ChineseEthics
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e
T
Blackwell
Companions
to
Philosophy
AtCompanion
to
Ethics;
Edited
by
PETER
SINGER
BLACKWELL
REFERENCE
Copyright
¢
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Bl
Copyri
ackwe
Editorial
Organigatio
,
ek
1
n
(-
Peter
Singer
I991
First
published
5
991
First
published
in
USA
1991
Basil
Blackwelt
Ltd
108
Cowley
Road,
Oxford,
OX
4
1jF.
UK
Basil
Blackwell,
Ine,
8
(ambridge
Center
ambridge,
Massachusetts
02
142,
USA
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Introduction
The
title
A
Companion
to
Ethics
may
suggest
a
volume
with
short
entries,
in
alphabetical
order,
providing
summary
information
about
leading
theories,
ideas
and
people
in
the
academic
discipline
of
ethics.
As
a
glance
at
the
outline
of
the
volume
(following
this
introduction)
will
show,
this
book
is
very
different.
It
consists
of
47
original
essays.
These
essays
deal
with
the
origins
of
ethics,
with
the
great
ethical
traditions,
with
theories
about
how
we
ought
to
live,
with
arguments
about
specific
ethical
issues,
and
with
the
nature
of
ethics
itself.
(In
accordance
with
current
usage,
in
this
book
‘ethics’
will
usually
be
used
not
only
for
the
study
of
morality
(that
is,
as
a
synonym
for
‘moral
philosophy’
but
also
to
refer
to
the
subject
matter
of
that
study,
in
other
words
as
meaning
‘morality”.)
I
have
chosen
to
organize
the
book
in
this
way
because
it
is
vital
that
ethics
not
be
treated
as
something
remote,
to
be
studied
only
by
scholars
locked
away
in
universities.
Ethics
deals
with
values,
with
good
and
bad,
with
right
and
wrong.
We
cannot
avoid
involverhent
in
ethics,
for
what
we
do
—
and
what
we
don't
do
-
is
always
a
possible
subject
of
ethical
evaluation.
Anyone
who
thinks
about
what
he
or
she
ought
to
do
is,
consciously
or
unconsciously,
involved
in
ethics.
When
we
begin
to
think
more
seriously
about
these
questions,
we
may
begin
by
exploring
our
own
underlying
values
but
we
will
also
be
travelling
over
roads
that
have
been
trodden
by
many
other
thinkers,
in
different
cultures,
for
well
over
twc
thousand
years.
For
such
a
journey
it
is
helpful
to
have
a
guide
with
informatior
about
the
path
we
shall
tread,
how
it
came
to
be
laid
out,
the
major
forks
where
people
have
taken
alternative
routes,
and
who
has
been
there
before
us.
Mort
valuable
still,
however,
is
the
kind
of
companion
who
will
stimulate
our
though
about
the
route
we
are
taking
and
warn
us
of
the
traps
and
culs-de-sac
that
have
stopped
others
making
progress.
So
the
best
way
to
use
this
book
is
to
go
first
to
the
Qutline
of
Contents,
a
king
of
map
of
the
book,
with
explanatory
notes
at
points
where
the
map
migh
otherwise
be
unclear
to
those
who
do
not
already
know
the
territory.
Then
depending
on
your
interests,
you
may
wish
to
start
at
the
beginning
and
worl
your
way
through,
or
you
may
prefer
to
read
specific
essays
on
subjects
tha
interest
you.
To
find
any
subject
not
mentioned
in
the
Outline
of
Contents,
consul
the
Index.
It
is
designed
to
make
it
easy
to
find
not
only
specific
concepts
o
theories,
for
example
justice,
or
utilitarianism,
but
also
particular
aspects
of
topict
Thus
under
‘killing’
you
will
find
not
a
single
heading,
but
also
sub-headings
tha
will
lead
you
to
discussions
of
ethical
aspects
of
killing
in
Buddhism,
Hinduist
PART
Il
-
THE
GREAT
ETHICAL
TRADITIONS
Both
the
early
and
later
traditions
of
Buddhism
continue
as
living
traditions
in
different
parts
of
the
Eastern
world
and
their
impact
has
spread
to
the
West.
While
the
ethics
of
Buddhism
influence
the
daily
lives
of
its
adherents,
there
is
a
great
admixture
of
rituals
and
conventional
practices
of
each
culture,
which
can
both
be
an
aid
to
the
development
of
the
teachings
of
the
Buddha
as
well
as
an
obstruction.
Thus
Buddhism
continues
to
live
in
the
minds
of
people
at
different
levels.
of
routine
practice
and
rituals,
intellectual
reflection
and
debate,
and
a
deeper
personal
quest
rooted
in
Buddhist
meditation.
References
The
reader
who
is
interested
in
reading
the
discourses
of
the
Buddha
may
follow
hp
by
reading
the
following
texts:
Gradual
Sayings;
Vols.
I
11,
V,
trans.
F.
L.
Woodward;
Vols.
III,
IV,
trans.
E.
H.
Hare
(London:
Pali
Text
Society,
1932-6),
Dialogues
of
the
Buddha;
Part
1,
trans.
T.
W.
Rhys
Davids;
Parts
I
and
IIL,
trans.
T.
W.
and
C.A.F.
Rhys
Davids
(London:
Pali
Text
Society,
1956—7).
Middle Length
Sayings;
Vols.
I,
11,
IIL,
trans.
1.
B.
Horner
(London:
Pali
Text
Society,
1954—
9).
’
Y
Kindred
Sayings:
Parts
1
and
Il
trans.
C.
A.F.
Rhys
Davids;
Parts
1II,
IV,
V,
trans.
F.1.
Woodward
(Londen:
Pali
Text
Society,
1917-56).
Also
referred
to;
Wallace.
].:
Virtues
and
Vices
(Ithaca.
NY:
Cornell
University
Press,
1978).
Further
reading
C()Q'{ze,
E..
Buddhism;
Its
Essence
and
Development
(Oxford:
Bruno
Cassirer,
1951).
de
Silva,
P
An
Introduction
to
Buddhist
Psychology
(London:
Macmillan
Preyssy,
1979).
Dharmasiri,
G.:
Fundamentals
of
Buddhist
Ethics
(Singapore:
The
Buddhist
Research
Society
1986).
.
Jayatilleke.
K.N.:
Ethics
in
Buddhist
Perspective
(Kandy:
Buddhist
Publication
Society
r972).
v
Premasiri,
P.D.:
‘Moral
evaluation
in
early
Buddhism’,
Sri
Lanka
Journal
of
Humanities,
1
1
(1975).
o
Saddhatissa.
H.:
Buddhist
Ethics
(London:
Allen
and
Unwin,
1970).
Pachibana.
S.:
The
Ethics
of
Buddhism
(Colombo:;
The
Baudha
Sahitya
Sabha,
1943).
Webb,
R.:
An
Ana{ysjs
of
the
Pali
Canon
(Kandy:
Buddhist
Publication
Society,
T
975).
This
bookl
contains
information
about
the
sources
of
the
Buddha's
teachings
used
in
this
article.
Wijesekera,
O.H.
de
A.:
Buddhism
and
Society
(Colombo:
Baudha
Sahitya
Sabha,
1952).
68
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THA
6
Classical
Chinese
ethics
CHAD
HANSEN
Tu1s
essay
focuses
on
the
classical
period
of
Chinese
thought
(550-200
BCE)
which
spawned
the
main
Chinese
philosophical
positions.
We
will
forgo
a
com-
prehensive
treatment
of
the
entire
civilization's
history,
which
includes
both
a
Buddhist
and
a
neo-Confucian
epoch,
for
a
more
detailed
analysis
of
the
classical
views.
The
differences
between
Chinese
and
Western
ethics
are
broad
and
deep.
Our
inherited
Greek
psychology
divides
the
ego
into
the
rational
and
the
emotional.
It
explains
all
human
mental
processing
via
belief
and
desire.
Our
concept
of
morality
involves
reference
to
the
human
faculty
of
reason.
Chinese
thinkers
view
human
action
in
a
different
way.
They
appeal
to
no
such
faculty
nor
to
beliefs
and
desires
as
reasons
for
action.
The
Chinese
approach
is
initially
more
social.
Humanity
is
social.
A
social
dao
(‘way’)
guides
us.
Chinese
ethical
thinkers
reflect
on
how
to
preserve,
transmit
or
change
this
way
—
the
public,
guiding
discourse.
When
modern
Chinese
writers
sought
a
translation
for
‘ethics’,
théy
chose
the
compound
term
dao
de
—
ways
and
virtues.
Dao
is
public,
objective
guidance.
De
{‘virtue')
consists
of
the
char-
acter
traits,
skills,
and
dispositions
induced
by
exposure
to
a
dao.
De
is
the
physical
realization
of
dao
in
some
part
of
the
human
system
-
a
family,
a
state,
or
an
individual.
We
may
get
virtue
either
by
internalizing
a
way
or
it
may
be
inborn.
Both
dao
and
de
encompass
more
than
morality
proper.
There
are
ways
of
fashion,
etiquette,
archery,
economics,
and
prudence.
Both
dao
and
de
can
have
negative
connotations,
e.g.
when
speaking
of
the
ways
of
one’s
opponents.
Most
Chinese
writers,
however,
use
dao
in
speaking
of
their
own
system
for
guid-
ing
behaviour
and
most
take
the
social
point
of
view.
Translations,
as
a
rule
there-
fore,
treat
dao
as
a
definite
description.
They
write
‘The
Way'
when
they
find
dao
in
a
text.
(Classical
Chinese
has
no
definite
article.)
This
causes
no
difficulty
if
we
remember
that
the
different
schools
disagreed
about
which
way
was
the
way.
i
The
positive
Dao
period:
Confucius
and
Mozi
1
Confucius
and
the
conventional
Dao
Confucius
(551-479
BCE)
was
the
first
and
most
famous
thinker
from
the
classical
period.
He
alleged,
however,
that
he
was
merely
transmitting
a
code
of
social
69
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PART
1T
-
THE
GREAT
ETHICAL
TRADITIONS
conduct
—
the
li
(‘ritual’)
inherited
from
ancient
sage-kings.
The
Book
of
Li
makes
up
the
Confucian
dao.
Confucius
taught
his
disciples
the dao
in
all
the
classic
texts.
He
did
not
see
himself
as
a
philosopher
but
as
a
historical
scholar.
His
task
was
not
justifying
or
systematizing
the
code
but
learning
and
relaying
it.
Confucius’
disciples
collected
dialogues
and
exchanges
that
they
remembered
having
with
Confucius.
These
make
up
the
aphorisms
in
the
book
known
as
The
Analects.
His
disciples
disagreed
about
Confucius’
dao.
Some
focused
on
Ii
(‘ritual’}
and
others
on
ren
(‘humanity').
Ren
occurred
often
and
somewhat
mysteriously
in
The
Analects.
Confucius
treated
the
code
of
ritual
as
consisting
of
names
and
role
descriptions.
His
pronouncements
included
no
explicitly
prescriptive
ought-statements.
He
did
not
segment
the
li
into
sentence-like
rules
which
generate
duties.
For
Confucius,
the
basic
role
of
all
language
is
to
guide
our
acts.
We
hear,
study
and
learn
the
way
of
the
sage-kings
via
transmitted
texts,
inherited
traditions
and
conventional
strings
of
words.
They
used
language
to
regulate
behaviour.
Their
guidance
is
still
available
to
us
now
because
they
recorded
and
relayed
their
words.
We
detect
the
li
in
explicit
written
form.
Li
epitomizes
a
positive,
cultural
way
conveyed
in
literature.
Translations
of
Ii
include
‘ritual’,
‘etiquette’,
‘manners’,
‘ceremonies’
and
‘propriety’.
The
most
general
term
we
might
use
for
Ii
is
‘con-
ventions'.
Li
guide,
for
example,
forms
of
address,
funeral
wear,
even
how
to
sit
at
meals.
Confucius’
attachment
to
li
is
uncritical.
He
never
raises
the
Socratic
ethical
question,
‘Why
follow
just
these
conventional
norms?’
Yet
he
does
seem
aware
that
conventional
norms
vary
in
different
areas
and
at
different
times.
Classical
Chinese
philosophers
expressed
their
disputes
as
accounts
of
i
(‘mora-
lity").
Translations
normally
translate
i
puritanically
as
‘righteousness’
or
deon-
tologically
as
‘duty’.
T
avoid
‘duty’
since
Chinese
thinkers
do
not
segment
their
systems
of
guidance
into
sentential
rules.
They
do
not
individualize
obligations
and
duties
as
we
do.
Think
of
i
(‘morality’)
as
the
ideally
correct
social
guidance
in
language.
Confucius
thus
has
a
conventional
morality
(Ii
i)
in
contrast
to
Mozi's.
utilitarian
morality
(li
i
—
a
different
li
character)
and
Mencius'
intuitive
morality
(ren
i).
Copfucius
argued
for
neither
the
content
of
the
Book
of
Ritual
nor
for
its
guiding
authority.
He
fixed
instead
on
an
intriguing
practical
concern.
How
do
we
correctly
ext'ract
guidance
from
the
language
in
the
text?
How
do
we
use
the
book
in
building
the
human
virtues
that
would
result
in
our
following
the
sages’
intended
way?
Confucius
addressed
the
intellectual
problem
of
interpretation
of
the
guiding
texts.
His
was
a
dao
of
education.
The
key
to
communicating
a
literary
dao,
he
argued,
was
to
rectify
names.
(Analects
13:3.)
The
first
step
is
study
—
ingest
the
cox.ltr.ent.
Confucius
had
his
disciples
study
the
classics.
They
contained
both
the
guiding
codes
and
the
accepted
description
of
historical
models
of
appropriate
virtue.
.
We
learn
to
embrace
these
cultural
roles
and
play
them
by
studying
models
in
life
apd
literature.
We
learn
to
play
music
or
act
out
our
parts
from
models.
The
society
must
provide
us
with
example
of
rulers,
ministers,
fathers,
and
sons,
70
Sy
6
-
CLASSICAL
CHINESE
ETHICS
and
correctly
identify
them.
Only
then
can
we
learn
from
their
interpretations
of
their
parts.
The
desire
to
internalize
roles
flows
from
our
nature
as
social
beings.
We
make
ourselves
fully
human
by
expanding
our
repertoire
of
roles.
We
show
our
excellence
by
the
quality
of
our
interpretation
of
our
parts.
Interpretation
of
ritual,
thus,
shares
the
sense
it
has
when
we
speak
of
musical
interpretation.
Confucius
often
pairs
yue
(‘music’)
with
li
(‘ritual’).
Given
any
piece
of
music
used
as
a
guide,
we
may
perform
it
well
or
badly.
We
call
our
performance
an
interpretation
of
the
piece.
Building
good
character
requires
that
we
interpret
the
Ii
in
playing
our
roles.
The
mysterious
concept
ren
(‘bumanity’)
guarantees
a
correct
performance
of
the
guiding
dao.
The
interpretive
ability
must
be
separate
from
the
code
which
we
interpret
and
yet
closely
tied
to
it.
Humanity
is
an
interpretive
intuition.
We
cannot
teach
ren
by
explicit
instructions,
since
we
have
to
interpret
those
instructions.
This
makes
it
look
as
if
humanity
must
be
inborn.
Yet
we
do
get
better
at
interpretation
as
we
learn
and
practice.
Without
this
interpretive
skill,
the
ritual
code
cannot
function
correctly.
Thus
humanity
must
be
the
ability
to
rectify
names.
We
rectify
a
name
when
we
make
the
right
discrimination,
apply
it
to
the
right
setting.
Think
of
the
code
as
an
internalized
programme.
To
execute
the
programme
containing
the
term
X,
we
have
to
discriminate
whether
this
is
a
case
of
X
or
non-X.
We
must
rectify
any
term
that
occurs
in
the
code
book.
To
rectify
a
name
is
to
see
that
people
use
it
of
the
right
objects.
Otherwise
the
code
book’s
instructions
will
misdirect
people.
Since
he
regards
the
tendency
to
convey
and
receive
a
dao
as
natural,
the
main
political
concern
for
Confucius
is
rectifying
names.
‘If
names
are
not
rectified
...
affairs
cannot
be
accomplished
.
..*and
the
people
will
not
know
how
to
move
hand
or
foot.'
The
ruler
rectifies
names
in
appointing
people
to
status
positions.
Most
of
the
code’s
content
directs
proper
action
toward
people
filling
social
roles
-
father,
brother,
ruler,
minister
etc.
The
names
are
primarily
social,
hierarchical
roles.
The
ruler
dubs
someone
minister.
We
then
all
conform
in
using
that
title
to
guide
our
behaviour
toward
the
person
filling
the
role.
Similarly,
Confucius
argues,
the
political
system
should
identify
model
fathers
and
sons.
This
gives
us
our
link
to
the
code.
It
also
gives
us
our
models
of
how
to
act
out
the
role
patterns
described
in
the
ritual
code.
Without
an
accepted,
shared
social
pattern
of
name
use,
the
code
could
not
guide
us.
Plainly,
rectifying
names
requires
something
beyond
the
code
book
itself,
since
we
must
rectify
names
to
use
the
code
book.
Ren
(‘humanity’)
is
the
intuitive
ability
to
interpret
the
li
correctly.
We
may
apply
ren
either
in
our
own
action
or
in
guiding
others.
Rectifying
the
use
of
language
requires
rern.
Without
people
to
model
roles
and
rulers
to
recognize
and
title
a
fine
performance,
we
cannot
relay
the
role-based
way
intended
by
the
sage-kings.
Some
passages
suggest
Confucius
pointedly
would
not
teach
about
this
nur-
tured
interpretive
intuition
he
called
ren.
He
used
the
term
often,
but
was
notori-
ously
elusive
about
it.
In
response
to
his
students’
frustration
Confucius
twice
hinted
without
explanation
that
all
the
details
of
his
guiding
dao
had
some
unifying
71
PART
Il
-
THE
GREAT
ETHICAL
TRADITIONS
core.
‘Confucius
said,
"My
dao
has
a
single
thread’’.
Zengzi
replied,
‘I
hear
you'".
Confucius
left.
The
other
asked
“What
did
he
refer
to?""
Zengzi
answered,
“Our
master’s
dao
is
loyalty
and
reciprocity”.’
(Analects
4:15.)
Most
Confucians
accept
chgz?'s
guess.
Confucius
himself
bequeathed
little
of
his
theory
of
either
loyalty
Ot
reciprocity.
Confucius
does
formulate
a
negative
version
of
the
Golden
Rule,
‘What
you
do
not
desire,
do
not
effect
on
others.”
This
may
count
as
a
gloss
on
‘reciprocity’.
In
its
simplicity,
it
conflicts
with
the
elaborate
code
of
li
which
Confucius
usually
stresses.
It
is
implausible
that
Confucius
meant
the
Golden
Rule
to
replace
his
role-
based
morality
—
the
way
Christ
repealed
‘the
law’
with
his
Golden
Rule.
Still,
such
passages
suggest
that
while
the
code
is
conventional,
interpretation
of
the
code
appeals
to
more
universal,
moral
considerations.
Confucius’
refusal
to
elaborate
on
ren
invites
speculation
that
it
is
a
universal
moral
sense
intended
to
guide
interpretation.
The
conventional
translations
—
‘humanity’
or
‘bene-
volence’
—
suggest
a
universal
utilitarian
standard
for
interpretation.
Confucians
would
find
this
result
uncomfortable.
The
orthodoxy
treats
Confucius
as
an
anti-
utilitarian
because
his
most
vociferous
critic
advocated
utility.
Apart
from
pointing
to
a
developed
intuition
for
interpreting,
Confucius
did
not
theorize
about
abstract
axioms
of
conduct.
He
bases
his
explicit
normative
system
on
roles.
He
does
not
assign
a
normative
value
to
persons
apart
from
their
social
relationships.
All
your
duties
are
duties
of
your
station
towards
other
socially
described
persons
or
things.
These
roles
are
natural
and
the
family
roles
are
the
core
examples.
This
leads
Confucianism
to
characterize
itself
as
a
system
of
‘partial’
or
‘graded’
love.
We
deal
with
people
qua
‘mother’,
‘neighbour’,
‘mentor’,
‘daughter’.
Contrast
this
with
the
Kantian
respect
for
individuals
as
bare
persons
or
agents.
The
basis
for
this
special
Kantian
status
of
moral
respect
is
the
rationality
of
moral
agents
(persons).
(See
Article
14,
KANTIAN
ETHICS.)
Confucius
also
exhibits
little
sense
of
desert
in
moral
theory.
Nor
does
he
exhibit
familiar
deontological
attitudes
such
as
categorical
requirements
to
tell
the
truth
or
keep
promises,
to
be
just
or
to
respect
an
agent's
autonomy.
He
strgngly
opposes
the
rule
of
law.
In
part
he
objects
to
the
tendency
of
punishment
to
induce
egoism.
Confucians
also
oppose
the
role-corroding
egalitarianism
of
a
legal
code.
In
place
of
law,
Confucius
would
have
social
education
—
modelling
of
name
use
and
role
performance,
together
with
a
traditional
socio-cultural
dao
set
in
the
classics.
The
basis
for
normative
relations
among
people
is
social
role
relations.
not
some
bare
rational
agency.
2
Mozi
and
the
utilitarian
Dao
Mozi,
the
first
rival
philosopher,
adopts
much
of
the
structure
of
Confucius’
normative
scheme.
He
too
discusses
how
names
in
codes
guide
behaviour
rather
thgm
discussing
ought
sentences.
We
use
a
name
by
making
a
shi
(‘this:right’)
or
a
fei
(‘not
this:wrong')
assignment.
To
know
the
name
is
to
know
to
shi
what
should
have
the
name
and
fei
what
should
not.
This
ability
to
divide
things
in
response
to
language
triggers
a
tendency
to
treat
each
discriminant
in
the
proper
way.
Still
Mozi
raises
familiar
philosophical
doubts
about
the
explicit
linguistic
~1
tw
[
6
-
CLASSICAL
CHINESE
ETHICS
content
of
the
guidance.
He
asserts
that
we
need
an
argument
for
the
traditional
content.
Why
should
we
regard
our
specific
traditions
or
customs
as
i
(‘morality’)?
Why
regard
ren
(‘humanity’)
as
merely
an
intuitive
interpretive
ability
applied
to
a
customary
dao
(‘way')?
Any
such
ability
should
also
guide
us
to
create
new
moral
codes
—
to
revise
social
morality.
Thus
he
directly
questions
the
authority
of
the
ancestral
guiding
daos.
Customs
can
be
very
wrong.
(Mozi
recites
or
invents
a
story
of
a
tribe
who
customarily
eat
their
first-born
sons.
That
should
shock
good
Confucians!)
So,
he
argues,
we
must
have
a
gauge
for
selecting
among
different
dao
contents.
He
proposed
utility
as
the
measure.
He
treated
this
norm
as
the
standard
of
shi
(‘this:right’)
and
fei
(‘not
this:wrong).
Thus
it
became
a
mode!
both
for
ordering
and
rectifying
the
terms
in
the
dao.
Mozi
argued
that
his
criterion
came
from
a
natural
or
heavenly
will
—
the
natural
preference
for
benefit
over
harm.
This
naturally
guiding
name
pair
(benefit-
harm)
becomes
the
basis
for
using
all
other
guiding
name
pairs.
If
we
do
not
start
from
that
distinction,
Mozi
says,
we
can
never
be
clear
on
shi-fei.
So
a
correct,
positive
dao
should
contain
whatever
passages
will
increase
benefit
when
appro-
priately
engaged
in
guiding
our
behaviour.
Mozi
is
a
language
utilitarian.
We
should
use
a
single
criterion
to
choose
both
the
code
we
follow
and
the
dis-
criminations
we
make
with
the
terms
in
that
code.
We
should
choose
both
in
ways
that
constantly
or
reliably
advance
Ii
(‘benefit’)
and
diminish
hai
(‘harm’).
Mozi
thinks
this
proposal
entails
that
we
should
use
the
phrase
‘universal
love’
in
public
discourse
rather
than
the
Confucian
‘partial
love’.
A
dao
that
includes
frequent
use
of
the
phrase
partial
love
will
not
be
constant.
It
will
guide
someone
who
adopts
it
to
prefer
that
others
have
a
more
universal
attitude.
(Mozi,
Section
16.)
The
question
for
Chinese
ethics
is
what
dao
should
we
instil
in
people
to
guide
their
de.
Partial
love
doctrines
will
entail
that
we
ought
to
instil
a
universal
love
dao.
Since
it
is
self-condemning
in
this
way,
the
Confucian
dao
is
not
a
constant
dao.
Moz
assumes
that
we
should
make
both
our
name
assignments
and
the
patterns
of
shi-fei
judgements
uniform
throughout
society.
Thus
we
should
curtail
a
host
of
wasteful
orthodox
Confucian
ritual
practices
such
as
elaborate
funerals,
expensive
concerts
and
especially
aggressive
warfare.
They
waste
resources
that
could
be
better
used
to
benefit
the
people.
He
condemns
Confucians
for
being
able
to
separate
morality
from
immorality
in
small
matters.
while
in
large
matters,
such
as
a
state’s
going
to
war,
they
praise
the
ruler
and
call
him
‘moral’.
He
likens
it
to
calling
a
little
bit
of
white
‘white’
and
a
lot
of
white
‘black’.
Confucians
set
a
bad
example
of
moral
term
use.
Mozi's
way
is
utilitarian.
He
does
not
link
his
utility
to
subijective
states
such
as
pleasure,
happiness
or
desire
satisfaction.
Utility
is
a
matter
of
objective,
material
well-being.
In
other
ways
as
well,
Mozi's
viewpoint
is
less
individualistic
than
a
typical
Western
moral
theory.
His
version
of
the
Socratic
philosophical
question
is
social
rather
than
individual.
Socrates
asks
whether
he
should
obey
socially
-
accepted
codes.
Mozi
asks
if
society
should
accept
or
change
its
public
code.
73
PART
II
-
THE
GREAT
ETHICAL
TRADITIONS
it
The
anti-language
period:
Yangzhu,
Mencius
and
Laozi
1
Mencius:
innate
guidance
Mencius
lived
after
Mohism,
the
school
of
Mozi,
had
become
a
large
school
and
a
powertul
political
force.
He
saw
it
as
a
rival
to
Confucian
influence
and
power.
He
bemoaned
the
spread
of
the
language
of
Mozi
and
another
consequentialist,
Yangzhu.
Mencius
takes
Yangzhu's
language
to
embody
egoism.
Yangzhu
used
heaven-nature
as
his
touchstone
for
guiding conduct.
However,
he
took
heaven's
mandate
to
be
implicit
in
our
natural
capacities
rather
than
natural
will.
Heaven
mandates
that
I
live
a
fixed
time
by
endowing
me
at
birth
with
a
fixed
quantity
of
gi
(‘breath’).
To
die
before
my
organically
intended
death
is
to
go
against
heaven's
command.
Thus,
I
must
avoid
any
activity
(particularly
politics)
that
might
result
in
exhausting
my
gi
before
heaven
wants
me
to
die.
Our
life
is
a
command
from
heaven
and
self-preservation,
therefore
a
duty.
Mencius
absorbed
both
his
opponents’
views
about
the
need
for
a
natural
or
heavenly
standard
to
ground
the
social,
conventional
dao.
He
argues,
however,
that
heaven's
guidance
comes
as
inborn
feelings
or
inclinations
to
behaviour.
These
are
neither
merely
inclinations
to
egoistic
preservation
nor
even
a
general
inclination
for
altruistic
benefit.
Heaven's
endowment
is
a
fully
instinctive
morality
in
seed
form.
Each
of
us
is
born
with
genetic
inclinations
to
behaviour.
As
we
mature,
these
inclinations
grow
in
strength
and
sensitivity
to
the
moral
setting.
Barring
deprivation
or
distortion
from
external
influences,
they
will
eventually
yield
sage-like
Confucian
moral
character.
The
heart
can
be
thought
of
as
similar
to
conscience
in
Western
theories
except
that
the
moral
discrimination
capacity
postulated
by
Mencius
grows
in
accuracy
throughout
life.
The
inclinations
to
behaviour
make
up
the
xin
(‘heart-mind’)
—
the
ruler
of
the
body.
Its
role
is
to
guide
human
behaviour.
Mencius
identifies
four
seeds
or
hearts
which
develop
into
the
four
primary
virtues.
The
first
seed
is
the
human
proclivity
Mozi
wanted
to
inculcate.
We
react
out
of
sympathy
for
other
humans.
That,
fully
developed,
becomes
the
virtue
of
humanity.
The
second
is
our
penchant
to
feel
shame,
which
motivates
the
development
of
i
(‘morality’).
The
third
is
our
disposition
to
show
respect
and
deference
toward
social
superiors.
This
motivates
conformity
to
li.
Finally,
we
have
a
congenital
tendency
to
discern
shi-fei.
We
distinguish
in
action
and
attitude
between
something
approved
in
the
context
(shi)
and
something
not
approved
(fei).
This
tendency
to
have
pro-con,
action-guiding
attitudes
grows
into
practical
wisdom,
zhi
(‘knowledge’).
These
seeds,
in
the
normal
course
of
development,
generate
their
associated
virtues.
We
can
impede
their
normal
healthy
development,
however.
Political,
economic
and
social
conditions
can
interfere
with
proper
maturation
of
the
organic
moral
traits.
People
made
desperate
by
war
or
economic
deprivation
will
not
develop
normal
moral
character.
People
influenced
by the
language
of
Mozi
and
Yangzhu
will
also
fail
to
develop.
They
try
to
force
their
plant’s
growth
using
words
and
language.
Both
heretics
claim
a
natural
basis
for
their
discriminations.
However,
each
uses
a
basic
distinction
(benefit-harm
or
self-other)
to
change
the
natural
inclination
to
moral
guidance.
They
advocate
adopting
linguistic
practices
74
6
*
CLASSICAL
CHINESE
ETHICS
to
alter
the
natural
pattern
of
shi-fei
assignments.
The
seeds,
finally,
might
also
fail
to
develop
because
we
ourselves
do
not
diligently
attend
to
and
encourage
them.
If
we
could
erase
all
these
distorting
influences,
human
moral
perfection
would
be
the
rule,
not
the
rare
exception.
Mencius
alleges
that
their
spontaneous
origin
vindicates
the
conventional
practices.
The
burial
rituals
come
about
as
a
natural
response.
We
cannot
bear
to
see
insects
and
wild
animals
feasting
on
a
dead
parent’s
corpse.
Thus,
indirectly,
heaven
commands
the
funeral
ritual
via
the
natural
feelings
and
behavioural
biases
in
the
heart.
The
attitudes
of
special
affection
for
family
and
clan
(partial
love)
are
also
natural.
Heaven
programmes
all
moral
behaviour
in
us
at
birth.
It
also
programmes
the
ritual
code
of
etiquette
and
the
ability
to
sort
types
in
guiding
action
—
the
interpretive
ability
to
shi-fei.
Any
spontaneous
sorting
is
a
correct
sorting.
A
sorting
generated
by
a
specific,
deliberate
criterion
can
only
distort
that
natural
spontaneous
way
of
sorting.
Mencius
thus
launched
a
radical
departure
from
the
assumptions
Confucius
and
Mozi
shared.
Our
motivation
to
ethical
conduct,
our
character,
comes
from
nature
not
nurture.
(Although
we
must
cultivate
it.)
Morality
is
not
a
product
of
civilization.
Tt
is
hereditary.
It
is
organic.
Fully
matured,
these
seed
propensities
culminate
in
sage-like
moral
character.
Since
the
motivations
are
natural,
they
are
mystically
continuous
with
the
entire
order
of
nature.
The
sage
can,
therefore,
take
the
whole
world
as
the
subject
of
his
moral
concern.
Fully
ripened,
the
heart’s
organic
constitution
puts
us
in
harmony
with
a
cosmic
moral
force
—
the
‘flood-
like'
gi
(‘breath’).
We
simultaneously
use
and
are
used
by
it.
Mencius
similarly
vindicates
the
code
of
li.
Since
produced
by
the
sage-kings,
that
code
represents
the
best
imaginable
linguistic
summary
of
the
correct
dao.
But
the
definitive
criterion
of
moral
behaviour
is
the
mind
of
the
sage,
not
any
code
book.
(The
Mencius,
4A:2)
The
question
in
each
predicament
is
‘What
would
a
sage
do
here?”
Bach
action
position
is
unique.
Thus
a
developed
intuition
is
preferable
to
any
language-based
moral
system.
Without
the
intuition,
we
would
misinterpret
the
guiding
discourse.
So
Mencius
stresses
ren
and
i
where
Confucius
stressed
li.
His
opposition
to
the
language
of
Mozi
and
Yangzhu
becomes
an
opposition
to
language
itself.
Language
is
a
chief
source
of
distortion
of
the
natural
inclinations
to
moral
behaviour.
Mencius
makes
moral
pronouncements
freely.
He
pointedly
avoids
formulating
a
normative
theory,
however.
If
you
guide
yourself
with
any
contrived
moral
language
you
have
‘two
bases’
of
your
behaviour.
You
both
rely
on
your
moral
instincts
and
try
to
change
them
to
fit
some
linguistic
blueprint
—
some
explicit
dao.
This
can
only
retard
or
damage
the
natural
moral
instincts.
You
can
no
more
force
their
growth
by
studying
a
criterion
for
discrimination
than
you
can
hurry
the
growth
of
rice
plants
by
pulling
on
them.
2
Laozi:
primitive
innatism
Mencius
was
not
the
only
anti-language
moral
philosopher.
Laozi,
the
mythical
author
of
the
Daode-jing
(Tao-te
Ching),
presents
another
anti-distinction
view.
Both
agree
that
no
linguistic
guide
to
behaviour
can
give
constantly
adequate
75
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'ART
11
-
THE
GREAT
ETHICAL
TRADITIONS
dvice.
As
Mozi
showed,
etiquette
Confucianism
cannot
be
a
constant
dao.
Without
ome
interpretive
instinct,
its
guidance
is
indeterminate
and
its
partial
love
con-
emns
itself
as
a
collective
guide.
And
Mozi
may
be
no
better
off.
His
appeal
to
niversal
utility
may
be
inconstant
too.
Mencius
argued
that
a
dao
based
on
utility
1ight
not
be
able
to
justify
appealing
publicly
to
utility.
(Mencius
1A:1.)
Promoting
alk
of
benefit
may
not
benefit
society.
Further,
even
if
we
accept
a
certain
linguistic
ontent,
as
Confucius
noted,
the
interpretive
problem
still
faces
us.
We
need
an
xtra-linguistic
guide
to
use
a
linguistic
one.
We
need
a
moral
intuition
to
interpret
he
terms
of
a
guiding
code.
The
code
itself
can
never
guarantee
constant
patterns
{
conduct.
The
Daode-jing
gives
an
explicit
linguistic
rationale
for
its
scepticism
that
any
ac
can
be
constant.
No
dao
can
be
constant
because
no
ming
(‘'names’)
can
be
onstant.
We
can
interpret
any
dao
in
various
ways
because
the
application
of
any
.:ame
contained
in
a
dao
requires
both
an
interpretive
distinction
and
preference
1duced
response.
Mozi
merely
assumed
the
li-hai
(‘benefit-harm’)
distinction
rovides
guidance.
It
may
also
be
interpreted,
and
the
interpretation
would
likely
ary
in
different
utilitarian
theories.
He
seemed
to
ignore
something.
If
social
iscourse
can
modify
our
preference
for
our
own
family,
it
can
modify
our
reference
for
benefit.
Furthermore,
social
discourse
can
instil
different
ways
to
alculate
benefit.
Each
will
generate
different
courses
of
action
—
different
daos.
ne
could
even
have
an
anti-benefit
dao.
Thus
benefit
is
not
a
constant
dao.
Names
supply
all
(linguistic)
moral
ways
with
their
capacity
to
guide
in
the
eal
world.
A
name
guides
discrimination,
desires,
and
action.
Learning
a
name
uides
because.
when
we
add
it
to
our
vocabulary,
we
become
disposed
to
make
socially
approved
distinction.
Qur
social
superiors,
our
teachers
and
models,
pprove
when
we
discriminate
as
they
would
with
a
given
term.
This
training
is
n
integral
part
of
our
socialization.
Our
social
models
train
us
to
choose
ways
of
cting
toward
the
object
named.
In
a
particular
context,
they
teach
us
to
treat
Or:;;
thing
as
shi
and
other
things
as
fei.
To learn
any
name
is
to
learn
to
shi-fei
vith
it.
These
learned
inclinations
to
select
and
reject
things
are
conventional
or
cquired
desires.
An
internalized
linguistic
dao
translates
into
a
body
of
inclinations
o
classify
things.
We
use
the
classification
in
executing
our
internalized
guiding
rogramme.
We
select
or
avoid
those
things
in
conduct.
Thus
language
guides
aur
wel
(‘deeming:actions’).
Actions
based
on
deeming
things
to
be
this
or
not-
his
are
unnatural,
conventional
actions.
Laozi's
famous
slogan,
wu-wei
(‘avoid
leeming
action’)
enjoins
us
to
vacate
this
social,
linguistic,
conditioning.
The
ontrasting
ideal
is
spontaneous,
natural
action.
Whenever
conventional
categ-
ries
generate
the
actions,
the
actions
are
unnatural.
Natural
actions,
by
contrast,
lo
not
require
any
artefact
terms.
No
one
needs
to
teach
us
to
eat,
sleep,
or
rocreate,
'
To
wei
~
engage
in
discriminating
behaviours
guided
by
names
—
interferes
vith
our
natural
spontaneity.
Laozi's
theory
explains
Mencius’
criticism
of
lan-
uage-based
ways.
He
also
adopts
a
more
realistic
view
of
the
range
of
natural
sehaviour.
Mencius
had
assumed
that
our
intuition
was
potentially
rich
enough
76
[reve—
6
+
CLASSICAL
CHINESE
ETHICS
to
make
us
sage-kings
of
a
unified
moral
empire.
Laozi's
version
of
pre-linguistic
inclinations
remains
strongly
optimistic
from
a
Western
individualist
perspective
but
less
idealistic
than
Mencius.
He
assumes
that
without
language
and
cultural
accumulation,
we
would
be
social
enough
only
to
form
small
farming
villages.
We
would
live
in
peace
because,
without
language,
we
would
lack
curiosity
to
interact
with
the
other
villages.
That
natural
primitive
behaviour
is
the
only
chang
(‘constant’)
dao.
We
follow
that
natural
path
when
we
refuse
to
act
by
deeming
—
wu-wei.
As
we
saw
with
Mozi
and
Confucius,
conflicting
ways
use
the
same
terms,
e.g.
good
and
bad,
beautiful
and
ugly,
high
and
low.
However,
they
disagree
about
how
to
draw
the
distinctions
in
guiding
our
behaviour.
Laozi's
Daode-jing
invites
us
to
contemplate
an
anti-conventional
way.
That
way
reverses
all
the
con-
ventional
pairs
of
opposing
guiding
terms.
The
dao
of
reversal
reverses
valuation.
We
normally
value
dominance,
the
male,
the
active,
having,
benevolence,
wisdom,
and
clarity.
Laozi
presents
considerations
for
valuing
submissiveness,
the
female,
the
passive,
lacking,
non-benevolence,
and
dullness.
For
each
pair
of
opposite
guiding
terms,
the
text
tries
to
motivate
reversing
the
conventional
choice.
This
is
enough
to
show
that
these
names
do
not
give
constant
guidance.
Once
we
see
the
inconstancy
of
social
guidance
by
names
or
language,
what
follows?
Here
the
Daode-jing
becomes
enigmatic.
Confucian
interpretations
treat
Laozi
as
recommending
his
negative
way
as
the
constant
way.
Legalism
also
treats
the
advice
as
a
serious
guide,
expecially
in
its
political
reversal
sections.
Legalist
writers
draw
quotations
from
the
text
justifying
Machiavellian
‘scheming
methods’
of
government
—
keeping
people
ignorant,
finding
benevolence
unnatural.
I
recommend
a
different
view
of
Laozi.
He
urges,
as
Mencius
does,
that
we
abandon
all
language
guides
to
behaviour.
The
issue
between
Mencius
and
Laozi
lies
in
their
view
of
the
content
of
our
genetic
mechanisms.
On
Laozi's
account,
our
natural
bent,
unembellished
by
culture
and
language,
would
only
support
society
at
the
level
of
the
agrarian
village.
Call
this
primitive
Daoism.
We
may
also
take
the
point
of
reversing
values
associated
with
names
to
express
pure
scepticism.
This
pairs
him
with
Zhuangzi.
Finally,
Buddhists
read
the
text
as
entailing
mystical
monism
and,
like
the
metaphysics
of
the
Buddha-nature,
justifying
stoic
resignation.
There
may
be
other
possibilities.
The
Daode-jing
alleges
simply
that
no
statement
of
a
way
can
be
constantly
sound.
It
could
not
coherently
tell
us
what
constant,
practical
conclusion
to
draw.
iii
The
schools
of
names:
formal
meta-ethics
The
obvious
importance
of
names
and
language
in
Chinese
ethical
doctrines
led
to
a
period
of
intense
analysis
of
names.
Three
schools
of
thought
emerged.
One
conclusion
was
that
we
should
reform
language
along
ideal
theoretical
lines.
Ethical
guidance,
using
names,
should
be
unambiguous
to
be
chang
(‘constant’).
This
proposal
is
a
formal
version
of
Confucius'
doctrine
of
rectifying
names.
It
adopts
the
slogan
of
one-name-one-thing.
Another
school,
the
neo-Mohists,
noted
that
natural
language
does
not
and
77
ART
It
©
THE
GREAT
ETHICAL
TRADITIONS
¢ed
not
conform
to
the
one-name-one-thing.
Our
ordinary
ways
of
speaking
do
ot
follow
any
consistent
principle.
We
ordinarily
do
think
a
white
horse
is
a
orse.
We
also
agree
that
riding
a
white
horse
is
riding
a
horse.
But
sometimes
e
do
not
think
doing
something
to
an
object
under
one
description
is
the
same
s
doing
it
under
another
description.
We
think
a
thief
is
a
person,
but
we
treat
tecutions
(killing
thieves)
as
different
from
murders
(killing
people).
This
school
thought
that
we
could
perfectly
well
make
sense
of
our
language
»
long
us
we
based
it
on
what
we
knew
of
reality.
Given
common
sense
and
the
<ternal
similarities
and
differences,
we
can
rest
the
patterns
of
name
use
on
an
iternal,
constant
reality.
This
school,
an
outgrowth
of
Mozi’s
thought,
thus
:veloped
a
linked
theory
of
linguistic
and
moral
realism.
The
world
provides
the
-ounds
of
assertability
of
our
shis
and
feis.
The
third
school
challenged
even
this
qualitied
realism.
Similarities
and
differ-
wes
among
things
do
guide
our
naming,
but
we
can
count
and
group
similarities
-
unlimited
ways.
Reality
privileges
no
constant
classification
scheme.
Reality
mnot
settle
our
disputes
about
how
to
draw
distinctions.
Interpretation
of
any
0
(‘'way')
must
capriciously
adopt
one
of
a
limitless
range
of
perspectives.
Zhuangzi:
Daoist
relativism
1at
third
position
underwrote
the
Daoism
of
Zhuangzi.
He
could
no
longer
follow
¢
anti-language
views
of
Mencius
and
Laozi.
The
realists
had
shown
that
any
atement
of
an
anti-language
position
was
incoherent.
To
say
‘all
language
storts
the
dao’
was
to
distort
the
dao.
They
had
further
argued
that
in
any
sagreement
about
shi-fei
one
party
must
be
correct.
Zhuangzi
reversed
Laozi's
Daoism.
Do
not
reject
language
for
natural,
spon-
neous
action.
Instead
he
dropped
the
assumption
that
‘heavenly’,
‘natural’,
or
2ality’
provides
a
coherent
standpoint
for
constructing
daos.
Zhuangzi
likened
I
the
warring
schools
to
‘pipes
of
heaven’.
Each
claims
to
be
expressing
the
iural
or
heavenly
point
of
view.
Trivially,
each
does.
They
are,
as
actual
points
‘view,
natural.
In
their
naturalness,
however,
none
is
superior
to
the
others.
All
e
actual
points
of
view
about
shi-fei
are
equal
from
the
point
of
view
of
heaven
‘reality.
Of
course,
once
we
take
this
lofty
cosmic
view,
we
must
grant
the
same
status
the
poinis
of
view
of
animals.
The
cosmos
assigns
no
special
significance
to
the
e
or
death
of
the
human
species.
The
goal
of
deriving
guidance
out
of
natural
make-up
fails,
Zhuangzi
shows.
always
assumes
some
prior
interpretive
shi
(‘this:right’).
Consider,
for
example,
»w
Mencius
tried
to
get
guidance
out
of
the
natural
qualities
of
the
heart-mind.
¢
presumes
that
the
heart-mind
should
rule
the
other
natural
inclinations.
He
1agines
that
sage-like
taste
is
this:right
and
the
fool's
taste
in
cultivating
his
:art-mind
is
not
this;wrong.
The
whole
idea
that
the
heart-mind
can
be
a
storted
standard
-
the
distinction
between
a
natural
and
deficient
development
"the
heart-mind
-
presupposes
some
standard
for
developing
the
heart.
It
must
»
other
than
appeal
to
the
natural,
organic
heart.
No
mature
heart-mind
yields
3
6
-
CLASSICAL
CHINESE
ETHICS
a
shi-fei
judgement
without
having
accumulated
and
assumed
a
prior
arbitrary
shi-fei
standard
of
judgement.
Thus
Zhuangzi
arrives
at
a
sceptical
view
of
guidance
by
language.
We
can
show
that
natural
or
evaluative
distinctions
among
types
are
correct
only
when
we
presuppose
an
evaluative
point
of
view.
All
assignments
of
shi
are
indexical.
What
is
shi
(from one
vantage
point
or
intellectual
lineage)
is
fei
(from
another).
Anyone
trying
to
resolve
a
difference
takes
a
third
point
of
view.
Knowledge
neither
reaches
all
the
way
down
nor
all
the
way
out.
Our
lives
do
end.
To
pursue
what
has
no
limit
(perfect
knowledge)
with
what
has
a
limit
(our
lives)
is
foolish.
Even
if
we
had
knowledge,
we
would
not
know
it.
We
would
not
know
if
we
had
found
the
constant
knowledge-ignorance
distinction.
So
what
conclusion
would
Zhuangzi
have
us
adopt
from
this
non-cognitivist
analysis?
(For
an
account
of
non-cognitivism
in
Western
ethics,
see
Article
38,
SUBJECTIVISM.)
Zhuangzi
seems,
with
some
hesitation,
to
draw
three
practical
conclusions.
First,
he
extols
flexibility
and tolerance
—
openness
to
other
perspec-
tives.
He
seems
aware
that
even
this
advice
also
presupposes
a
point
of
view
~
a
point
of
view
on
points
of
view.
Once
we
take
Zhuangzi's
perspective,
we
lose
the
motivation
to
condemn
all
alternative
ways
of
guiding
discourse
and
behaviour.
Some
new way
of
assigning
categories
and
guiding
action,
e.g.
science,
might
turn
out
to
give
us
amazing
powers
—
like
the
ability
to
fly.
Being
open
to
new
conceptual
schemes
is
characteristic
of
youth
and
flexibility.
Being
closed
and
rigid
is
characteristic
of
old
age
and
impending
death.
Zhuangzi,
of
course,
worries
that
our
preferring
life
to
death
might
arise
from
ignorance.
Second,
we
can
go
with
‘the
usual
since
it
provides
the
basis
for
useful
co-
operation
and
interchange
with
others.
We
could
practically,
intelligibly
require
little
more
of
a
point
of
view
or
a
way.
Finally,
given
any
guiding
way
we
ingest
—
even
being
a
butcher
—
we
can
hone
it
to
artistic
perfection.
We
can
develop
any
skill
to
the
point
of
second
nature.
We
lose
ourselves
in
our
practice.
When
we
have
that
trained
intuition
guiding
our
actions,
our
inner
view
is
that
an
external
force
evokes
and
guides
the
skill.
We
can
make
any learned
activity
into
skilled
artistry
and
create
satisfying
beauty
in
practice.
Of
course
to
cultivate
any
such
skill
is
to
ignore
others.
Perfected
at
one
thing,
we
are
tragically
condemned
to
be
flawed
at
another.
v
Xunzi:
pragmatic
Confucianism
Xunzi
also
learns
from
the
analytic
theories
of
language
and
sees
in
their
analysis
a
way
to
resurrect
Confucianism.
As
Hui
Shi
and
Zhuangzi
have
argued,
we
have
no
natural
basis
for
shi-fei
distinctions.
The
only
legitimate
grounds
of
correct
and
incorrect
language
are
the
very
conventions
from
which Mencius
and
Laozi
fled.
Only
a
fixed
social
pattern
of
shi-fei
can
make
the
use
of
names
correct.
The world
cannot
do
it
alone.
Humans
are
linguistically
social
animals
and
the
standards
of
acceptability
are
social.
Our
impulses
impel
us
to
adopt,
preserve,
and
transmit
such
guiding
conventions.
Rather
than
undermine
them,
any
responsible
person
79
PART
Il
©
THE
GREAT
ETHICAL
TRADITIONS
would
strive
to
accord
with
them.
Thus,
society
should
punish
those
who
mis-
construe
names,
make
new
distinctions,
and
sow
conceptual
confusion.
The
ancestral
Confucian
way,
based
on
ritual,
is
thus
the
only
appropriate
guide
to
action.
Wonderfully
intelligent
sage-kings
wrote
it
and
all
the
ages
have
followed
it
successfully.
To
muddle
it
invites
anarchy
and
disaster
in
an
already
dangerous
world.
The
evidence
of
history
is
that
the
ancestral
dao
secures
human
survival.
It
works
because
it
coincides
with
natural
human
feelings.
On
the
other
hand,
it
instils
orderly
feelings
and
desires.
The
use
of
ritual
in
the
state
results
in
instilling
desires
in
a
population.
The
desires
are
different
for
each
hierarchical
role.
People
of
higher
ranks
learn
a
different
set
of
desires
and
inclinations.
If
people
have
different
desires,
then
society
can
distribute
scarce
resources
while
satisfying
all
desires.
If
all
desire
silk,
the
result
will
be
competition,
strife,
chaos
and
disaster.
We
instil
the
desire
for silk
only
in
the
higher
classes.
A
differentiated
ability
to
classify
and
desire
will
thus
encourage
widespread
satisfaction.
Inequality
will
lead
to
equality.
Humans
have
a
natural
tendency
to
make
such
discriminations
and
to
adopt
conventional,
invented
moral
systems.
Mencius’
idealist
assumption
that
nature
disposes
us
to
the
specific
content
is
the
mistake.
People
are
naturally
moral,
but
only
in
the
sense
that
they
are
natural
language
users.
We
have
tendencies
to
adopt
some
conventional
structure
or
other.
Xunazi
still
asserts
we
all
have
the
abstract
capacity
to
be
sages
because
we
can
learn
any
role,
together
with
its
desires.
If
we
could
get
rid
of
distorting
obsessions,
passions
and
distractions,
any
of
us
could
apprehend
the
right
way
as
the
sages
did.
Still,
given
the
strength
of
our
other
motivations,
giving
up
on
historic
standards
of
behaviour
would
lie
somewhere
between
imprudent
and
insane.
vi
The
Dark
Ages:
the
end
of
the
Hundred
Schools
Xunzi's
most
famous
disciples
became
the
leaders
of
a
legalist
school.
It
accepted
Xunazi's
language
—
minus
his
passion
about
traditional
norms.
We
do
need
con-
ventional
standards
of
behaviour,
but
they
need
not
be
old
conventions.
Their
usefulness
as
conventions
does
not
require
a
sage-king
ancestry.
Modern
kings
can
perfectly
well
formulate
them.
A
contemporary
way
will
be
more
realistic.
This
view
served
the
First
Emperor
of
Qin
particularly
well.
He
succeeded
in
conquering
China,
burying
rival
scholars,
burning
books
and
bringing
the
exciting
classical
period
of
China
to
a
thundering
halt.
That
first
dynasty
lasted
barely
longer
than
the
First
Emperor’s
reign.
vii
The
continuing
impact
of
classical
thought
The
Emperors
of
the
later
Han
Dynasty
adopted
Confucianism
as
the
official
dao
in
the
midst
of
the
Philosophical
Dark
Age.
Buddhism,
imported
from
India,
introduced
elements
of
a
more
Western
conceptual
scheme
and
dominated
early
medieval
China.
Later
as
Buddhism
declined,
a
Mencian
version
of
Confucianism
re-emerged.
This
neo-Confucian
orthodoxy
divided
into
disputing
interpretive
80
6
-
CLASSICAL
CHINESE
ETHICS
factions,
but
all
accepted
the
orthodoxy
of
Mencius.
They
are
competing
interpret-
ations
of
natural
intuitionism
in
ethics.
The
contact
with
the
West
has
faced
the
Chinese
tradition
with
its
second
barbarian
invasion
of
ideas.
Socialism
and
pragmatism
were
the
most
attractive
Western
systems
to
Chinese
intellectuals.
Mao
Zedong,
however,
liked
to
compare
himself
to
the
legalist
First
Emperor
as
a
reformer
of
tradition.
Deng
Xiaoping
represents
the
resurgence
of
the
pragmatic
impulse.
Whatever
dao
follows
next
in
China
will
show
more
Western
influence,
but
China
is
not
likely
to
interpret
it
via
the
ethical
scheme
of
deontological
individualism.
Chinese
reformers
may
well
try
the
rule
of
law,
but,
like
the
classical
political
thinkers,
they
may
always
prefer
character
inculcation
to
punishment.
References
All
quotations
translated
by
the
author.
Most
of
these
passages
can
be
found
in:
Chan,
Wing-tsit:
A
Seurce
Book
in
Chinese
Philosophy
(Princeton:
Princeton
University
Press,
1963).
For
longer
quotations
and
elaboration:
Hansen,
C:
A
Daoist
Theory
of
Chinese
Thought
(New
York:
Oxford
University
Press,
1990).
Further
reading
Fingarette,
H.:
Confucius
—
The
Secular
as
Sacred
(New
York:
Harper
&
Row,
1972).
Fung,
Yu-lan:
A
Shert
History
of
Chinese
Philosophy,
trans.
D.
Bodde
(New
York:
The
Macmillan
Company,
1958).
Graham,
A.:
Chuang-tzu:
The
Inner
Chapters
(London:
George
Allen
&
Unwin,
1981).
.
Later
Mohist
Logic,
Ethics
and
Science
(Hong
Kong
and
London:
Chinese
University
Press,
1978).
Hansen,
C.:
Language
and
Logic
in
Ancient
China
(Ann
Arbor:
University
of
Michigan
Press,
1983).
Mote,
W.:
Intellectual
Foundations
of
China
(New
York:
Alfred
A.
Knopf,
1971).
Munro.
J.:
The
Concept
of
Man
in
Early
China
(Stanford:
Stanford
University
Press,
1969).
Smullyan,
R.:
The
Tao
is
Silent
(New
York:
Harper
&
Row,
1977).
81
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