H - Copy (2)

Passage 1 is adapted from African American spokesman and leader Booker T. Washington's "Atlanta Compromise" address, given before a predominantly white audience in 1895. Passage 2 is adapted from black leader and intellectual W.E.B. Du Bois' 1903 essay in his collection The Souls of Black Folk with the title "Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others." Passage 1 Lin e 5 10 15 20 25 The black man's greatest danger is that in the great leap from slavery to freedom we may overlook the fact that the masses of us are to live by the productions of our hands, and fail to keep in mind that we shall prosper in proportion as we learn to dignify and glorify common labor, and put brains and skill into the common occupations of life. No race can prosper until it learns that there is as much dignity in tilling a field as in writing a poem. It is at the bottom of life we must begin, and not at the top. In all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress. Gentlemen of the Exposition, as we present to you our humble effort at an exhibition of our progress, you must not expect overmuch. Starting thirty years ago with ownership here and there in a few quilts and pumpkins and chickens (gathered from miscellaneous sources), remember the path that has led from these to the inventions and production of agricultural implements, buggies, steam-engines, newspapers, books, statuary, carving, paintings, the management of drug stores and banks, has not been trodden without contact with thorns and thistles. While we take pride in what we exhibit as a result of our independent efforts, we do not for a moment forget that our part in this exhibition would fall far short of your expectations but for the constant help that has come to our educational life, not only from the Southern states, but especially from Northern philanthropists, who have made their gifts a constant stream of blessing and encouragement. The wisest among my race understand that the agitation of questions of social equality is the extremest folly, and that progress in the enjoyment of all the privileges that will come to us must be the result of severe and constant struggle rather than of artificial forcing. It is important and right that all privileges of the law be ours, but it is vastly more important that we be prepared for the exercise of these privileges. Passage 2 30 35 40 45 Mr. Washington's program practically accepts the alleged inferiority of the black races. In failing thus to state plainly and unequivocally the legitimate demands of their people, even at the cost of opposing an honored leader, the thinking classes of American Blacks would shirk a heavy responsibility—a responsibility to themselves, a responsibility to the struggling masses, a responsibility to the darker races of men whose future depends so largely on this American experiment, but especially a responsibility to this nation—this common Fatherland. The growing spirit of kindliness and reconciliation between the North and South after the frightful difference of a generation ago ought to be a source of deep congratulation to all, and especially to those whose mistreatment caused the Civil War; but if that reconciliation is marked by the industrial slavery and civic death of those same black men, with permanent legislation into a position of inferiority, then those black men are called upon by every consideration of patriotism and loyalty to oppose such a course by all civilized methods, even though such opposition involves disagreement with Mr. Booker T. Washington. We have no right to sit silently by while the inevitable seeds are sown for a harvest of disaster to our children, black and white. It would be unjust to Mr. Washington not to acknowledge that in several instances he has opposed movements in the South which were unjust to the black man; he sent memorials to the Louisiana and Alabama constitutional conventions, he has spoken against lynching, and in other ways has openly or silently set his influence against sinister schemes and unfortunate happenings. But so far as Mr. Washington apologizes for injustice, North or South; does not rightly value the privilege and duty of voting; belittles the emasculating effects of caste distinctions;

50 55 and opposes the higher training and ambition of our brighter minds;—so far as he, the South, or the Nation, does this—we must unceasingly and firmly oppose them. By every civilized and peaceful method we must strive for the rights which the world accords to men, clinging unwaveringly to those great words which the sons of the Fathers would fain forget: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." 1.In Passage 1, the author makes which point about social equality for black Americans? A Black Americans should not expect to have social equality until the nation as a whole has achieved security and prosperity. B Black Americans should not cooperate with the rest of American society until they have achieved social equality. C Black Americans can achieve social equality more rapidly by using forceful and extreme tactics. D Social equality for black Americans should not be achieved by creating social unrest, but from continuously working together. 2. In Passage 1, Washington suggests which of the following about the current occupations of black Americans? A Only those who are highly literate are able to find adequate employment. B There is little opportunity for black Americans to engage in any occupation. C Black Americans should not value intellectual pursuits over manual labor. D Occupations that rely on physical skills are beneath the dignity of black Americans. 3. Which choice provides the best evidence for the answer to the previous question ? A Lines 4-6 ("No…poem") B Lines 7-8 ("In…progress")

B Lines 33-36 ("The growing…War") C Lines 37-40 ("with…Washington") D Lines 48-52 ("But…them") 8. Both authors would most likely agree with which of the following statements about U.S. laws at the time they wrote these texts? A They are adequate and will eventually be improved. B They should be thrown out and replaced by a new constitution. C They need to be revisited to abolish all laws concerning slavery. D They are wrongly biased in favor of white people. 9. The primary purpose of each passage is to A argue for making immediate changes to unjust laws. B advocate for an approach to developing social equality. C promote social progress for every U.S. citizen through education and employment. D refute the notion that achieving equal rights for all is important to the nation's progress. 10. How would the author of Passage 1 most likely respond to the final sentence of Passage 2? A Black Americans should achieve equal rights through effort and action rather than by speaking out. B Black Americans can use argument and debate to change unjust laws. C Black Americans' equality will be temporary unless they continually protest. D Black Americans' equality will happen sooner if they use anger to prompt action.

11. In Lines 26-27 , Du Bois refers to Booker T. Washington's program in Passage 1 in order to A develop his argument by highlighting Washington's loyalty to black Americans. B call into question Washington's qualifications to discredit him as a leader. C show that he perceives negative implications in Washington's methods. D validate the progress made by Washington and offer his support.