430 THE CLASSICAL JOURNAL friends to Caesar's favord she won soldiers from Octavian for Antony's Parthian wars she endured Antony's unfaithfulness; but her honorable deportment served to damage Antony's cause, making him hated because of the wrong he did such a woman. would almost seem as if upon her head had burst the storms of passion riences with Octavia's predecessor Fulvia, and her rival Cleopatra. Cleopatra, of a cussion of the women From ambition and from her desire to get her husband, whose rights ostensibly she wanted to defend, away from Cleopatra, she with Manius renewed the Civil War. Lucius was sent into the field, where he had nothing to do; and his fellow legates only supported him for appearance's sake. After the surrender of Perusia, Fulvia fled beyond Puteoli to Brundisium and Octavian did not prevent her sailing with L. Plautus, since his regard for her husband and for Sextus Pompeius, in Sicily, persuaded his sparing them. :... Fulvia and Antonius finally met in Athens; but because of her failure he was embittered against her; and the blighting of all her fond hopes and the useless waste of their treasure broke her. She became ill on the return trip and died in Sicyon without Antony's seeing her again. The news of her death hastened the peace between him and Octavian at Brundisium. POSITION OF WOMEN IN THE LATE ROMAN REPUBLIC 431 It through which he must have passed in his violent expe- foreign land, be omitted for she was the quintessence of almost all that were swaying women of that day-greed, selfishness, thirst a hardly claim a place in a dis- Republic. But Fulvia cannot passions can the Roman the for power. She ewas the edaughter of a plebeian, which may account P. Clodius, "Fulvia," says Velleius, "had nothing womanly about her except her body; and circumstances allowed her to revenge that blunder of nature. for her coarseness. She was married three times, to a we have beginning of her career was Caesar's death; mulier auctionem provinciarum regnorumque faciebat; restituebantur exsules, says C. Curio, and to said before; "but the real Warrior-woman,' marriage to her was merely a means whereby she might rule through men and over them. Her ambition needed an outward support; she could only murder the defenseless and plunder the down-trodden; when she stepped out independently, her rôle ended." An extreme case, to be sure, and not one from which to draw conclusions. But from all the cases at hand surely conclusions Cicero, though it hardly needed a participation in public affairs for the widow of Clodius to be hated by Cicero. How he regarded her can be seen in the Philippics. Every act of hers was used by him to paint her as a monster, even the punishment of the assassins at Brundisium, October, 44 B.C., at which she was present. During the war at Mutina she stayed in Rome, where she kept all her party busy, though often hard pressed. She had much to bring tage and much to revenge when Antony joined himself to Octavian in 43. She was much closer to him when she espoused her daughter to him. In her position she could not turn aside the terror which broke over Rome at this union, but she could lighten it;: she could become its protective spirit, and she became its destroying angel. Antonius placed no check upon her, and she carried out her bloody revenge as she pleased. Her enemies and the property which she destroyed were often unknown to the triumvirs. She reveled in murder and revenge and she numbered among her victims Cicero. Above all things she knew no pity. She alone among the relatives of the triumvirs would speak no word for the women upon whom the tax was levied in 43 B.C Then Antonius and Octavianus were busy with the war at Philippi; the weak Lepidus made no move; and she carried on matters as she chose. Even Antony could celebrate a victory as consul only when she decreed. may drawn; conclusions which would merely repeat our thesis her advan- that the public activity of the women of the late Republic was largely dependent upon the political position of the men of their families; and in that position individually they exerted a great deal of influence. The question still remains to be answered whether collectively or by concerted action women endeavored to gain either political power or to win for themselves any particular privileges. A good study of this general emancipation of women is a dis- sertation by J. Teufer, Berlin, 1913: Zur Geschichte der Frauene- manzipation im alten Rom, eine Shudie zu Livius xxxiv 1-8. The thesis has to do with that description by Livy of the concerted efforts on the part of the women of Rome, in 195 B.C., to obtain a repeal of the Oppian Law, which had been passed after the battle of Cannae when the state needed all her resources against Hannibal, and to conserve these resources for the use of the state had placed Plut. Marcus Antonius. Dio Cassius xlir. 33 and 34- Cic. Phil. v. II. App. iv. 29; Dio xlvii. 8. a. Drumann, II, 310. *li. 74- 3- * Dio xlvii. 10. 3; Plut. Ant. 1o; Val. Max. iii. 5. 3.

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430
THE CLASSICAL JOURNAL
friends to Caesar's favor she won soldiers from Octavian for
Antony's Parthian wars she endured Antony's unfaithfulness;
but her honorable deportment served to damage Antony's cause,
making him hated because of the wrong he did such
would almost seem as
431
From ambition and from her desire to get her husband, whose rights ostensibly
She wanted to defend, away from Cleopatra, she with Manius renewed the
Civil War. Lucius was sent into the field, where he had nothing to do; and
his fellow legates only supported him for appearance's sake.
After the surrender of Perusia, Fulvia fled beyond Puteoli to Brundisium
and Octavian did not prevent her sailing with L. Plautus, since his regard for
her husband and for Sextus Pompeius, in Sicily, persuaded his sparing them.
:... Fulvia and Antonius finally met in Athens; but because of her failure
he was embittered against her; and the blighting of all her fond hopes and the
useless waste of their treasure broke her. She became ill on the return trip
and died in Sicyon without Antony's seeing her again. The news of her death
hastened the peace between him and Octavian at Brundisium.
POSITION OF WOMEN IN THE LATE ROMAN REPUBLIC
It
woman.
upon her head had burst the storms of
passion through which he must have passed in his violent expe-
riences with Octavia's predecessor Fulvia, and her rival Cleopatra.
Cleopatra, of
cussion of
the a foreign land, can
hardly claim a place in a dis-
women of the Roman Republic. But Fulvia cannot
be omitted for she was the quintessence of almost all the passions
swaying women of that day-greed, selfishness, thirst
of a plebeian, which may account
for power. She was the daughter c
for her coarseness. She was married three times, to P. Clodius,
C. Curio, and to Antony, as we have said before; "but the real
beginning of her career was Caesar's death; mulier auctionem
provinciarum regnorumque faciebat; reslituebantur exsules, says
Cicero, though it hardly needed a participation in public affairs
for the widow of Clodius to be hated by Cicero. How he regarded
her can be seen in the Philippics. Every act of hers was used by
him to paint her as a monster, even the punishment of the assassins
at Brundisium, October, 44 B.C., at which she was present.
"Fulvia," says Velleius, "had nothing womanly about her
except her body; and circumstances allowed her to revenge that
blunder of nature. Warrior-woman, marriage to her was merely
a means whereby she might rule through men and over them.
Her ambition needed an outward support; she could only murder
the defenseless and plunder the down-trodden; when she stepped
independently, her rôle ended."
An extreme case, to be sure, and not one from which to draw
conclusions. But from all the cases at hand surely conclusions
may be drawn; conclusions which would merely repeat our thesis
that the public activity of the women of the late Republic was
largely dependent upon the political position of the men of their
families; and in that position individually they exerted a great
deal of influence. The question still remains to be answered
whether collectively or by concerted action women endeavored to
gain either political power or to win for themselves any particular
privileges.
A good study of this general emancipation of women is a dis-
sertation by J. Teufer, Berlin, 1913: Zur Geschichte der Frauene-
manzipation im alten Rom, eine Shudie zu Livius xxxiv 1-8. The
thesis has to do with that description by Livy of the concerted
efforts on the part of the women of Rome, in 195 B.C., to obtain a
repeal of the Oppian Law, which had been passed after the battle
of Cannae when the state needed all her resources against Hannibal,
and to conserve these resources for the use of the state had placed
out
During the war at Mutina she stayed in Rome, where she kept all her
party busy, though often hard pressed. She had much to bring to her advan-
tage and much to revenge when Antony joined himself to Octavian in 43. She
was much closer to him when she espoused her daughter to him. In her
position she could not turn aside the terror which broke over Rome at this
union, but she could lighten it; she could become its protective spirit, and she
became its destroying angel. Antonius placed no check upon her, and she
carried out her bloody revenge as she pleased. Her enemies and the property
which she destroyed were often unknown to the triumvirs.
She reveled in murder and revenge and she numbered among her victims
Cicero. Above all things she knew no pity. She alone among the relatives
of the triumvirs would speak no word for the women upon whom the tax was
levied in 43 B.C Then Antonius and Octavianus were busy with the war at
Philippi; the weak Lepidus made no move; and she carried on matters as she
chose. Even Antony could celebrate a victory as consul only when she decreed.
Plut. Marcus Antonius.
Dio Cassius zlir. 33 and 34-
Cic. Phil. v. II.
App. iv. 29; Dio xlvii. 8. a.
Drumann, II, 310.
1 i. 74- 3-
*Dio xiviii. 10. 3; Plut. Ant. 1o; Val. Max. ii, 5. 3.
Transcribed Image Text:430 THE CLASSICAL JOURNAL friends to Caesar's favor she won soldiers from Octavian for Antony's Parthian wars she endured Antony's unfaithfulness; but her honorable deportment served to damage Antony's cause, making him hated because of the wrong he did such would almost seem as 431 From ambition and from her desire to get her husband, whose rights ostensibly She wanted to defend, away from Cleopatra, she with Manius renewed the Civil War. Lucius was sent into the field, where he had nothing to do; and his fellow legates only supported him for appearance's sake. After the surrender of Perusia, Fulvia fled beyond Puteoli to Brundisium and Octavian did not prevent her sailing with L. Plautus, since his regard for her husband and for Sextus Pompeius, in Sicily, persuaded his sparing them. :... Fulvia and Antonius finally met in Athens; but because of her failure he was embittered against her; and the blighting of all her fond hopes and the useless waste of their treasure broke her. She became ill on the return trip and died in Sicyon without Antony's seeing her again. The news of her death hastened the peace between him and Octavian at Brundisium. POSITION OF WOMEN IN THE LATE ROMAN REPUBLIC It woman. upon her head had burst the storms of passion through which he must have passed in his violent expe- riences with Octavia's predecessor Fulvia, and her rival Cleopatra. Cleopatra, of cussion of the a foreign land, can hardly claim a place in a dis- women of the Roman Republic. But Fulvia cannot be omitted for she was the quintessence of almost all the passions swaying women of that day-greed, selfishness, thirst of a plebeian, which may account for power. She was the daughter c for her coarseness. She was married three times, to P. Clodius, C. Curio, and to Antony, as we have said before; "but the real beginning of her career was Caesar's death; mulier auctionem provinciarum regnorumque faciebat; reslituebantur exsules, says Cicero, though it hardly needed a participation in public affairs for the widow of Clodius to be hated by Cicero. How he regarded her can be seen in the Philippics. Every act of hers was used by him to paint her as a monster, even the punishment of the assassins at Brundisium, October, 44 B.C., at which she was present. "Fulvia," says Velleius, "had nothing womanly about her except her body; and circumstances allowed her to revenge that blunder of nature. Warrior-woman, marriage to her was merely a means whereby she might rule through men and over them. Her ambition needed an outward support; she could only murder the defenseless and plunder the down-trodden; when she stepped independently, her rôle ended." An extreme case, to be sure, and not one from which to draw conclusions. But from all the cases at hand surely conclusions may be drawn; conclusions which would merely repeat our thesis that the public activity of the women of the late Republic was largely dependent upon the political position of the men of their families; and in that position individually they exerted a great deal of influence. The question still remains to be answered whether collectively or by concerted action women endeavored to gain either political power or to win for themselves any particular privileges. A good study of this general emancipation of women is a dis- sertation by J. Teufer, Berlin, 1913: Zur Geschichte der Frauene- manzipation im alten Rom, eine Shudie zu Livius xxxiv 1-8. The thesis has to do with that description by Livy of the concerted efforts on the part of the women of Rome, in 195 B.C., to obtain a repeal of the Oppian Law, which had been passed after the battle of Cannae when the state needed all her resources against Hannibal, and to conserve these resources for the use of the state had placed out During the war at Mutina she stayed in Rome, where she kept all her party busy, though often hard pressed. She had much to bring to her advan- tage and much to revenge when Antony joined himself to Octavian in 43. She was much closer to him when she espoused her daughter to him. In her position she could not turn aside the terror which broke over Rome at this union, but she could lighten it; she could become its protective spirit, and she became its destroying angel. Antonius placed no check upon her, and she carried out her bloody revenge as she pleased. Her enemies and the property which she destroyed were often unknown to the triumvirs. She reveled in murder and revenge and she numbered among her victims Cicero. Above all things she knew no pity. She alone among the relatives of the triumvirs would speak no word for the women upon whom the tax was levied in 43 B.C Then Antonius and Octavianus were busy with the war at Philippi; the weak Lepidus made no move; and she carried on matters as she chose. Even Antony could celebrate a victory as consul only when she decreed. Plut. Marcus Antonius. Dio Cassius zlir. 33 and 34- Cic. Phil. v. II. App. iv. 29; Dio xlvii. 8. a. Drumann, II, 310. 1 i. 74- 3- *Dio xiviii. 10. 3; Plut. Ant. 1o; Val. Max. ii, 5. 3.
432
THE CLASSICAL JOURNAL
433
selves. Whether there was a general movement directed toward such an end
is a question which is closely connected with the general question as to the
political activity of women in Rome. At least there was no such eflort for
political recognition as marks the endeavors of the sufragist today; for seditio
ed secessio muliebris (Livy xxiv. 5. s) as
horrible sound to the Roman. Actually, the desire for political rights was far
from the minds of the Roman women; for back of the idea cum feminis nulla
comitiorum communio est" lay the state principle that participation in politics
was dependent upon the ability to bear arms.
This was logically understood in Valerius' reply to Cato that he should put
women into uniforms and then they might have a share also in the general
assembly; or in Hortensia's claim that having no representation they ought
not be taxed. This uprising of women was not a revolt against the law, but
merely a claim for the womanly privileges of dress, pleasure, and equipage.
Its only political significance lay in the fact that in meeting their demands
a law had to be revoked. Zonoras' and Dio Cassius' accounts are tinged by
the fact that in their time, the second century A.D., the women did have some
political ambitions.
The whole significance of this uprising lay in the two facts that
first of all, the two parties rising in the state, personified in Cato and Valerius;
and, in the second place, it illustrates the force of women to influence and gain
a majority vote. If the Roman government never gave to women the political
rights which it gave to men, the rôle that they played in Roman history-
that rôle in which we have seen so many women-is all the more significant.
POSITION OF WOMEN IN THE LATE ROMAN REPUBLIC
Ve the abrogation of the law and the speech in defense by
. Valerius, though neither may be absolutely authentic, gives
4 good personification, in Cato of the period of conflict between
the context, had a
can be seen
an their influence to bear upon their husbands and the men of their
families, they besieged the doors of the tribunate and would Hoe
depart until the tribunes had given their promises to repeal the
In the speech of Valerius we may see perhaps one of the very
law.
earliest speeches in favor of woman's rights: Vos in manu et lulela,
non in servitio debetis kabere cos et malle patres pos aut viros quam dom-
inos dici
showed,
due to the psychological consideration of their mental inferiority
to man.
The belief in the inferiority of woman to man had always been
: quo plus polestis, co moderatius imperio uti debetis.'
Hence that lack of freedom which Valerius in his speech
characterizes as life-long slavery, woman having been always, as we
aw in the beginning, under the control of father, husband, or
ator.
That the women had helped the state collectively before this
time is evident from Dio H. 8. 39; Plut. Coriolanus 33; Livy ii. 40;
Xxxiv. 5. 9, when they had apparently passed a decree among
themselves to help save the state; and when they had sacrificed
their gold ornaments to assist the state (cf. Livy, v. 25; 50; Xxxiv.
5- 9; Plut. Camill. 8; Val. Max. 5. 6. 8).
Historians have left undecided how far the authority of the
state can have influenced the conduct of women in these matters
(cf. Liv. ii. 40; Dio H. 8. 62; Plut. Coriolanus 39). But so far
were the Romans from casting doubts upon their independent
co-operation, that they regarded certain honors and privileges which
women enjoyed as a thank-offering of the country for women's
willingness to make sacrifices for the state (cf. Plut. Rom. 20; Val.
Max. 5. 2. 1; Liv. ii. 40, 11 f.). Moreover, occasional assemblages
* Gellius 5. 19; Val. Max. 3. 8. 6.
Zon. 9. 17.
"The development of the state and the assumption of those
otectorial rights formerly exercised by the head of the family
s advantageous to woman; and she obtained more and more the
e position before the law as man.
at Rome, so here, the turning-point was the Second Punic
As in the development of cul-
re effect on the position of woman socially of the gradual
in the marriage customs, we have seen, is illustrated in the
the individual women whom we have discussed.
dependent with this social change, this development from the
stage of society to one in which the individual counted was the
freedom in civil rights. It can hardly be conceived that this exten-
s came about without some effort on the part of the women them-
v. 7. 13.
issertation, p. 2g.
3 Appian iv. 33.
Teufer, Dissertation, chap. v.
Ibid., pp. 34 f.
Transcribed Image Text:432 THE CLASSICAL JOURNAL 433 selves. Whether there was a general movement directed toward such an end is a question which is closely connected with the general question as to the political activity of women in Rome. At least there was no such eflort for political recognition as marks the endeavors of the sufragist today; for seditio ed secessio muliebris (Livy xxiv. 5. s) as horrible sound to the Roman. Actually, the desire for political rights was far from the minds of the Roman women; for back of the idea cum feminis nulla comitiorum communio est" lay the state principle that participation in politics was dependent upon the ability to bear arms. This was logically understood in Valerius' reply to Cato that he should put women into uniforms and then they might have a share also in the general assembly; or in Hortensia's claim that having no representation they ought not be taxed. This uprising of women was not a revolt against the law, but merely a claim for the womanly privileges of dress, pleasure, and equipage. Its only political significance lay in the fact that in meeting their demands a law had to be revoked. Zonoras' and Dio Cassius' accounts are tinged by the fact that in their time, the second century A.D., the women did have some political ambitions. The whole significance of this uprising lay in the two facts that first of all, the two parties rising in the state, personified in Cato and Valerius; and, in the second place, it illustrates the force of women to influence and gain a majority vote. If the Roman government never gave to women the political rights which it gave to men, the rôle that they played in Roman history- that rôle in which we have seen so many women-is all the more significant. POSITION OF WOMEN IN THE LATE ROMAN REPUBLIC Ve the abrogation of the law and the speech in defense by . Valerius, though neither may be absolutely authentic, gives 4 good personification, in Cato of the period of conflict between the context, had a can be seen an their influence to bear upon their husbands and the men of their families, they besieged the doors of the tribunate and would Hoe depart until the tribunes had given their promises to repeal the In the speech of Valerius we may see perhaps one of the very law. earliest speeches in favor of woman's rights: Vos in manu et lulela, non in servitio debetis kabere cos et malle patres pos aut viros quam dom- inos dici showed, due to the psychological consideration of their mental inferiority to man. The belief in the inferiority of woman to man had always been : quo plus polestis, co moderatius imperio uti debetis.' Hence that lack of freedom which Valerius in his speech characterizes as life-long slavery, woman having been always, as we aw in the beginning, under the control of father, husband, or ator. That the women had helped the state collectively before this time is evident from Dio H. 8. 39; Plut. Coriolanus 33; Livy ii. 40; Xxxiv. 5. 9, when they had apparently passed a decree among themselves to help save the state; and when they had sacrificed their gold ornaments to assist the state (cf. Livy, v. 25; 50; Xxxiv. 5- 9; Plut. Camill. 8; Val. Max. 5. 6. 8). Historians have left undecided how far the authority of the state can have influenced the conduct of women in these matters (cf. Liv. ii. 40; Dio H. 8. 62; Plut. Coriolanus 39). But so far were the Romans from casting doubts upon their independent co-operation, that they regarded certain honors and privileges which women enjoyed as a thank-offering of the country for women's willingness to make sacrifices for the state (cf. Plut. Rom. 20; Val. Max. 5. 2. 1; Liv. ii. 40, 11 f.). Moreover, occasional assemblages * Gellius 5. 19; Val. Max. 3. 8. 6. Zon. 9. 17. "The development of the state and the assumption of those otectorial rights formerly exercised by the head of the family s advantageous to woman; and she obtained more and more the e position before the law as man. at Rome, so here, the turning-point was the Second Punic As in the development of cul- re effect on the position of woman socially of the gradual in the marriage customs, we have seen, is illustrated in the the individual women whom we have discussed. dependent with this social change, this development from the stage of society to one in which the individual counted was the freedom in civil rights. It can hardly be conceived that this exten- s came about without some effort on the part of the women them- v. 7. 13. issertation, p. 2g. 3 Appian iv. 33. Teufer, Dissertation, chap. v. Ibid., pp. 34 f.
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