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motivations drawing Italians to another location. motivations drawing Argentinians and to another location.

motivations drawing Italians to another location. motivations drawing Argentinians and to another location.

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motivations drawing Italians to another location. motivations drawing Argentinians and to another location.
most of the rest from Iberia. But Brazilian plantation owners, used to slave labor, treated their European workers like slaves, and the Italian and Spanish governments responded by forbidding new emigration, while many of the earlier immigrants left the plantations as soon as they could. This created a rural labor shortage that Brazil's planters and the government they dominated thought they would once again fill with nonwhite workers. They considered the importation of Chinese coolie labor, but rejected it on racial grounds. Japanese were also racially problematic in a country whose racial policy was to whiten the population through miscegenation, but Brazil's economy depended on its coffee exports, the biggest in the world, and Brazilian coffee planters needed labor. The first group of Japanese immigrants arrived in Brazil in 1908, with little knowledge of their new land, but with high hopes of earning Fore enough money in five years of plantation work of a to buy land of their own or to return to Japan with resources and their heads held high. Instead they found work that was hard and difficult under foremen who had been slave drivers and treated the contract laborers the same way as they had slaves. The conditions were so different from those promised by the Japanese emigration company that some migrants rebelled and left the plantations, especially when the steamship company failed to return the moneys they had deposited at the start of the journey.
Transcribed Image Text:most of the rest from Iberia. But Brazilian plantation owners, used to slave labor, treated their European workers like slaves, and the Italian and Spanish governments responded by forbidding new emigration, while many of the earlier immigrants left the plantations as soon as they could. This created a rural labor shortage that Brazil's planters and the government they dominated thought they would once again fill with nonwhite workers. They considered the importation of Chinese coolie labor, but rejected it on racial grounds. Japanese were also racially problematic in a country whose racial policy was to whiten the population through miscegenation, but Brazil's economy depended on its coffee exports, the biggest in the world, and Brazilian coffee planters needed labor. The first group of Japanese immigrants arrived in Brazil in 1908, with little knowledge of their new land, but with high hopes of earning Fore enough money in five years of plantation work of a to buy land of their own or to return to Japan with resources and their heads held high. Instead they found work that was hard and difficult under foremen who had been slave drivers and treated the contract laborers the same way as they had slaves. The conditions were so different from those promised by the Japanese emigration company that some migrants rebelled and left the plantations, especially when the steamship company failed to return the moneys they had deposited at the start of the journey.
The history of major Latin American countries, such as Argentina and Brazil in recent centuries, demonstrates that they were nations shaped-and reshaped-by immigration. At the height of mass transatlantic European immigration during the last decades of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, between 5 and 7 million Europeans immigrated to Latin America and the Caribbean. Less well known is the transoceanic labor migration to South America: the migration of Japanese indentured servants to Brazil during the first decades of the twentieth century. Some of the transoceanic immigrants to America were voluntary migrants, even when they South came as contract labor. This was the case of the Italian immigrants to Argentina-now probably that country's largest ethnic group-and also of the Japanese immigrants to Brazil. What makes these migration flows particularly interesting to teachers and students of world history is that a century later this migration flow reversed, sending the grandchildren of those Italian and Japanese immigrants back to an Italy or Japan that they had never known. Still others were involuntary migrants, as was the case with the African slaves whose descendants now compose a majority of Brazil's population of 180 million-justifying its claim to be the second-largest "African nation" after Nigeria. Italian Immigration to Argentina The first sizable contract labor migration from Italy to Argentina, however, took place during the closing decades of the century, when Argentine ranchers sought to take advantage of the opportunity created by an industrial Europe's increasing inability to feed itself, by adding grains and other food crops to their livestock on their ranches in the rich soil of central Argentina. These golondrinas-or swallows-were the first Italian migrants to grasp the opportunity created by this leap of globalization across the equator. They were called golondrinas, because like swallows they migrated with the seasons. In fact, they were probably the longest distance seasonal migrant laborers in history who took advantage of the difference in the seasons between the Northern and Southern hemispheres to harvest the crops in Italy and then take passage to Argentina literally in the steerage of the return passage of ships that transported live cattle from Argentina to Italy. Eventually, some of these Italian agricultural laborers chose to stay in Argentina, a land where food was plentiful and meat was cheap, a new nation with greater opportunities than "Copyright Achevement Fint. Uesn otherte nated, al of he contant in ha esoure a licensed undera Cout Como cense hierarchical rural Italy, while others returned to Italy with tales of gold in the streets and jewels in the sand that motivated friends and relatives to cross the Atlantic. The dramatic increase in Italian immigration to Argentina during the second half of the nineteenth century-which rose from less than 100,000 during the 1860s to more than 640,000 during the 1880s-reflected both the agricultural depression in northern Italy and the economic boom of the 1880s in South America, when foreign investment multiplied and exports doubled in a region that was being incorporated into an increasingly global economy centered on an industrializing and urbanizing Europe that could no longer feed or clothe itself from its own rural production. The resultant need for labor in both rural agriculture and urban export processing drew large numbers of European immigrants to Argentina-2.5 million between 1880 and 1930, the largest share of Latin America's seven-nine million immigrants during those decades-with Italians in the lead. The Argentinian government and private Argentinian landowners invested in steamships and hired agents to recruit poor Italians from rural Italian villages, both to "whiten" and "civilize" the mixed race population, and to secure experienced farmers to add export agriculture to rural Argentina's largely livestock economy. They would have to pay for their passage by working for a landowner for three to five years as indentured labor, breaking up the hard sod, farming a huge 500-acre plot, and turning his ranch into a farm with their strong arms and knowledge of agriculture. When their voluntary servitude was over, they would leave the estate planted with grains and flax-and the alfalfa needed to feed the rancher's new refined livestock. Part of their commitment was to leave these improvements to the landowner when their contract expired. But then they could leave to seek their own fortune-what Argentines called "hacer América" and in the United States we call "the American Dream." Migration from and to Japan and Brazil Under the Tokugawa Shogunate (1603-1867), Japanese emigration had been prohibited. During the Meiji period (1868-1912), which followed and opened Japan to the outside world, the Japanese government itself promoted emigration as a way of dealing with unemployment and rural overpopulation, and as a source of income via emigrant remittances. Moreover, the dislocations caused by Japan's rapid modernization and industrialization caused widespread rural poverty and distress. During this era, half a million Japanese emigrated, most of them to nearby Manchuria or Korea or to Pacific islands ike Hawail, where Japanese composed 40 percent of the population by the Us. takeover in 1898. It was not until the end of the Meiji period, when Japanese immigration began to meet resistance elsewhere, that Japanese began to migrate to Brazil. Brazil had promoted immigration during the closing decades of the nineteenth century as a replacement for the African slave labor that it finally abolished in 1888. But, as in Argentina, it was European immigration that its coffee planters had subsidized, in return for contract Aposter used in Japantoact labor on their plantations. From 1880 to 1900, 1.6 million South America ra highighted) immigrants to Bral.treads Lers go Europeans arrived in Brazil, half of them from Italy and wih your entire family
Transcribed Image Text:The history of major Latin American countries, such as Argentina and Brazil in recent centuries, demonstrates that they were nations shaped-and reshaped-by immigration. At the height of mass transatlantic European immigration during the last decades of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, between 5 and 7 million Europeans immigrated to Latin America and the Caribbean. Less well known is the transoceanic labor migration to South America: the migration of Japanese indentured servants to Brazil during the first decades of the twentieth century. Some of the transoceanic immigrants to America were voluntary migrants, even when they South came as contract labor. This was the case of the Italian immigrants to Argentina-now probably that country's largest ethnic group-and also of the Japanese immigrants to Brazil. What makes these migration flows particularly interesting to teachers and students of world history is that a century later this migration flow reversed, sending the grandchildren of those Italian and Japanese immigrants back to an Italy or Japan that they had never known. Still others were involuntary migrants, as was the case with the African slaves whose descendants now compose a majority of Brazil's population of 180 million-justifying its claim to be the second-largest "African nation" after Nigeria. Italian Immigration to Argentina The first sizable contract labor migration from Italy to Argentina, however, took place during the closing decades of the century, when Argentine ranchers sought to take advantage of the opportunity created by an industrial Europe's increasing inability to feed itself, by adding grains and other food crops to their livestock on their ranches in the rich soil of central Argentina. These golondrinas-or swallows-were the first Italian migrants to grasp the opportunity created by this leap of globalization across the equator. They were called golondrinas, because like swallows they migrated with the seasons. In fact, they were probably the longest distance seasonal migrant laborers in history who took advantage of the difference in the seasons between the Northern and Southern hemispheres to harvest the crops in Italy and then take passage to Argentina literally in the steerage of the return passage of ships that transported live cattle from Argentina to Italy. Eventually, some of these Italian agricultural laborers chose to stay in Argentina, a land where food was plentiful and meat was cheap, a new nation with greater opportunities than "Copyright Achevement Fint. Uesn otherte nated, al of he contant in ha esoure a licensed undera Cout Como cense hierarchical rural Italy, while others returned to Italy with tales of gold in the streets and jewels in the sand that motivated friends and relatives to cross the Atlantic. The dramatic increase in Italian immigration to Argentina during the second half of the nineteenth century-which rose from less than 100,000 during the 1860s to more than 640,000 during the 1880s-reflected both the agricultural depression in northern Italy and the economic boom of the 1880s in South America, when foreign investment multiplied and exports doubled in a region that was being incorporated into an increasingly global economy centered on an industrializing and urbanizing Europe that could no longer feed or clothe itself from its own rural production. The resultant need for labor in both rural agriculture and urban export processing drew large numbers of European immigrants to Argentina-2.5 million between 1880 and 1930, the largest share of Latin America's seven-nine million immigrants during those decades-with Italians in the lead. The Argentinian government and private Argentinian landowners invested in steamships and hired agents to recruit poor Italians from rural Italian villages, both to "whiten" and "civilize" the mixed race population, and to secure experienced farmers to add export agriculture to rural Argentina's largely livestock economy. They would have to pay for their passage by working for a landowner for three to five years as indentured labor, breaking up the hard sod, farming a huge 500-acre plot, and turning his ranch into a farm with their strong arms and knowledge of agriculture. When their voluntary servitude was over, they would leave the estate planted with grains and flax-and the alfalfa needed to feed the rancher's new refined livestock. Part of their commitment was to leave these improvements to the landowner when their contract expired. But then they could leave to seek their own fortune-what Argentines called "hacer América" and in the United States we call "the American Dream." Migration from and to Japan and Brazil Under the Tokugawa Shogunate (1603-1867), Japanese emigration had been prohibited. During the Meiji period (1868-1912), which followed and opened Japan to the outside world, the Japanese government itself promoted emigration as a way of dealing with unemployment and rural overpopulation, and as a source of income via emigrant remittances. Moreover, the dislocations caused by Japan's rapid modernization and industrialization caused widespread rural poverty and distress. During this era, half a million Japanese emigrated, most of them to nearby Manchuria or Korea or to Pacific islands ike Hawail, where Japanese composed 40 percent of the population by the Us. takeover in 1898. It was not until the end of the Meiji period, when Japanese immigration began to meet resistance elsewhere, that Japanese began to migrate to Brazil. Brazil had promoted immigration during the closing decades of the nineteenth century as a replacement for the African slave labor that it finally abolished in 1888. But, as in Argentina, it was European immigration that its coffee planters had subsidized, in return for contract Aposter used in Japantoact labor on their plantations. From 1880 to 1900, 1.6 million South America ra highighted) immigrants to Bral.treads Lers go Europeans arrived in Brazil, half of them from Italy and wih your entire family
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