How, If at All, States Can Escape the Security Dilemma. Revised.edited

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1 How, If at All, States Can Escape the Security Dilemma? Introduction In international relations (IR) theory, the issue of security problems is typically depicted as an untamed loop of insecurity. Tang (2010) contends that the issue arises when sovereign nations fail to define their vulnerabilities and communicate their reasoning for defensive positioning inside the anarchic world order. The governments are not purposefully attempting to provoke friction; nonetheless, the diplomatic efforts taken by many nations to maximize security benefits may culminate in conflict escalation and the devastating prospect of war. The security problem is framed as an inevitable truth from a conservative, realistic perspective. The truth is reliant on states operating rationally and maintaining an actual thirst for influence, both of which are required for a country to protect itself (Feis, 2015). This research is not going against the conventional traditional realism approach; instead, it will demonstrate from an increasingly sophisticated neo-realist viewpoint that the problem of security has become an inescapable prophecy and that even though nations might not truly escape this truth, they can successfully ameliorate problems surrounding the security paradigm. This point is addressed in three parts in this article. The first section discusses the complexities of the security quandary to comprehend the problem of insecurity. The subsequent part asserts that the problem of insecurity is a self- fulfilling prophecy, whereas the last section argues that, contrary to the classical realists' stance, avoiding the security dilemma is still conceivable. The Security Dilemma In 1950 John Herz emphasized the issue of doubt regarding the intent of nations under weak global power. Countries' fear persists, creating views that offensive assault is a safe, better plan to be implemented than collaboration. Such a terrible contradiction explains why wars occur
2 notwithstanding all sides' aim for an amicable conclusion of disputes (Collins, 2014). Herz (1959) defined the security dilemma as "a structural theory wherein countries' self-help efforts to meet their security requirements tends, irrespective of purpose, to contribute to increased insecurity for others as each views its actions as defensive and actions of others as possibly dangerous" (as cited in Collins, p. 563). Moreover, Robert Jervis contends that the problem of security is the key method of recognizing how countries with essentially comparable goals, such as stability and their existence, may end up in conflict, and extreme situations, violence. Jervis adds that the security quandary is exacerbated by the reality that while a possibly adversarial state "is benign today, it may turn malicious in the future" (Adams, 2003, p. 58). Because of this paradox, many regimes anticipate the worst-case scenario and aggressively amass military capability for defense (p. 47). Collins believes that the challenges surrounding the Cold War, post-Cold War Europe, and American nuclear strategy are typical and frequently quoted examples exhibiting the security conundrum (p.565). Earlier realism scholars argued that nations had to be tough to exist. Thomas Hobbes, an especially gloomy early realist philosopher, felt that the powerful will always control the weak and that without substantial strength, the poor are unable to stop this dominance from happening (Feis, p. 17). About fifty years later, John Mearsheimer argues that governments seeking solely survival usually have no choice but to diminish the overall authority of nations viewed as potential threats (Black, 2007). Going beyond human nature as intrinsically hostile, Herz contends that the major reason for warfare is a nation's drive to exist, as a result, it seeks greater authority.
3 In comparison, Charles Glaser says that nations are primarily concerned with security and that their efforts to protect security can jeopardize the independence of others. Collins believes that only when states are uninformed of the motivations of others does a security risk arise. Whereas this defensive realist viewpoint seems to contradict the realist premise of nations pursuing power, it nonetheless recognizes the security issue as a self-imposed reality. According to Roe (2004), Glaser recognizes the theory's use within IR for researchers striving to analyze several world-changing past events. Denying the security problem is denying a realistic assessment of human nature. Jervis proposes the offensive-defensive hypothesis to cover both of the opposing realism notions on a country's unfriendly or defensive character. The concept, according to Collins, concentrates on contests conducted between powerful nations, in which aggressive states constantly seek more strength and defensive ones just desire enough power to be secure. His approach encompasses four concepts of varying behavior, with varied amounts of insecurity accumulation measured between stages. He contends that, whereas the global system's anarchic structure is unalterable, the security challenge itself may shift through time and geography. This influences the appeal of states to employ a more collaborative or competitive method for exposing state vulnerabilities (Adams, p. 52). The most harmful behaviors in his concept cause great powers to shift and become hostile over time. This can result in the accumulation of arms to counteract each other, in addition to the creation of an atmosphere with little to no cooperation, validating the argument of this research. Self-fulfilling Prophecy Robert Merton holds that a self-fulfilling prophecy is "a faulty characterization of the circumstance prompting new behavior that renders the initially wrong notion come to pass"
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4 (Dickie, Gozdecka, and Reich, 2016). Whenever a nation is unsuccessful in effectively identifying its security position inside the anarchic global system, the security issue self-fulfills. Although the nation's behavior may be viewed domestically as reasonable concerning the actions of a different nation, it may needlessly lead another country into a buildup of armaments, culminating in the exact risk it wanted to avoid. The internalized insecurity conundrum, argued by Richard Copeland, occurs as a consequence of rational people within the state apparatus operating on worst-case premises (Collins, 2014). This perspective underlines the central thesis of this piece because contending governments that consistently exhibit hard-line, 'rational' conduct is acting recklessly and causing security issues. This, he argues, is irrational counterbalancing that can give rise to ongoing disputes and is hard to rectify via organizational structures. Rising Soviet defense investment before 1955, for example, generated the perception that the USSR was becoming an armed might capable of capitalizing on any US shortcomings throughout the course of the Cold War. However, as Jervis notes, the Soviets' massive expenditure and military procurement may have reflected a real fear of the United States (p.562). Regardless of how Russian intentions were supposed to be taken, the US assumed the worst and increased its already huge military structure. This appearing self-fulfilling prophesy of counter-balancing is dangerous. Tang argues that if a nation undermines its opponent's safety while boosting its own, the deed can backfire, rendering both less safe than beforehand. The two countries are far less safe now that they have fostered mutual hostility and increased military might. A nation ought not to seek strategic superiority that stems from a misinterpretation of the intentions of a potential adversary. The such unnecessary military expansion puts countries in a power competition. Every attempt to strengthen one's defenses in an anarchist, self-help society simply serves to motivate others to
5 increase their armed forces, leaving nobody more secure than previously. As a consequence, if other countries get fearful and increase their respective power, the international structure transforms into a system-wide weapons competition to protect every nation's goals, turning substantially less protected than it was before. Remedies to Security Dilemma The variables that worsen the security challenge also propose potential solutions. First, depending on whether weapons are exclusively defensive or offensive, it may be able to discern between an actor ready to attack and one prepared to defend. Fortresses are often defensive, but they must be staffed by soldiers who can readily be sent on the attack if required (Roe, 2004). Several types of artillery might be dug in, but the majority is now mobile. As a result, it's difficult to imagine solely defensive weaponry. On the other hand, pure offensive ones are easy to imagine: tanks, and nukes. Even though, as we have shown, it is not difficult to present a reasoned justification for them to play a defensive role (through their influence on deterrence). Second, another approach would be to depend only on the relative simplicity of defense. This is known as the offensive-defense balance: when the offense is dominant, it is simpler to attack and win than it is to defend (Garfinkel and Dafoe, 2019). This can be owing to technological advances (e.g., tanks with air support against trench warfare in WWI) or ideology (e.g., the offensive cult that controls most forces, according to which the greatest defense is a good offense). Before WWI, the French, like virtually everyone else, believed in this cult, which may have been one of the causes they threw masses of men into the Nazi meat grinder. Garfinkel and Dafoe feel that location, in addition to technology, can assist relieve part of the security challenge. According to Ahn (2019), belligerents can construct demilitarized zones – areas of land designated free of hostile forces. The goal is to keep the opponents apart to limit the
6 hazards of surprise attacks and events that might spark reprisals and large-scale violence. Nowadays, a demilitarized zone (DMZ) divides North and South Korea (Ahn, p. 1047Another DMZ was formed between Israel and Egypt following the 1956 Suez War when the Sinai peninsula was demilitarized and guarded by UN forces until Nasser ordered them to depart on the eve of the Six Day War (p.1055). The buffer zones are larger-scale geopolitical structures that serve a similar purpose. These are zones that divide hostile troops, similar to DMZs, although they do not have to be demilitarized (Westing, 2010). Often, whole states serve as buffer zones between prospective adversaries. For example, after Napoleon was eventually defeated by the Fourth Coalition in 1815, France was surrounded by the cordon sanitaire, a network of buffer states created to ring the restless kingdom (Wivel, 2011). It stretched from Belgium in the north to Italy via a network of German states. The Concert system's designers, who devised it during the Congress of Vienna, were fairly specific about the role these powers would play in preventing future French aggression. Arms control is another option. That is, an agreement to restrict weaponry, maybe even to make them less hazardous (and costly levels). While it is difficult to eliminate weapons, it is not so far-fetched to imagine that they may be restricted in some constructive way. There have been some major triumphs in this field, most notably the many anti-nuclear treaties — test bans, non- proliferation, nuclear-free zones, armament reductions — chemicals and biological weaponry treaties, and even conventional military reduction treaties (Ikenberry, 2004). These deals, on the other hand, are impeded by the difficulty to verify compliance and the typically voluntary nature of being a party to them. North Korea, as we have seen, violated the Non-Proliferation Treaty
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7 (NPT), to which it was a signatory. Israel has never ratified the NPT and is largely assumed to possess nuclear weapons. Collective security is another technique that is fantastic when it works but fails much too often to be trusted. The goal is to build a coalition of governments based on the notion that an assault on one is an attack on all, necessitating a coordinated response to the aggressor (Wivel, 2011). The alliance members also pledge not to target each other. The notion is that such a system would significantly improve the security of its members over a self-help anarchical system in which each actor must rely exclusively on his resources for protection. Furthermore, unlike deterrence, which is based on threats and may increase the security problem, collective security systems foster collaboration rather than competition, lowering the chance of conflict. Conclusion In a nutshell, this security conundrum has grown into an inescapable prophecy, and although governments are unlikely to be able to completely escape this fact, they might successfully lessen security-related anxieties. While ambiguity is key in understanding why a security issue might arise between states that initially did not aim to harm one another, what fuels animosity is a false conviction about the other's intentions and motives. The sole assurance that states hold, argues Mearsheimer, is uncertainty. To obtain comparative security, they have to anticipate the worst and aim for dominance. This viewpoint does not allow for the security dilemma but rather requires all countries to pursue a course of action that results in the security predicament and eternal, inevitable security competition. To that end, while governments might maintain defensive postures in an attempt to alleviate the negative repercussions of the security dilemma, this merely postpones the inevitable. But, there is a way out of the security quandary. As previously stated, the variables that worsen the security challenge also propose potential
8 solutions. To avoid a security dilemma, member nations must implement methods such as offense-defense balance, buffer zones, weapons limitation, and even collective security. As previously stated, such measures can go a long way toward lowering, but not necessarily eradicating, security concerns.
9 References Adams, K. R. (2003). Attack and conquer? International anarchy and the offense-defense- deterrence balance. International Security , 45-83. Ahn, C. (2019). Disrupting War: Women Cross the Korean DMZ. American Quarterly , 71 (4), 1045-1052. Black, J. (2007). Great powers and the quest for hegemony: the world order since 1500 . Routledge. Collins, A. (2014). Escaping a security dilemma: Anarchy, certainty, and embedded norms. International Politics , 51 , 561-576. Dickie, M., Gozdecka, D., & Reich, S. (2016). Unintended consequences: the impact of migration law and policy . ANU Press. Feis, H. (2015). Between war and peace (Vol. 2115). Princeton University Press. Garfinkel, B., & Dafoe, A. (2019). How does the offense-defense balance scale? Journal of Strategic Studies , 42 (6), 736-763. Ikenberry, G. J. (2004). The end of the neo-conservative moment. Survival , 46 (1), 7-22. Roe, P. (2004). Ethnic violence and the societal security dilemma . Routledge. Tang, S. (2010). A theory of security strategy for our time: Defensive realism . Springer. Westing, A. H. (2010). The Korean demilitarized zone (DMZ) is a bridge between the two Koreas. Participant Papers 2010: A World Without Walls . Wivel, A. (2011). Security dilemma. International Encyclopedia of political science , 7 , 2389-91.
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