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Context: Russia 1905-1907 Overall question: How effective were the Dumas? (only for the First and Second Dumas) Answer the question with these categories - Main parties/ key people (in the Duma) - Success - Failures/problems - Other important points Use information from the sheets

Context: Russia 1905-1907 Overall question: How effective were the Dumas? (only for the First and Second Dumas) Answer the question with these categories - Main parties/ key people (in the Duma) - Success - Failures/problems - Other important points Use information from the sheets

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Context: Russia 1905-1907 Overall question: How effective were the Dumas? (only for the First and Second Dumas) Answer the question with these categories - Main parties/ key people (in the Duma) - Success - Failures/problems - Other important points Use information from the sheets.
The Constitutional Experiment: the reign of the Dumas The October Manifesto had offered the chance of political change. The setting up of an elected duma was a major step towards some sort of constitutional government. The question was, whether the Tsar was willing to take up the constitutional challenge. The initial signs were not good. The Tsar made it clear in the Fundamental Laws, issued in April 1906, that the autocracy was still in ascendancy. "The sovereign Emperor possesses the initiative in all legislative matters... sovereign Emperor ratifies the laws. No laws can come into force without his a it seems that you may wish to have a little real power to initiate finance legislation. This was confirmed when it was announced that there will be second chamber, the State Council, with equal powers to the Duma. Half of the State Councils' members would be chosen by the Tsar. Only if both agreed to a legislative proposal would it go forward to the Czar for approval. Also, article 87 of the laws gave the Czar the right in 'exceptional circumstances to pass his own laws without consulting the Duma at all. These are also retain control of the military, foreign policy and the appointment of ministers. Too many liberals it seemed that the Tsar had reneged on his promises in October. The elections for the Duma employed a complicated system of electoral colleges designed to represent the different social classes. It was profoundly waited towards the upper classes. For instance, 2000 landowners were represented by one deputy and 90,000 workers were represented by one deputy. Despite this, the elections returned the Kadets as the largest party and there was significant representation on the left despite the fact that the revolutionary parties had boycotted the elections. The home of the Duma was the Tauride Palace. First Duma, May-July 1906 When the First Duma met in April 1906, there was immense hostility towards the Tsar. This was in spite of the fact that many of the more extreme parties boycotted the First Duma, including the Bolsheviks, SRs and the extreme right wing Union of the Russian People. Upon meeting, the deputies passed an 'address to the throne' in which they requested a political amnesty, the transfer of ministerial responsibility to the Duma, universal and direct male suffrage and the abolition of the State Council amongst other changes. There followed two months of bitter disagreement. It is reported that Nicholas said: 'Curse the Duma. It is all Witte's doing'. Witte resigned as Prime Minister, leading to his replacement by an old fashioned conservative, Ivan Goremykin. Nicholas made clear to Goremykin that the Duma's demands were 'totally inadmissible', whereupon, the Duma passed a vote of no confidence in the government and demanded the resignation of the Tsar's ministers. Ten weeks after its formation, the Duma was dissolved and Goremykin was replaced as Prime Minister by Pyotr Stolypin, who had an even stronger reputation as a hard-line conservative. In protest to the dissolving of the Duma, two hundred Kadet and Trudovik deputies went to Byborg in Finland from where they urged the Russian people not to pay their taxes. Later they were arrested and disbarred from re-election. Second Duma, February-June 1907 In the elections for the Second Duma, which met in February 1907, the Kadets and the moderates lost out to increased representation on the Left. There were over 200 left-wing deputies, partly because the revolutionary parties had ended their boycott. It was much more radical than the First Duma and was called "The Duma of National Anger'. Stolypin struggled to find any support for the agrarian reform programme he had drawn up and resorted to passing legislation under the Tsar's emergency powers while the Duma was not in session. When the Duma refused to ratify these, he spread a story about a plot to assassinate the Tsar and dissolved the Duma, arresting and exiling more radical delegates. Note: You need to consider the early dumas in the context of the times to make sense of what was going on and of the regime's response. Russia was still very unsettled in 1906. There was a major upsurge in peasant disturbances and, to a lesser degree, industrial unrest among workers. The peasants were very aware of the First Duma and sent in a large number of petitions. The Kadets felt there was a chance of winning concessions on key issues and were pitting themselves against the government. After the First Duma, the government cracked down hard on the Kadets, closing down their offices and dismissing members of the party from government service. However, the peasants and workers had confidence and great hope for the Second Duma and flocked to the polls in huge numbers. In St Petersburg over 70 per cent of eligible workers voted Third Duma, November 1907-June 1912 For the Third (and Fourth) Duma, Stolypin decided to change the electoral system to favour the upper and propertied classes. The peasants and workers were virtually excluded and non-Russian national groups much reduced. As a result, the Octobrists and right-wing parties predominated. As evidence of this, around 2200 of 2500 government proposals were passed. Even so, the Third Duma was not subservient and questioned the government hard, particularly on state finances. In 1911, the Duma had to be suspended twice, while the fovernment forced through legislation under emergency provisions. This being said, for the most part Stolypin was able to work with the more moderate centre parties to achieve progress in his social and economic reforms. Its main achievements included passing Stolypin's land reform, although he faced a lot of opposition. There was also an education law passed in 1908 which laid the foundations for universal education and improvements to the army and navy. The restoration of Justices of the Peace, replacing the hated Land Captains, and the introduction of a progressive national health insurance scheme, were two further reforms that were seen to benefit the lower classes. However, this time he found that it was the right-wing groups and nationalists who tried to put a brake on his reforms, probably with the support of the Tsar. While some argue the Third Duma displayed that it could work positively within the government and it did provide a training ground in constitutionalism, many felt that by 1912, it was clear that the Duma system was not working. Fourth Duma, November 1912-1917 The Fourth Duma was interrupted by the outbreak of the First World War and met intermittently during the war. It was a relatively docile body, and new Prime Minister Count Vladimir Nikolaevich Kokovtsov (after Stolypin was assassinated in 1911) simply ignored it. However, before the war, it attempted some reform of the Orthodox Church in an attempt to reduce state control, though Nicholas II made no final decisions in relation to this. They also supported the law of 1908 provided for universal education, meaning the number of primary schools had risen significantly up to 1914 and there was an improvement in literacy rates. Attempts to reduce vodka consumption were also discussed in relation to public health fears, though these were not successful because of the revenue it created for the regime. It was also critical of the government's handling of increasing social unrest, especially the Lena Goldfields Massacre of 1912. However, it remained weak as a result of its divisions and inability to enforce legislation. Furthermore, workers increasingly turned to strike action in the years before the First World War The Duma agreed to suspend itself for the duration of the war. However, when it became apparent that the government was managing the war very badly, the Duma pressurised the Tsar into recalling it in July 1915. It offered the Tsar one last opportunity to agree to limited constitutional government.
Transcribed Image Text:The Constitutional Experiment: the reign of the Dumas The October Manifesto had offered the chance of political change. The setting up of an elected duma was a major step towards some sort of constitutional government. The question was, whether the Tsar was willing to take up the constitutional challenge. The initial signs were not good. The Tsar made it clear in the Fundamental Laws, issued in April 1906, that the autocracy was still in ascendancy. "The sovereign Emperor possesses the initiative in all legislative matters... sovereign Emperor ratifies the laws. No laws can come into force without his a it seems that you may wish to have a little real power to initiate finance legislation. This was confirmed when it was announced that there will be second chamber, the State Council, with equal powers to the Duma. Half of the State Councils' members would be chosen by the Tsar. Only if both agreed to a legislative proposal would it go forward to the Czar for approval. Also, article 87 of the laws gave the Czar the right in 'exceptional circumstances to pass his own laws without consulting the Duma at all. These are also retain control of the military, foreign policy and the appointment of ministers. Too many liberals it seemed that the Tsar had reneged on his promises in October. The elections for the Duma employed a complicated system of electoral colleges designed to represent the different social classes. It was profoundly waited towards the upper classes. For instance, 2000 landowners were represented by one deputy and 90,000 workers were represented by one deputy. Despite this, the elections returned the Kadets as the largest party and there was significant representation on the left despite the fact that the revolutionary parties had boycotted the elections. The home of the Duma was the Tauride Palace. First Duma, May-July 1906 When the First Duma met in April 1906, there was immense hostility towards the Tsar. This was in spite of the fact that many of the more extreme parties boycotted the First Duma, including the Bolsheviks, SRs and the extreme right wing Union of the Russian People. Upon meeting, the deputies passed an 'address to the throne' in which they requested a political amnesty, the transfer of ministerial responsibility to the Duma, universal and direct male suffrage and the abolition of the State Council amongst other changes. There followed two months of bitter disagreement. It is reported that Nicholas said: 'Curse the Duma. It is all Witte's doing'. Witte resigned as Prime Minister, leading to his replacement by an old fashioned conservative, Ivan Goremykin. Nicholas made clear to Goremykin that the Duma's demands were 'totally inadmissible', whereupon, the Duma passed a vote of no confidence in the government and demanded the resignation of the Tsar's ministers. Ten weeks after its formation, the Duma was dissolved and Goremykin was replaced as Prime Minister by Pyotr Stolypin, who had an even stronger reputation as a hard-line conservative. In protest to the dissolving of the Duma, two hundred Kadet and Trudovik deputies went to Byborg in Finland from where they urged the Russian people not to pay their taxes. Later they were arrested and disbarred from re-election. Second Duma, February-June 1907 In the elections for the Second Duma, which met in February 1907, the Kadets and the moderates lost out to increased representation on the Left. There were over 200 left-wing deputies, partly because the revolutionary parties had ended their boycott. It was much more radical than the First Duma and was called "The Duma of National Anger'. Stolypin struggled to find any support for the agrarian reform programme he had drawn up and resorted to passing legislation under the Tsar's emergency powers while the Duma was not in session. When the Duma refused to ratify these, he spread a story about a plot to assassinate the Tsar and dissolved the Duma, arresting and exiling more radical delegates. Note: You need to consider the early dumas in the context of the times to make sense of what was going on and of the regime's response. Russia was still very unsettled in 1906. There was a major upsurge in peasant disturbances and, to a lesser degree, industrial unrest among workers. The peasants were very aware of the First Duma and sent in a large number of petitions. The Kadets felt there was a chance of winning concessions on key issues and were pitting themselves against the government. After the First Duma, the government cracked down hard on the Kadets, closing down their offices and dismissing members of the party from government service. However, the peasants and workers had confidence and great hope for the Second Duma and flocked to the polls in huge numbers. In St Petersburg over 70 per cent of eligible workers voted Third Duma, November 1907-June 1912 For the Third (and Fourth) Duma, Stolypin decided to change the electoral system to favour the upper and propertied classes. The peasants and workers were virtually excluded and non-Russian national groups much reduced. As a result, the Octobrists and right-wing parties predominated. As evidence of this, around 2200 of 2500 government proposals were passed. Even so, the Third Duma was not subservient and questioned the government hard, particularly on state finances. In 1911, the Duma had to be suspended twice, while the fovernment forced through legislation under emergency provisions. This being said, for the most part Stolypin was able to work with the more moderate centre parties to achieve progress in his social and economic reforms. Its main achievements included passing Stolypin's land reform, although he faced a lot of opposition. There was also an education law passed in 1908 which laid the foundations for universal education and improvements to the army and navy. The restoration of Justices of the Peace, replacing the hated Land Captains, and the introduction of a progressive national health insurance scheme, were two further reforms that were seen to benefit the lower classes. However, this time he found that it was the right-wing groups and nationalists who tried to put a brake on his reforms, probably with the support of the Tsar. While some argue the Third Duma displayed that it could work positively within the government and it did provide a training ground in constitutionalism, many felt that by 1912, it was clear that the Duma system was not working. Fourth Duma, November 1912-1917 The Fourth Duma was interrupted by the outbreak of the First World War and met intermittently during the war. It was a relatively docile body, and new Prime Minister Count Vladimir Nikolaevich Kokovtsov (after Stolypin was assassinated in 1911) simply ignored it. However, before the war, it attempted some reform of the Orthodox Church in an attempt to reduce state control, though Nicholas II made no final decisions in relation to this. They also supported the law of 1908 provided for universal education, meaning the number of primary schools had risen significantly up to 1914 and there was an improvement in literacy rates. Attempts to reduce vodka consumption were also discussed in relation to public health fears, though these were not successful because of the revenue it created for the regime. It was also critical of the government's handling of increasing social unrest, especially the Lena Goldfields Massacre of 1912. However, it remained weak as a result of its divisions and inability to enforce legislation. Furthermore, workers increasingly turned to strike action in the years before the First World War The Duma agreed to suspend itself for the duration of the war. However, when it became apparent that the government was managing the war very badly, the Duma pressurised the Tsar into recalling it in July 1915. It offered the Tsar one last opportunity to agree to limited constitutional government.
condi Wete The creation of a Duma was accompanied by the introduction of a franchise. The vote was given to all men over the age of 25, but not to women or members of the armed forces. However, there was a weakness in the system as electoral districts within provinces were not equally represented. Between 1905 and Nicholas II's abdication in March 1917, four Dumas were called. How did the four Dumas progress? The Dumas that were allowed to meet had rather mixed fortunes. First Duma, April-July 1906 Members of the first assembly participated in rigorous debate over matters of the Empire, such as the Polish question. However, the most important discussions concerned land distribution. The government stated that compulsory redistribution was not an option. This angered the First Duma who wanted a more radical solution; their disappointment and demands quickly gained press coverage. In response, Nicholas II claimed the actions of the Duma were illegal, and disbanded it after two months. Between the sitting of the First and Second Dumas, a new approach to dealing with dissidents was adopted, sparked by the arrest, trial and imprisonment of key Kadet and Labourist Party members who had signed the Vyborg Manifesto. The new chairman of the Council of Ministers, Stolypin, thought that the process of dealing with dissenters was too cumbersome and 'soft'. He therefore ordered the trial system for civilian rioters to be accelerated by introducing field court-martials that resulted in fast trials and thousands of executions. Second Duma, February-June 1907 The composition of the Second Duma was greatly affected by Stolypin's policies. There were fewer Kadets and Labourists, but more representatives from the SD, SR, Octobrists and the far right. However, the tsar and Stolypin continued to mistrust the work of the Duma over land reform and the management of the Russian army. When a SD member of the Duma was framed by the tsar for attempting to arrange an army mutiny, the tsar proclaimed that the Duma was subversive, dissolved it and overhauled the electoral system. Third Duma, November 1907-June 1912 As a result of the electoral reforms, the Third Duma consisted mainly of people loyal to the crown, such as wealthy property owners from the countryside and cities. There was also a significant reduction in nationalist members from non-Russian parts of the empire. However, as the historian J.N. Westwood has pointed out, 'an unrepresentative Duma was not necessarily an ineffective Duma'. During the period, major reforms strengthened the army and navy. The judicial system was further improved with the reinstatement of justices of the peace and the abolition of land captains. For the first time, state-run insurance schemes for workers were introduced. All of this occurred because Nicholas II and his ministers showed more trust in the lower chamber. Even though Stolypin did his best to destabilise the Duma by manipulating Article 87 to create an even greater bias towards autocracy, the lower chamber served its full term of office. The rule of Tsar Nicholas II Electoral reforms These reforms were introduced by Stolypin in June 1907 and involved changes to the voting system. As a result: the wealthiest 1 per cent of the electorate controlled 66 per cent of all seats in the new duma; the representation for workers and peasants was cut by roughly one- half; non-Russian representation was slashed by over one-half. Article 87 A section of the 1906 Fundamental Laws that allowed for proposed legislation to be submitted directly to the tsar for his approval without it having to be agreed to by the new Duma. 35
Transcribed Image Text:condi Wete The creation of a Duma was accompanied by the introduction of a franchise. The vote was given to all men over the age of 25, but not to women or members of the armed forces. However, there was a weakness in the system as electoral districts within provinces were not equally represented. Between 1905 and Nicholas II's abdication in March 1917, four Dumas were called. How did the four Dumas progress? The Dumas that were allowed to meet had rather mixed fortunes. First Duma, April-July 1906 Members of the first assembly participated in rigorous debate over matters of the Empire, such as the Polish question. However, the most important discussions concerned land distribution. The government stated that compulsory redistribution was not an option. This angered the First Duma who wanted a more radical solution; their disappointment and demands quickly gained press coverage. In response, Nicholas II claimed the actions of the Duma were illegal, and disbanded it after two months. Between the sitting of the First and Second Dumas, a new approach to dealing with dissidents was adopted, sparked by the arrest, trial and imprisonment of key Kadet and Labourist Party members who had signed the Vyborg Manifesto. The new chairman of the Council of Ministers, Stolypin, thought that the process of dealing with dissenters was too cumbersome and 'soft'. He therefore ordered the trial system for civilian rioters to be accelerated by introducing field court-martials that resulted in fast trials and thousands of executions. Second Duma, February-June 1907 The composition of the Second Duma was greatly affected by Stolypin's policies. There were fewer Kadets and Labourists, but more representatives from the SD, SR, Octobrists and the far right. However, the tsar and Stolypin continued to mistrust the work of the Duma over land reform and the management of the Russian army. When a SD member of the Duma was framed by the tsar for attempting to arrange an army mutiny, the tsar proclaimed that the Duma was subversive, dissolved it and overhauled the electoral system. Third Duma, November 1907-June 1912 As a result of the electoral reforms, the Third Duma consisted mainly of people loyal to the crown, such as wealthy property owners from the countryside and cities. There was also a significant reduction in nationalist members from non-Russian parts of the empire. However, as the historian J.N. Westwood has pointed out, 'an unrepresentative Duma was not necessarily an ineffective Duma'. During the period, major reforms strengthened the army and navy. The judicial system was further improved with the reinstatement of justices of the peace and the abolition of land captains. For the first time, state-run insurance schemes for workers were introduced. All of this occurred because Nicholas II and his ministers showed more trust in the lower chamber. Even though Stolypin did his best to destabilise the Duma by manipulating Article 87 to create an even greater bias towards autocracy, the lower chamber served its full term of office. The rule of Tsar Nicholas II Electoral reforms These reforms were introduced by Stolypin in June 1907 and involved changes to the voting system. As a result: the wealthiest 1 per cent of the electorate controlled 66 per cent of all seats in the new duma; the representation for workers and peasants was cut by roughly one- half; non-Russian representation was slashed by over one-half. Article 87 A section of the 1906 Fundamental Laws that allowed for proposed legislation to be submitted directly to the tsar for his approval without it having to be agreed to by the new Duma. 35
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