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According to the idea of a "textual continuum" on page 2 of your textbook, the Mohegan basket on page 8 can be considered a text. True or False

According to the idea of a "textual continuum" on page 2 of your textbook, the Mohegan basket on page 8 can be considered a text. True or False

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According to the idea of a "textual continuum" on page 2 of your textbook,

the Mohegan basket on page 8 can be considered a text.

True or False

2 INDIGENOUS ORAL AND VISUAL LITERATURES people could not maintain their own literary histories. Yet despite the destruction of Indigenous codices by Spanish priests, boarding schools throughout the U.S. and Canada that were deliberately designed other settler efforts separate Indigenous children from their own communities and traditions, and many to eliminate Indigenous people and cultures, Indigenous peoples and stories survived. And Indigenous writers, artists, and historians continue to engage with traditional literatures today, renewing the stories again. men which they belong can call into question the category of "American literature" itself: traditional literatures time, interpreting traditional literatures in the context of the specific tribal communities and histories to not only originate from a period before the existence of an "America" but also are cultivated and kept distinct from those of settler nation states such as the United States and Canada. within Indigenous tribal nations that have histories, governance systems, languages, and cultural practices European settlers have often evaluated Indigenous literatures in terms of a binary between oral lit- superior and more durable. In fact, traditional literatures cannot be understood according to this binary: erature-which settlers saw as untrustworthy and ephemeral and written literature, which they saw as traditional stories and knowledge are carefully preserved over centuries in oral form, and traditional literatures have always existed in a wide array of non-alphabetic visual forms as well, as shown in many of the following selections including pictographs, petroglyphs, wampum, and wood carvings. In this sense, traditional literatures exemplify what Cherokee scholar Christopher B. Teuton calls the "textual con- tinuum," a spectrum of oral, graphic (pictographic, hieroglyphic, and other non-alphabetic texts), and alphabetic texts. This multi-media continuum also corresponds to practices of preserving knowledge, making new knowledge, and questioning knowledge. Teuton explains that "The oral and graphic build on the premise that oral discourses are living forms of cultural knowledge, kept alive in the memory of members of a group; graphic discourses record tradition for posterity, to live beyond the lives of those the process who record them." Meanwhile, what Teuton calls the "critical impulse" questions and disrupts, making of keeping knowledge one of continual construction, rather than of static reproduction. Many of the works gathered here were recorded in English alphabetic script between the eighteenth and twenty-first centuries. Each of these versions reflects a centuries-long process of translation and circulation by Indigenous people and, sometimes, European settlers. The traditional literatures selected here were first told in an Indigenous language, and they continue to be told in Indigenous languages such as Anishinaabemowin, Wôpanâak, Mohegan, K'iche', Onöndowa'ga:' Gawë:nö' (Seneca), and Kanien'kéha (Mohawk). They were also, at various points in their histories, translated and transcribed in English, Spanish, or French, often by Indigenous intellectuals or knowledge keepers who made stra- tegic decisions about when and how to translate stories and circulate them in manuscript or in print networks. Some of these decisions occurred in the context of pressure from settler historians and anthro- pologists to record and "preserve" Indigenous literatures. At other times, settlers themselves transcribed Indigenous stories or made copies of pictographic texts, usually to serve their own research interests. Such stories recorded by settlers should be read with an especially critical eye; as scholar Craig Womack sug gests, because they reflect the recorder's own separation from the stories' culture of origin, they are often stripped of important cultural context and rendered as "artifacts" rather than living works.² In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, settlers often acted under the assumption that Indigenous bod I 2 lova HHH See Christopher B. Teuton, Deep Waters: The Textual Continuum in American Indian Literature (University of Nebraska Press, 2010). HA For an example of this issue discussed in detail, see Womack's Red on Red: Native American Literary Separatism (University of Minnesota Press, 1999). said "wround! ou vil sonra aidew mebibel ti F 0760 wys C 0 IS Ve Wi for refu afte desc to b Wam recog Tv provic Coope the tw Despite attest to member ond
Transcribed Image Text:2 INDIGENOUS ORAL AND VISUAL LITERATURES people could not maintain their own literary histories. Yet despite the destruction of Indigenous codices by Spanish priests, boarding schools throughout the U.S. and Canada that were deliberately designed other settler efforts separate Indigenous children from their own communities and traditions, and many to eliminate Indigenous people and cultures, Indigenous peoples and stories survived. And Indigenous writers, artists, and historians continue to engage with traditional literatures today, renewing the stories again. men which they belong can call into question the category of "American literature" itself: traditional literatures time, interpreting traditional literatures in the context of the specific tribal communities and histories to not only originate from a period before the existence of an "America" but also are cultivated and kept distinct from those of settler nation states such as the United States and Canada. within Indigenous tribal nations that have histories, governance systems, languages, and cultural practices European settlers have often evaluated Indigenous literatures in terms of a binary between oral lit- superior and more durable. In fact, traditional literatures cannot be understood according to this binary: erature-which settlers saw as untrustworthy and ephemeral and written literature, which they saw as traditional stories and knowledge are carefully preserved over centuries in oral form, and traditional literatures have always existed in a wide array of non-alphabetic visual forms as well, as shown in many of the following selections including pictographs, petroglyphs, wampum, and wood carvings. In this sense, traditional literatures exemplify what Cherokee scholar Christopher B. Teuton calls the "textual con- tinuum," a spectrum of oral, graphic (pictographic, hieroglyphic, and other non-alphabetic texts), and alphabetic texts. This multi-media continuum also corresponds to practices of preserving knowledge, making new knowledge, and questioning knowledge. Teuton explains that "The oral and graphic build on the premise that oral discourses are living forms of cultural knowledge, kept alive in the memory of members of a group; graphic discourses record tradition for posterity, to live beyond the lives of those the process who record them." Meanwhile, what Teuton calls the "critical impulse" questions and disrupts, making of keeping knowledge one of continual construction, rather than of static reproduction. Many of the works gathered here were recorded in English alphabetic script between the eighteenth and twenty-first centuries. Each of these versions reflects a centuries-long process of translation and circulation by Indigenous people and, sometimes, European settlers. The traditional literatures selected here were first told in an Indigenous language, and they continue to be told in Indigenous languages such as Anishinaabemowin, Wôpanâak, Mohegan, K'iche', Onöndowa'ga:' Gawë:nö' (Seneca), and Kanien'kéha (Mohawk). They were also, at various points in their histories, translated and transcribed in English, Spanish, or French, often by Indigenous intellectuals or knowledge keepers who made stra- tegic decisions about when and how to translate stories and circulate them in manuscript or in print networks. Some of these decisions occurred in the context of pressure from settler historians and anthro- pologists to record and "preserve" Indigenous literatures. At other times, settlers themselves transcribed Indigenous stories or made copies of pictographic texts, usually to serve their own research interests. Such stories recorded by settlers should be read with an especially critical eye; as scholar Craig Womack sug gests, because they reflect the recorder's own separation from the stories' culture of origin, they are often stripped of important cultural context and rendered as "artifacts" rather than living works.² In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, settlers often acted under the assumption that Indigenous bod I 2 lova HHH See Christopher B. Teuton, Deep Waters: The Textual Continuum in American Indian Literature (University of Nebraska Press, 2010). HA For an example of this issue discussed in detail, see Womack's Red on Red: Native American Literary Separatism (University of Minnesota Press, 1999). said "wround! ou vil sonra aidew mebibel ti F 0760 wys C 0 IS Ve Wi for refu afte desc to b Wam recog Tv provic Coope the tw Despite attest to member ond
8 INDIGENOUS ORAL AND VISUAL LITERATURE PETROGLYPH OF HUMAN Bedford, Nova PETROGLY tracco SUN X008 AYAR DAXIMA 100 images of medallions, trails, and plants. Its design, decoration, and construction process reflect The basket pictured here is woven from wood splints and painted with pink, green, and white Mohegan textual traditions that extend far beyond alphabetic literature: as the Cree scholar for writing. Alphabetic literature-such as the work of the Mohegan minister Samson Occom, Stephanie Fitzgerald points out, the Mohegan word for painting, wuskuswang, is also the word included elsewhere in this anthology-can be understood as a newcomer to a longstanding tem tradition that includes painted images on baskets, pictographs inscribed on rocks and birchbark, PAINTED WOOD-SPLINT STORAGE BASKET (c. 1817) and wampum belts. The process of making a basket requires one to select a log, soak it, strip the bark, and weave the strips together before painting the basket. This work is collaborative, often performed by (though in the nineteenth century more men also made baskets to support their communities). Basket making is a time for sharing stories and knowledge, some of which are inscribed in images on the baskets themselves. As Mohegan women Gladys Tantaquidgeon and Jayne Fawcett note, basket makers adorn their baskets by drawing on a "Mohegan symbolic vocabulary," which includes designs that tell certain stories. For example, the domed medallions on this basket represent the four directions; the leaves and pink dots represent strawberries and other plants that sustain Mohegan people; and the trails represent the trail of life as well as specific Mohegan journeys. I Mohegan 30.com See Gladys Tantaquidgeon and Jayne G. Fawcett, "Symbolic Motifs on Painted Baskets of the Mohegan-Pequot, A Key into the Language of Woodsplint Baskets, eds. Ann McMullen and Russell G. Handsman (American Indian Archaeological Institute, 1987). C
Transcribed Image Text:8 INDIGENOUS ORAL AND VISUAL LITERATURE PETROGLYPH OF HUMAN Bedford, Nova PETROGLY tracco SUN X008 AYAR DAXIMA 100 images of medallions, trails, and plants. Its design, decoration, and construction process reflect The basket pictured here is woven from wood splints and painted with pink, green, and white Mohegan textual traditions that extend far beyond alphabetic literature: as the Cree scholar for writing. Alphabetic literature-such as the work of the Mohegan minister Samson Occom, Stephanie Fitzgerald points out, the Mohegan word for painting, wuskuswang, is also the word included elsewhere in this anthology-can be understood as a newcomer to a longstanding tem tradition that includes painted images on baskets, pictographs inscribed on rocks and birchbark, PAINTED WOOD-SPLINT STORAGE BASKET (c. 1817) and wampum belts. The process of making a basket requires one to select a log, soak it, strip the bark, and weave the strips together before painting the basket. This work is collaborative, often performed by (though in the nineteenth century more men also made baskets to support their communities). Basket making is a time for sharing stories and knowledge, some of which are inscribed in images on the baskets themselves. As Mohegan women Gladys Tantaquidgeon and Jayne Fawcett note, basket makers adorn their baskets by drawing on a "Mohegan symbolic vocabulary," which includes designs that tell certain stories. For example, the domed medallions on this basket represent the four directions; the leaves and pink dots represent strawberries and other plants that sustain Mohegan people; and the trails represent the trail of life as well as specific Mohegan journeys. I Mohegan 30.com See Gladys Tantaquidgeon and Jayne G. Fawcett, "Symbolic Motifs on Painted Baskets of the Mohegan-Pequot, A Key into the Language of Woodsplint Baskets, eds. Ann McMullen and Russell G. Handsman (American Indian Archaeological Institute, 1987). C
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