ANTONIO MORTEL, Jen - Military History Timeline

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Antonio Mortel-1 Military History Timeline Assignment Jen Antonio Mortel Student ID: 201684587 HIST 2221-001 Dr. Travis Hay November 23, 2023 Extended Date: November 27, 2023
Antonio Mortel-2 1534 – The Rising of the Cross of Gaspe In 1534, specifically the 24 th of July 1 , Jacques Cartier decided to put up thirty feet high to pinpoint of their harbour or location on the next voyage. Underneath the cross, it had said “Long Live the King of France” in French. It was said that Cartier and his people put together and set up the cross and they Indigenous people of the land watched them 2 . Cartier then knelt down and worshipped the cross before the people of the land. In Cartier’s eyes, they admired the beliefs they had when they were pointing towards the sky and made it look like was heaven. In his defense, this means that they have founded a new life and their own redemption 3 . However, immediately, after the Indigenous people showed admiration to the cross, Cartier imposed an idea to them that the purpose of the cross was a guidepost and that soon they would come back. Because of that imposition, Chief Donnaconna also imposed an idea that Cartier would take 2 of his sons so that they would bring them back using the guidepost of the cross 4 . This showed a significant amount of insult to the indigenous people that an outsider put a landmark of their own in a land that is not theirs, causing a distrust to Cartier and his next voyage. 1701 – The Great Peace of Montreal The ratification ceremony held on August 4, 1701 5 , marked the conclusion of a two-week trade fair at a spectacular grand council. In this ceremony, people engaged to exchange of gifts 1 Ramsay Cook, "Cartier’s First Voyage, 1534: Jacques Cartier’s First Account of the New Land, Called New France, Discovered in the Year 1534," in The Voyages of Jacques Cartier (University of Toronto Press, 1993), 26, http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3138/j.ctt1287pq0.6 . 2 Cook, "Cartier’s First Voyage, 1534," 26. 3 Cook, "Cartier’s First Voyage, 1534," 26. 4 Cook, "Cartier’s First Voyage, 1534," 27. 5 Heidi Bohaker, "‘Nindoodemag’: The Significance of Algonquian Kinship Networks in the Eastern Great Lakes Region, 1600-1701," *The William and Mary Quarterly* 63, no. 1 (2006): 23–52, https://doi.org/10.2307/3491724 .
Antonio Mortel-3 and attentively absorbed insights from both the French and Native Americans, making this event of profound significance. The resulting treaty was anticipated to leave an enduring impact on the political history of the region. The extensive documentary record that remains is a synthesis of diverse cultural traditions. Notably, Native American concerns about collective identities were expressed, providing valuable glimpses into their distinctive worldview 6 . The treaty itself was non-negotiable for the opposing factions—the French and the Haudenosaunee (Native Americans). Examination of seventeenth-century sources underscores the pivotal role played by nindoodemag in shaping the Anishinaabe collective identity, fulfilling crucial social and political functions 7 . Historical analysis makes it clear that while alliances with the French held importance, they did not constitute the core of the Anishinaabe collective identity. A closer inspection of the evidence leading up to the Great Peace of Montreal reveals a fundamentally different approach to organizing the sociopolitical world among the Anishinaabe compared to the Europeans. This caused a major misunderstanding to the Anishinaabe people since they were trying to communicate their concerns as the French did not recognize their form of communication, through pictographs. This form of communication did not correspond to the speaker and the French used the metaphor of childlike relationship and would impose a nonuniversal 8 . However, the French found success in befriending and gain alliances with the Anishinaabe people, and this is because of three reasons 9 . One of the reasons is that they realized the importance of the relationship it would bring to them and another reason is that that they have already adapted the Native Americans rules and protocols and lastly, the Anishinaabe people knew and understood leadership. 6 Bohaker, "‘Nindoodemag’," 37. 7 Bohaker, "‘Nindoodemag’," 37. 8 Bohaker, "‘Nindoodemag’," 49. 9 Bohaker, "‘Nindoodemag’," 50.
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Antonio Mortel-4 1752 – The Peace and Friendship Treaty The Peace and Friendship Treaty was made between the British and the Mi’kmaq Nation representing a significant and compromised move towards peace. However, the treaty was not an honourable act by the British but rather it was their plan to exploit and abolish the Mi’kmaq people 10 . Leading up to the Treaty, the British struggled because the Chief of the Mi’kmaq was requesting payment for the land taken by the British and their settlements. The British then refused and displaying their disregard for the people of Mi’kmaq and their rights 11 . Discussed in the Treaty, the British imposed that Mi’kmaq has the right to bring their goods for sale to Halifax or any other settlements within the province. This allows the security of the British benefits from the Mi’kmaq’s resources. In the Treaty, it was also mentioned that bread and flours and other such 12 will be brought twice a year. It was also mentioned that blankets and other necessity and while renewing the treaty, a new responsibility came in case of shipwrecks that lives and good would be saved and they will be brought a suitable reward 13 . However, the Mi’kmaq felt that the treaty was not a genuine respect or recognition. It was just a desperate action to prevent the abolishment of the Mi’kmaq. Although with the alliance that came along with the Treaty, it was founded by the Mi’kmaq people that it was not a peaceful nor friendly treaty. It was a plan of the British to attempt to exploit the Mi’kmaq people. With the benefits that the Mi’kmaq people gain, it came with underlying power dynamics by the British and continue to disregard their rights in their own land. 1755 – The Expulsion of the Acadians 10 Daniel N. Paul, *We Were Not the Savages: A Mi'kmaq Perspective on the Collision between European and Native American Civilizations* (Fernwood Publishing, Canada), https://canadacommons.ca/artifacts/1868709/we-were- not-the-savages/2617592/ 11 Paul, We Were Not the Savages, 72. 12 Paul, We Were Not the Savages, 74. 13 Paul, We Were Not the Savages, 75.
Antonio Mortel-5 The struggle between the British Empire and the French empire during 1755 to gain control of North America held in Nova Scotia 14 as the battleground. The British established a naval base settlement to counter the French settlement of Louisbourg. A thousand Protestant colonist arrived and built a fortified port town in Halifax 15 . Governor Cornwallis had a mission resulting with the Acadians and sought to remove the Acadians from their land to make way for the Protestants arrival. It was argued that the Acadians controlled the best land in the province and that their removal was a necessary for the Protestant settlements 16 . Cornwallis proposed a military campaign to destroy the Acadian settlements, this would mean that their houses would be burned to ashes and cut all their dislikes. The British colonial and the minister were aware of the plan and supported the plan as well. The responsibility of the expulsion of the Acadians solely lay on the British state. There is a popular poem included in the article called “Evangline” by Longfellow 17 , employing the hardship and the cruelty and the suffering of the Acadians that also failed to be acknowledge of role the New Englanders in the removal process of the Acadians. In another term, the process of this removal could be also interpreted in the article as “ethnic cleansing” and as the previous article would show that the Mi’kmaq could so relate in the process of the removal. The expulsion of the Acadians marked a turning point in the history of the Nova Scotia and had an extensive consequence for the Acadian people. 1763 – The Royal Proclamation 14 John Mack Faragher, "‘A Great and Noble Scheme’: Thoughts on the Expulsion of the Acadians," Acadiensis, 36, no. 1 (2006): 82–92, http://www.jstor.org/stable/30303272 . 15 Faragher, "‘A Great and Noble Scheme’," 85. 16 Faragher, "‘A Great and Noble Scheme’," 86. 17 Faragher, "‘A Great and Noble Scheme’," 84.
Antonio Mortel-6 The Royal Proclamation of 1763 was a complex document with 4 parts, each addressing different subjects and territories. The Proclamation aimed to establish a constitutional framework for the British’s relations with the Indigenous nations and its people in North America 18 . The first part of the Proclamation is the disposal of recently claimed French and Spanish territories, while the second part mainly focuses on protecting the lands of the Indigenous people from infiltration and such 19 . In this way, it prohibits the governors from allowing survey warrants and/or patents for lands beyond a certain area and reserved lands for Indigenous people to use and settlements. The third part of the Proclamation is free lands grants to officers and soldiers who served in the Seven Years’ War 20 . This mainly the relationship between the British Crown and the Indigenous nations, emphasizing the Crown’s commitment to fair and equality in its treaties with the Indigenous nations. The final and longest part of the Proclamation contained the detailed measures discussing the Indigenous people and their land 21 . The Proclamation recognize the historical relationship the British people had with the Indigenous people, including the Peace and Friendship Treaty. This part significantly was important since the relationship that the British Crown and its settlement were unjust and Indigenous people felt inferior to their own land. Overall, the Proclamations main objective was to establish the framework for the Crown’s relation with the Indigenous nations and protecting the land of the Indigenous people from infiltration by establishing the equal rights and fair dealing in its treaties. The War of 1812 18 Terry Fenge and Jim Aldridge, *Keeping Promises: The Royal Proclamation of 1763, Aboriginal Rights, and Treaties in Canada* (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2015), ProQuest Ebook Central. 19 Fenge and Aldridge, Keeping Promises, 57. 20 Fenge and Aldridge, Keeping Promises, 58. 21 Fenge and Aldridge, Keeping Promises, 60.
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Antonio Mortel-7 In an article wrote by Robin Jarvis Brownlie, he suggests that two poems wrote about an image during the War of 1812 was a Native American leader named Tecumseh and each poem describing Tecumseh 22 . Each poem had their own unique style describing the leader; however, their main argument was that Tecumseh was a heroic leader, courageous and eager to fight for the British troops. He was a warrior with a god-like form, wise and offering advice to others 23 . Both of the poems also mention Tecumseh death in the Battle of Moraviantown and the poems essentially their way to pay tribute in his memory 24 . In Richard’s poem (one of the authors of the poem), he describes Tecumseh’s image as the one who rescues prisoners and always emphasizing his humanity and moral equality with whites 25 . However, with all these positive comments about Tecumseh, they were some that came with negative impact to his image. In the poems, they also described the images of the Canadian territories as wild and uncivilized, calling for further efforts to clear the lands and expand the colonial settlements of the British. This is an important aspect because this contradicted Tecumseh mission to stop the expansion of the colonial settlement and protect his people in his land. The poem serves a purpose to the assert the British colonial powers and ownership over the territories. To commemorate, Tecumseh’s bravery and noble actions, the authors wanted to abolish the stereotypes of the Indigenous people and their community. Due to Tecumseh’s bravery and noble actions, they wanted to give a portrait of Indigenous people to be the same as Tecumseh. Despite other people’s opinion and different objectives, the two poets contributed to the romanticized image of Tecumseh as a heroic figure even though he possesses a savage-like characteristics. 22 Robin J. Brownlie, "The Co-optation of Tecumseh: The War of 1812 and Racial Discourses in Upper Canada," Journal of the Canadian Historical Association / Revue de la Société historique du Canada, 23, no. 1 (2012): 39–63, https://doi-org.libproxy.mtroyal.ca/10.7202/1015727ar . 23 Brownlie, "The Co-optation of Tecumseh," 45. 24 Brownlie, "The Co-optation of Tecumseh," 45. 25 Brownlie, "The Co-optation of Tecumseh," 46.
Antonio Mortel-8 1816 – The Seven Oaks Incident In the Seven Oaks incident, a rough confrontation between the Metis and settlers of the Hudson’s Bay Company established by Selkirk at Red River 26 has been regarded as a “massacre” in Canadian history discourse. However, Lyle Dick analyzed and examine that form of the basis of this interpretation reveals a distinction between “history” which means it could refer to the basic facts and “discourse” which includes elements examined by historians 27 . Prior to the 1870s, the incident was not considered as a “massacre” but the interpretation of the event as a massacre elevated during the period after 1870, when Anglo-Canadian emerged and began to form a dominant group. They closely analyzed the battle and selectively chose accounts that would favour their own side 28 . This would mean that the Anglo-Canadian employed romantic narrative techniques to present the actions of the Metis as those of a savage massacre. These narratives would allegorically justify the infiltration of the land from the Indigenous people of the West by newcomers 29 . This ideological position shaped the historiography of the incident for about 100 years and since the 1970s, the tradition has been challenged in academic circles, but others continue to generalize this incident. 1845 – The Franklin Expedition In the book “Performance Studies in Canada”, there is a section in the book by Heather Davis Fisch discussing the concept of place naming, historiography, and settler methodologies in the context of Indigenous territories 30 . Lady Franklin, the widowed wife of John Franklin, an 26 Lyle Dick, "The Seven Oaks Incident and the Construction of a Historical Tradition, 1816 to 1970," Journal of the Canadian Historical Association / Revue de la Société historique du Canada 2, no. 1 (1991): 91–113, https://doi- org.libproxy.mtroyal.ca/10.7202/031029ar . 27 Dick, "The Seven Oaks Incident," 98. 28 Dick, "The Seven Oaks Incident," 100. 29 Dick, "The Seven Oaks Incident," 103. 30 L. Levin and M. Schweitzer, Performance Studies in Canada (McGill-Queen's University Press, 2017): 68-85, Ottawa, Ontario, https://canadacommons.ca/artifacts/1877561/performance-studies-in-canada/2626593/
Antonio Mortel-9 admiral, and an explorer, voyaged to find an access up north by using Fraser Valley. Unfortunately, his voyage ended trying to find passages and dying in the cold and cruel weather of the Northern Atlantic. In the book, Fisch mentions the idea of "sxwōxwiyám" which refers to the both temporal period and stories from that period, emphasizing the interrelation between time, narrative, and place 31 . Fraser Valley transformed from an impassable landscape to a fur trade corridor and eventually a settler colony. The inscription of Lady Franklin’s name on the pass symbolizes the civilizing of the wild river and the accessibility of the canyon’s beauty in which John Franklin tried to claim by going off an expedition 32 . The story of the “bad rock” means of the story of how Fraser became the object of the Indigenous people’s knowledge, challenging the unequal power dynamics of colonialism. The book covers that the changes in the landscape by 1861, were significantly different from Fraser’s experience in 1808 33 , Indigenous guides played an active role in guiding newcomers through the landscape, challenging the expected power dynamics of the intercultural contact zone. Because of this, the Franklin Expedition was an “impassable” expedition that no one can ever challenge but through times, the Indigenous people found a will of their own that time will pass and make the landscape “passable” just as a way for their equal rights will be like. This highlights the need for cultural understanding, recognizes power dynamics and emphasizes the importance of positioning oneself responsibly as a reader and a researcher. 1869 – The Red River Uprising One of the leaders that led the Red River Uprising would be Louis Riel. Louis Riel is a political figure and a Metis leader in Canadian History. He was often portrayed as a symbol of 31 Levin and Schweitzer, Performance Studies in Canada , 72. 32 Levin and Schweitzer, Performance Studies in Canada , 73. 33 Levin and Schweitzer, Performance Studies in Canada , 80.
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Antonio Mortel-10 resistance against the settler-colonial regime 34 . Bruyneel argued that Riel’s story is surrounded by torture, resistance, and counter-sovereignty, making him an example of homo sacer 35 . The meaning of homo sacer is defined to be someone who was “murdered” but mostly sacrificed, portraying the image of a sacred man. The author does acknowledge that Riel’s political legend also obscures the experiences of the marginalized groups, particularly indigenous people, within the settler-colonial context. In the article provided by Bruyneel, there are two statues correlating two of Riel’s image: a sovereign figure and the other one, his suffering under colonial practices 36 . The article suggests that the statues of Riel servers as a metaphor for Canada’s redemption and its colonial past. However, Bruyneel challenges this interpretation, urging a reversal of the Euro- colonial gaze to critically examine and evaluate Canada’s colonial history. In one of the statues, specifically the “naked” one, serves his suffering as mentioned above. This symbolism of suffering not only offers Riel as a homo sacer but also symbolizes other beliefs such as in religion beliefs. It is believed that Riel was murdered but considered as a sacrificial method for his people, metaphorically, Jesus in religious beliefs died the same way. Thus, the symbolism of the “naked” on was far more intentional for others to recognize. Nonetheless, Bruyneel argues that understanding Riel’s political figure as Canada’s archetypal homo sacer should not overshadow the lives and deaths of other marginalizes individuals but rather the article argues that it should have a deeper examination of the complex dynamics of colonial forces that shaped Canadian political life. 1873 – The Cypress Hill Massacre 34 Kevin Bruyneel, "Exiled, Executed, Exalted: Louis Riel, Homo Sacer and the Production of Canadian Sovereignty," Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue Canadienne De Science Politique 43, no. 3 (2010): 711– 32, doi:10.1017/S0008423910000612. 35 Bruyneel, "Exiled, Executed, Exalted," 724. 36 Bruyneel, "Exiled, Executed, Exalted," 727.
Antonio Mortel-11 In an article made by Ian Getty, he argues the transition of Western Canada from common property resources to private property. This highlights the tragedy of the loss of the commons on the Prairies after 1870. A good example of this is the Cypress Hill Massacre in 1873. The Cypress Hill Massacre of 1872 had impacted the transition on the Indigenous people 37 . This is a tragic even that occurred where a group of American wolfers and whisky traders killed several Indigenous people in the Cypress Hill area of Western Canada 38 . The massacre was a result of the atmosphere of violence in Montana, the home of most of the perpetrators of the massacre. The killers were hailed as heroes, contributing to a stable society, and helping protect innocent and defenseless white women and children 39 . This is a key to understanding the massacre and the angry bewilderment of the Americans in Montana over the subsequent proceedings of the Winnipeg Trials by the Canadian authorities. The transition from common property resources to private property had a significant impact on the Indigenous people. The Indigenous people were excluded from the new system 40 and were left in an uneasy limbo on their reserves, part way between old institution of shared resources and the new institution of private personal property. The indigenous people were also excluded in the transition process and their rights was not respected as well. The Cypress Hill Massacre impacted the Indigenous people because of the transitions and the need for a better understanding of their culture and their traditions. 37 Ian A. L. Getty, *As Long As the Sun Shines and Water Flows: A Reader In Canadian Native Studies* (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1983), https://hdl-handle-net.libproxy.mtroyal.ca/2027/heb06711.0001.001 . 38 Getty, As Long As the Sun Shines, 205 39 Getty, As Long As the Sun Shines, 205. 40 Getty, As Long As the Sun Shines, 211.
Antonio Mortel-12 Bibliography Bohaker, Heidi. “‘Nindoodemag’: The Significance of Algonquian Kinship Networks in the Eastern Great Lakes Region, 1600-1701.” The William and Mary Quarterly 63, no. 1 (2006): 23–52. https://doi.org/10.2307/3491724 .
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Antonio Mortel-13 Bruyneel, Kevin. “Exiled, Executed, Exalted: Louis Riel, Homo Sacer and the Production of Canadian Sovereignty.”   Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue Canadienne De Science Politique   43, no. 3 (2010): 711–32. doi:10.1017/S0008423910000612. Cook, Ramsay. “Cartier’s First Voyage, 1534: JACQUES CARTIER’S FIRST ACCOUNT OF THE NEW LAND, CALLED NEW FRANCE, DISCOVERED IN THE YEAR 1534.” In The Voyages of Jacques Cartier , 3–34. University of Toronto Press, 1993. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3138/j.ctt1287pq0.6 . Dick, Lyle «   The Seven Oaks Incident and the Construction of a Historical Tradition, 1816 to 1970   ».   Journal of the Canadian Historical Association / Revue de la Société historique du Canada   2, n o   1 (1991): 91–113. https://doi-org.libproxy.mtroyal.ca/10.7202/031029ar FARAGHER, JOHN MACK. “‘A Great and Noble Scheme’: Thoughts on the Expulsion of the Acadians.” Acadiensis 36, no. 1 (2006): 82–92. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30303272 . Fenge, Terry, and Aldridge, Jim.   Keeping Promises: The Royal Proclamation of 1763, Aboriginal Rights, and Treaties in Canada . Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central. Getty, Ian A. L.   As Long As the Sun Shines and Water Flows: a Reader In Canadian Native Studies.   Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1983. https://hdl-handle- net.libproxy.mtroyal.ca/2027/heb06711.0001.001 . PDF. Horner, Dan « “The Public Has The Right to be Protected From A Deadly Scourge”: Debating Quarantine, Migration and Liberal Governance during the 1847 Typhus Outbreak in Montreal ».  Journal of the Canadian Historical Association / Revue de la Société
Antonio Mortel-14 historique du Canada  23, n o  1 (2012): 65–100. https://doi-org.libproxy.mtroyal.ca/10.7202/1015728ar Levin, L., and M. Schweitzer. Performance Studies in Canada. McGill-Queen's University Press, (2017): 68-85. Ottawa, Ontario. https://canadacommons.ca/artifacts/1877561/performance-studies-in-canada/2626593/ Paul, Daniel N. We Were Not the Savages: A Mi'kmaq Perspective on the Collision between European and Native American Civilizations. Fernwood Publishing, Canada. https://canadacommons.ca/artifacts/1868709/we-were-not-the-savages/2617592/