILL BE DISREGARDED--THAT WILL BE THE ONLY TERMS OF PEACE ACCEPTABLE TO THE REBELS. I HAVE THOUGHT THE SAME THING. BUT WINNING THIS WAR .. . I VO NOT KNOW IF IT CAN BE DONE, OR IF IT CAN BE DONE IN THE TIME WE HAVE LEFT. THE EMANCIPATION AND THE ACCEPTANCE OF COLORED TROOPS WAS MEANT TO TURN THE TIDE OF THE WAR. UNFORTUNATELY, THE NUMBERS HAVE NEVER BEEN ENOUGH. WHITE MEN HAVE GROWN WEARY OF A FIGHT THEY FEEL IS NOT THEIRS, AND NOT ENOUGH COLORED MEN HAVE STEPPED FORWARD. THERE ARE MANY COLORED MEN IN THE SOUTH WHO KNOW NOT OF THE EMANCIPATION-- WHO STILL THINK THEMSELVES TO BE SLAVES. HOW CAN THEY NOT KNOW OF THEIR FREEDOM? WITH ALL DUE RESPECT, MR. PRESIDENT, YOU KNOW LITTLE OF SLAVERY--BOTH WHAT IT IS TO BE A SLAVE AND THE LENGTHS

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52 SLAVE OWNERS TAKE TO CONTROL THEIR PROPERTY. 146 IS THERE A WAY TO LIBERATE THOSE STILL HELD IN BONDAGE, TO BRING THEM TO THE FIGHT? IT WOULD BE DANGEROUS, BUT WITHIN THE REALM OF POSSIBILITY. IS THIS NOT SIMILAR TO AN EARLIER PLAN OF JOHN BROWN’S, BEFORE HIS INCURSION INTO KANSAS, AND BEFORE HIS RAID ON HARPER'S FERRY? THE SAME FATE THAT WILL AWAIT THEM IF THE NORTH LOSES. THE SAME FATE THAT WILL AWAIT THEM IF A PEACE IS NEGOTIATED THAT DOES NOT RETAIN EMANCIPATION. 7 SEND BLACK SCOUTS ACROSS THE UNION LINES--INTO CONFEDERATE TERRITORY. THEIR MISSION WOULD BE TO SPREAD THE WORD OF EMANCIPATION TO THOSE STILL ENSLAVED, AND THEN RECRUIT THEM TO FIGHT FOR THE UNION. SOME MIGHT EVEN BE ABLE TO FIGHT FROM BEHIND ENEMY LINES, WHICH COULD HELP DESTABILIZE TERRITORIES CONTROLLED BY THE REBELS. WHAT IF THESE COLORED SCOUTS ARE CAUGHT? WHAT SORT OF BRUTAL FATE WOULD AWAIT THESE POOR SOULS? I NEED YOUR PLAN IN WRITING, DOUGLASS. I WASTED NO TIME \ IN DRAFTING A PLAN TO PRESENT TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN. I CONFERRED WITH WILLIAM LEE, IN WHOSE HOME I WAS A GUEST DURING MY VISIT TO WASHINGTON. LEE HELPED CONSIDERABLY IN THE DETAILING OF MY PLANS. BUT TRUTH BE TOLD, MY REAL COLLABORATOR WAS CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN. I RELIED CONSIDERABLY ON THE PLANS THAT HE HAD LAID OUT BEFORE ME SEVENTEEN YEARS EARLIER. THE PLAN ALSO RELIED ON TACTICS UTILIZED BY MY FRIEND HARRIET TUBMAN, WHO HAD BEEN A CONDUCTOR ON THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD, AND WHO KNEW MORE ABOUT LIBERATING SLAVES THAN ANYONE I HAD EVER MET. DRAWING FROM THE WISDOM OF THOSE I ADMIRED, I CRAFTED A bh PLAN THAT WOULD HAVE WORKED. IT WOULD HAVE CHANGED THE COURSE OF THE WAR. FORTUNATELY OR UNFORTUNATELY, DEPENDING ON ONE’S PERSPECTIVE, MY PLAN WAS NOT NEEDED 148 GENERAL WILLIAM TECUMSEH SHERMAN CAPTURED ATLANTA, DEALING A DEVASTATING BLOW TO THE CONFEDERACY AND TURNING THE TIDE OF THE WAR. THE VICTORY OF GENERAL PHILIP SHERIDAN AT THE BATTLE OF SHENANDOAH NOT ONLY BROUGHT THE UNION CLOSER TO DEFEATING THE CONFEDERACY, IT ALSO HELPED TO SHIFT FAVOR BACK TO LINCOLN. WHAT HAD ONCE SEEMED LIKE AN INEVITABLE LOSS FOR LINCOLN ] TURNED INTO A REELECTION. THE WAR WOULD END, AND EMANCIPATION

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53 WOULD NOT BE A CONCESSION IN THE SOUTH’S TERMS OF SURRENDER. » DAYS BEFORE THE REELECTION a eer 4 Sie : FOR THE FIRST TIME IN TWENTY-SIX OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN, Z : YEARS, I RETURNED TO THE PLACE MARYLAND ABOLISHED SLAVERY. OF MY BIRTH--TO THE LAND WHERE as ie : I HAD BEEN HELD IN BONDAGE, ie AND FROM WHICH I HAD ESCAPED TO START A NEW LIFE. or I WAS GREETED AS A PRODIGAL SON AS I DELIVERED MULTIPLE SPEECHES, INCLUDING ONE AT BETHEL A.M.E. CHURCH, WHERE I WAS SURROUNDED BY MANY FAMILIAR FACES THAT I HAD NOT GAZED UPON IN YEARS. WITHIN THE CROWD WAS MY OLDER SISTER ELIZA. UPON LEARNING OF MY SPEAKING ENGAGEMENTS IN BALTIMORE, SHE TRAVELED SIXTY MILES TO SEE ME. / SSS et GR SE | ) WE HAD NOT SEEN e EACH OTHER IN _ [ THIRTY YEARS. OUR REUNION FILLED MY HEART WITH JOY. MY SONS LEWIS AND CHARLES HAD BOTH MET MY SISTER DURING THE WAR, BUT I HAD DOUBTED WE WOULD EVER SEE EACH OTHER AGAIN. ELIZA TOLD ME OF HER LIFE. SHE HAD BOUGHT HER FREEDOM AND THE FREEDOM OF HER FAMILY YEARS EARLIER. THE REUNION BEGAN TO TURN BITTERSWEET, AS INQUIRY AFTER INQUIRY REGARDING SIBLINGS AND COUSINS AND AUNTS AND UNCLES ALL ENDED THE SAME... ... LOVED ONES SOLD DOWN SOUTH, DEEP INTO THE HEART OF SLAVE COUNTRY. SO MANY LOST, SISTER. SO MANY BROKEN HEARTS AND INCOMPLETE LIVES. SO MANY FAMILY MEMBERS AND FRIENDS LOST TO THE INHUMAN INDIFFERENCE OF SLAVERY. IN THE BOOK THAT IS MY LIFE, EACH OF THESE PEOPLE ARE CHAPTERS INCOMPLETE OR UNWRITTEN-— MYSTERIES NEVER TO BE SOLVED. THAT’S ALL CHANGED, FRED. CHILDREN GONNA KNOW THEIR PARENTS NOW. FAMILIES GONNA STAY TOGETHER. AND YOU I AIN’T EVER HELPED MAKE THAT HAPPEN. LEARNED TO READ OR WRITE, BUT I KNOW WHAT YOU DID. AIN'T A COLORED PERSON THAT DON’T KNOW WHAT YOU DONE FOR ALL OF US. NO COLOREDS PRESIDENT LINCOLN ARE ALLOWED WOULD ISSUE NO} INSIDE, BOY, UNLESS SUCH ORDER. i THEY'RE SERVANTS. & | Se S I ATTENDED THE INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. AND, THOUGH IT DEFIED CUSTOM AND PRECEDENT, I DECIDED TO ATTEND THE INAUGURAL RECEPTION. I WAS DENIED ENTRANCE. f AFTER AN EXCHANGE : ‘ WHAT I HAD THOUGHT TO BE THE } OF HOSTILE WORDS THAT | ACCEPTANCE OF MY PRESENCE REVEALED THE PREJUDICE WAS MERELY A DECEPTION, AS OF THE OFFICERS, I 5 I WAS

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54 FIRST LED INSIDE AND WAS ESCORTED INTO : i THEN IMMEDIATELY BROUGHT TO THE RECEPTION. . : m AN EXIT, WHERE MY EXPULSION ‘| WAS !MMINENT. I WILL NOT LEAVE UNTIL - " WHAT SEEMS I AM GRANTED A MOMENT TO BE THE WITH THE PRESIDENT! PROBLEM? THIS NIGGER CLAIMS i HE : : FREDERICK RIK DOUGLASS. DOUGLASS, KNOWN KNOWS THE PRESIDENT-- WELL TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN. YOU WANTS TO TALK TO HIM. vue WILL UNHAND HIM, FOR HE HAS AS | MUCH RIGHT TO SEE THE PRESIDENT AS ANYONE HERE. 152 THE FIRST TIME HAD BEEN TO IMPLORE HIM FOR THE EQUAL TREATMENT OF COLORED TROOPS. THE SECOND TIME HAD BEEN AT HIS REQUEST, TO CONFER OVER EFFORTS TO WIN THE WAR AND HOLD FIRM TO EMANCIPATION. NONSENSE. THERE | S PERHAPS NO OTHER MAN IN THIS COUNTRY WHOSE OPINION I VALUE MORE THAN YOURS. OUR THIRD MEETING FOUND US, DARE I SAY, COMING TOGETHER AS FRIENDS. MY HEART WAS NEAR TO BURSTING AT THE THOUGHT OF WORKING WITH HIM, AS THE COUNTRY LABORED TO REBUILD ITSELF FOR THE THIRD TIME IN MY LIFE, I WAS IN THE COMPANY OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. TRERE SHE IS My FRIEND DOUGLASS. SO GLAD TO SEE YOU-- YOU WERE IN THE CROWD EARLIER TODAY. I SAW YOU DURING MY INAUGURAL ADDRESS. INDULGE ME, PLEASE. WHAT DID YOU THINK OF THE SPEECH? MR. LINCOLN, THERE ARE THOUSANDS WAITING TO SEE YOU. I WILL NOT BORE YOU WITH MY POOR OPINION. MR. LINCOLN, YOUR WORDS WERE A SACRED EFFORT. HAD THOSE FIRST TWO MEETINGS BEEN ALL, I COULD NOT HAVE FELT ANY GREATER SENSE OF ACCOMPLISHMENT. OUR THIRD MEETING, HOWEVER, WAS SOMETHING | QUITE DIFFERENT. THAT OPPORTUNITY NEVER CAME. BARELY A MONTH LATER, ABRAHAM LINCOLN WAS DEAD, FELLED BY THE BULLET OF A COWARDLY ASSASSIN. I COULD NOT HELP BUT WORRY ABOUT THE FATE OF MY PEOPLE. 153 THE MOURNING OF LINCOLN’S DEATH DIVIDED THE NATION AS MUCH AS DID THE WAR. UNDER HIS LEADERSHIF, HE BROUGHT FREEDOM TO MILLIONS, AND MADE WHOLE A NATION DIVIDED-- THOUGH NOT WITHOUT A TREMENDOUS COST IN BLOOD AND LIVES. SOME MOURNED HIM AS A VILLAIN. PERHAPS THIS LETTER SHALL EXPLAIN THE MYSTERY. “MR. DOUGLASS, ENCLOSED PLEASE FIND THE FAVORITE WALKING STICK OF MY HUSBAND, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. HE SPOKE HIGHLY OF YOU, AND I BELIEVE HE WOULD WANT YOU TO HAVE THIS TOKEN, AS YOU HELPED HIM ALONG A

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55 MOST PERILOUS PATH. WARMEST REGARDS, MARY TODD LINCOLN.” RR. ees FREDERICK, A ; PARCEL HAS ARRIVED FOR YOU. LOOK AT THIS ODD SHAPE. A WALKING STICK? WHO WOULD SEND YOU A WALKING STICK? I MOURNED HIM AS A MAN, PRONE TO MOMENTS OF BOTH GREATNESS AND FALLIBLE SHORTCOMINGS. I MOURNED HIM AS SOMEONE WHOSE MIND WAS NOT FIXED TO SOLITARY NOTIONS, BUT OPEN TO AN EXPANSION OF IDEAS AND PHILOSOPHIES. I MOURNED HIM FOR ALL HE HAD BECOME, AND ALL HE WOULD NEVER HAVE THE CHANCE TO BE. BUT MOST OF ALL, I SIMPLY MOURNED. NINE Later Years FEW TIMES IN MY LIFE HAD MY HEART BEEN FILLED WITH SUCH CONFLICTING EMOTIONS. GRIEF OVER THE MURDER OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN CLASHED WITH UNBRIDLED JOY OVER EMANCIPATION. / IT IS DIFFICULT, EVEN AFTER ALL THIS TIME, TO ARTICULATE THE FEELINGS THAT CONSUMED ME. IN ONE FASHION OR ANOTHER, I HAD FOUGHT AGAINST SLAVERY FOR ff MUCH OF MY LIFE, AND CERTAINLY FOR ALL OF MY ADULT LIFE. NOT YET FIFTY YEARS OF AGE, THE CAUSE TO WHICH I HAD GIVEN MYSELF HAD SEEMINGLY ENDED. BUT THERE WAS ANOTHER, OVERRIDING EMOTION THAT OVERTOOK MY BEING, NOURISHED BY THE EMOTIONS CAUSING ME INTERNAL CONFLICT. WITH VICTORY CAME, FOR LACK OF A BETTER DESCRIPTION, A y SADNESS. WITHOUT THE FIGHT, I KNEW NOT HOW TO IDENTIFY MYSELF I KNEW NOT WHAT THE FUTURE WOULD BRING, OR WHAT ROLE I WOULD _, PLAY IN IT. THE FEELING OF USELESSNESS QUICKLY PASSED AS ANDREW JOHN iS) ES JOHNSON HAD BEEN A NTO OFFICE. cite SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE, AND THOUGH HE DID NOT SIDE WITH THE CONFEDERACY, HE HAD NO ROOM IN HIS HEART FOR ABOLITION. AS THE WAR DREW TO A CLOSE AND THE TERMS OF THE CONFEDERACY’S SURRENDER BEGAN TO TAKE SHAPE, JOHNSON TURNED A BLIND EYE TO THE COLORED PEOPLE WHO HAD BEEN LIBERATED. WHEN AT LAST PRESIDENT JOHNSON AND I MET, MY - SUSPICIONS WERE CONFIRMED. RECONCILIATION WITH THE SOUTH WAS HIS ONLY CONCERN. AND, I SUSPECT, COULD HE HAVE GOTTEN AWAY WITH RETURNING | EVERY NEGRO TO BONDAGE, HE WOULD HAVE DONE SO WITHOUT HESITATION. I KNEW THAT MY WORK WAS NOT DONE, AND THAT MY LIFE STILL HAD PURPOSE. THE WAR AND EMANCIPATION, ly PEOPLE STILL TOOK INTEREST FA IN MY ORATION. ie "7 WITH GREAT REGULARITY, I WAS . /7| CALLED UPON TO SPEAK. j ae WHERE BEFORE I HAD SPOKEN

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56 OUT ON SLAVERY, I NOW SPOKE OUT ON EQUALITY FOR THE EMANCIPATED MASSES. LINCOLN HAD DIED BEFORE HE COULD IMPLEMENT A POST-WAR PLAN, AND JOHNSON ASSUMED OFFICE WITH HIS OWN AGENDA AND PREJUDICES. 157 I FOUND THERE WAS NO SHORTAGE OF INJUSTICES TO ATTACK. ... THE HARD-EARNED FREEDOM OF THE NEGRO IS NOT ENOUGH, IF WE DO NOT HAVE A SAY IN OUR OWN FUTURE. EMANCIPATION WAS MERELY THE FIRST STEP WE MUST NOW MOVE TOWARD EQUALITY-- GUARANTEED CIVIL RIGHTS, PROTECTION OF THOSE RIGHTS, AND THE VOTE, FROM WHICH COMES THE POWER TO FORGE OUR OWN PATH. WE CANNOT BE DECEIVED BY THE TREACHERY OF OUR FORMER MASTERS, WHO AT THIS VERY MOMENT PLOT AND CONSPIRE TO KEEP US SUBJUGATED. LAWS BANNING SLAVERY DO NOT 5 MEAN IT HAS CEASED TO EXIST-- IT EXISTS IN SPITE OF THE LAW. IT EXISTS AGAINST THE LAW, IN THE CUSTOMS, MANNERS, AND MORALS OF THOSE IT BENEFITED MOST, AND WHO WISH TO STILL REAP ITS REWARDS. THERE WAS NO SHORTAGE OF WORTHY CAUSES. ... WE CANNOT MOVE FORWARD AS A NATION IF WE AS MEN DO NOT ALLOW WOMEN TO WALK AT OUR SIDE AS EQUALS. THIS MISCONCEPTION THAT WOMEN ARE TO BE AT SERVICE TO MEN, IN ROLES BOTH DOCILE AND DOMESTIC, IS AN AFFRONT TO THE VERY NOTION OF FREEDOM AND EQUALITY. 158 THERE WAS NO FIGHTING FOR ONE, UNLESS THERE WAS A WILLINGNESS TO DEFEND ALL. ... AND WHAT OF THE ee CHINESE? IS THE CHINAMAN TO BE THE NEW NEGRO IN AMERICA? I SUBMIT TO YOU THIS-- THE CHINAMAN SHOULD NOT BE EXPECTED TO WEAR THE SHOES CAST OFF BY THE NEGRO. AND IF HE REFUSES-- WHEN HE REFUSES--THERE WILL BE TROUBLE WITH THE CHINAMAN AS THERE WAS WITH THE NEGRO. THIS TROUBLE, HOWEVER, IS NOT THE CHINAMAN OR THE NEGRO, BUT THE SYSTEM THAT HAS SOUGHT TO REDUCE THEM TO SOMETHING LESS THAN HUMAN. THE CHINESE, THE NEGRO, THE AMERICAN INDIAN, WOMEN--WE ARE NOT BEASTS OF BURDEN. IT HAD BEEN MY MISSION TO BRING TO AN END THE PRESIDENCY OF ANDREW JOHNSON, A TREACHEROUS MAN OF NO MORAL FORTITUDE. Lh I CAMPAIGNED FOR GENERAL ULYSSES S. GRANT, FEELING HE WAS BEST SUITED TO CARRY ON THE LEGACY OF LINCOLN. WITH PRESIDENT GRANT IN OFFICE AND TWO AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION--ONE BANNING SLAVERY, AND THE OTHER AFFORDING EQUAL PROTECTION FOR ALL CITIZENS, INCLUDING

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57 NEGROES--IT WAS TIME TO TURN ATTENTION TO SUFFRAGE. THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT AND THE WOMEN’S SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT HAD LONG BEEN TIED TOGETHER. SADLY, THIS WOULD NOT LAST. AS CONGRESS BEGAN TO DEBATE THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION, GRANTING THE RIGHT TO VOTE TO BLACKS, IT DECIDED TO EXCLUDE WOMEN. THIS DECISION WOULD DRIVE A RIFT BETWEEN MYSELF AND MANY OF THE WOMEN I HAD LONG COUNTED AMONG MY ALLIES, INCLUDING ELIZABETH CADY STANTON AND SUSAN B. ANTHONY. re ESE I PLEADED WITH MY FRIENDS TO LISTEN TO REASON. THIS IS A SETBACK, BUT IT IS NOT PERMANENT. FIRST, WE SECURE THE RIGHT TO VOTE FOR NEGRO MEN, AND THEN WE CONTINUE TO FIGHT FOR WOMEN. 159 SUSAN B. ANTHONY WOULD NOT LISTEN. THE SAME HELD TRUE FOR ELIZABETH CADY STANTON. THE ISSUE OF SUFFRAGE NOT ONLY CREATED AN UNFORTUNATE AND INEXCUSABLE RIFT THAT PITTED BLACK MEN AGAINST WHITE WOMEN, IT ALSO FORCED BLACK WOMEN TO CHOOSE SIDES. MY FRIENDS SOJOURNER TRUTH AND FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER WERE AMONG THOSE THAT HAD TO MAKE DIFFICULT DECISIONS. I WILL NOT SUPPORT THE ENFRANCHISEMENT OF COLORED MEN IF IT DOES NOT COME ALONG WITH THE ENFRANCHISEMENT OF ALL WOMEN. I HAVE NOTHING TO GAIN IN THE PASSAGE OF THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT, AND THEREFORE NO REASON TO SUPPORT IT. IT IS DEPLORABLE THAT OUR GOVERNMENT WOULD GIVE THE VOTE TO UNEDUCATED MEN, FRESH FROM THE COTTON FIELDS AND INCAPABLE OF READING A BALLOT, BEFORE GIVING THE VOTE TO EDUCATED WOMEN. IF COLORED MEN GET RIGHTS, AND COLORED WOMEN DON’T GET THEIR RIGHTS, THERE WILL BE BAD TIMES. I DO NOT WANT TO CHOOSE, BUT IF IT IS A MATTER OF US AS BLACK FOLKS GAINING RIGHTS, EVEN IF IT IS JUST MEN FOR NOW, THEN I MUST LET THE ISSUE OF SEX GO FOR THE TIME BEING. 160 LOOKING BACK AND RECALLING § oy 7 eo s THE CONCERNS ABOUT MY y : DURING THIS TIME, I WENT PURPOSE AND RELEVANCE / % TO WORK AS EDITOR IN FOLLOWING EMANCIPATION, Se ae f CHIEF OF THE NEW NATIONAL I AM AMUSED BY THE DOUBTS i oe ERA, AND TOOK OVER AS THAT FILLED MY MIND. a ee ae ie : ‘gi PRESIDENT OF THE ILL- 2 Soe mY: j FATED FREEDMAN’S BANK. I WOULD BE NO LESS BUSY | ° IN THE YEARS FOLLOWING THE WAR THAN I HAD BEEN BEFORE. 2 AFTER HIS ELECTION, PRESIDENT GRANT j / APPOINTED ME AS THE ASSISTANT

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58 SECRETARY 3 ua TO THE COMMISSION INVESTIGATING THE POSSIBLE ANNEXATION OF SANTO DOMINGO. SIX YEARS LATER, PRESIDENT RUTHERFORD 8B. HAYES APPOINTED ME U.S. MARSHAL FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. < feh Speed Press and the teniSpeed Press a ophon « gos _registered trademarks of Penguin Random F HouseLC, Peibeary of Congress Cataloging-in- Publication Data is on file with the publisher. " ‘ Trade Paperback ISBN: 978-0-399-58144-1 eBook Ure ee IAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Tai 3 432 0 00230 DAVID F. WALKER i isan award: -winning comic book writer, author, filmmaker, journalist, and educator. His work in comic books includes — Shaft (Dynamite Entertainment), winner of the _ 2015 Glyph Award for Story of the Year; Power . Man and Iron Fist, Nighthawk, Luke Cage, Oey __ Avengers, and Deadpool (Marvel Comics); Cyborg: (DC Comics); Planet of the Apes (BOOM! Studios); Superb (Lion Forge); and Number 13 (Dark Horse Comics). He is also the cowriter and cocreator~ of Bitter Root (Image Comics). Walker teaches part- time at Portland State ey. He lives in Portland, Oregon. . DAMON SMYTH is an illustrator and mural artist from the Pacific Northwest. His past workcan be found in the comic book anthologies Fables for Japan and Where We Live. The Life of Frederick Douglass is his debut work asa graphic novelist. He currently lives in Portland, Oregon. MARISSA LOUISE is an illustrator and colorist whose color work has appeared in comics and _ graphic novels from Dark Horse, Image Comics, _and BOOM! Studios, among others. She lives outside of Portland, Oregon. Cover design by Chloe Rawlins _ Cover illustrations by Damon Smyth 19 TEN SPEED PRESS - California | New York » _ www.tenspeed.com aie) American citizens in the history of — Iker, Smyth, and Louise expertly relate the U.S. $19.99 / $25.99 CAN Comics - Non-fiction - Biography ISBN 978-0-399-58144-1 | | | Ly 9"780399 SB 144 1 AWA

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