Historiographical essay (1)
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Re-examining women’s suffrage-Considering the gaps of contemporary scholarship.
A turning point in the history of women's rights was the fight for the right of women
to vote. On the other hand, current concepts believe that women perform the majority of the
work. Some claim that Elizabeth Stanton's and Lucretia Mott's efforts to guarantee women's
right to vote were pivotal. But women's work wasn't the only thing that changed politics and
society
1
. Most studies on the women's movement haven't looked enough at how important
men were in ensuring women could vote. Looking at the studies on women's suffrage would
fill in the gaps for a more comprehensive history of the women's movement.
Scholars like Miller contend that interpreting the women's suffrage movement as a
struggle between men and women is inaccurate and oversimplified. He claims that many men
and women favored the fight for women's right to vote. Miller also talks about how minority
and working-class women helped fight for women's right to vote. Nevertheless, women's
gatherings are rarely discussed. Miller examines ladies' associations like the National
Women’s Party (NWP) and the National American Women Suffrage Association (NAWSA)
2
.
However, he doesn't give them enough thought. Because they brought women together and
fought for their rights, these gatherings were essential to developing the testimonial. The
advancement would be all the clearer accepting the methodologies for these social affairs
were looked at in greater significance.
Women's experiences and oppositional behavior are ignored in research on resistance.
Botting talks about how people like Silliman made a bad impression of Wollstonecraft in the
media. Miller additionally momentarily examines the individuals who go against ladies'
1 Tiffany Lewis, “Mediating Political Mobility as Stunt-Girl Entertainment: Newspaper Coverage of New York’s
Suffrage Hike to Albany,”
American Journalism
36, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 99–123,
https://doi.org/10.1080/08821127.2019.1572415
.
2 Linda J. Lumsden, “Historiography: Woman Suffrage and the Media,”
American Journalism
36, no. 1 (January
2, 2019): 4–31,
https://doi.org/10.1080/08821127.2019.1572405
.
2
democratic freedoms. Miller expresses that ladies in the country were yet to be given an equal
voting opportunity by casting a ballot they were demanding. Still, he doesn't fully describe
this resistance or their strategies. A more top-to-bottom assessment of the contentions against
ladies' all in all correct to cast a ballot and suffragists' reactions would be useful to the
review
3
. Miller talks about some things that the women's suffrage movement did, like getting
the 19th Amendment passed, but she doesn't talk much about how suffrage changed women's
lives. If the effects of feminism on women's access to political power, career opportunities,
and educational opportunities had been examined in greater depth, it would have been easier
to comprehend the significance of the movement.
Men are also left out of studies on important people who previously voted for women.
On Lucretia Mott's long journey to becoming an outstanding leader in the US women's
movement, Vetter discusses her trying times. However, no investigation has been conducted
into male friends' impact on the fight for women's right to vote. Men who were agreeable to
ladies' all in all correct to cast a ballot did many things, such as giving cash and assets or
freely expressing their help
4
. The meaning of intersex associations in achieving social and
political change could be shown by taking a gander at what these male companions meant for
the battle for ladies' more right than wrong to cast a ballot. Men had a significant impact on
suffrage strategies and outcomes. When women got the chance to vote, men had a lot of
political power and influence, and what they did had a big effect on why. Gender norms and
power dynamics impacted the fight for women's rights when men impacted suffrage policies
and outcomes.
3 Kristy Maddux, “When Patriots Protest: The Anti-Suffrage Discursive Transformation of 1917,”
Rhetoric and
Public Affairs
7, no. 3 (2004): 283–310,
https://www.jstor.org/stable/41939924
.
4 Suzanne M. Marilley,
Woman Suffrage and the Origins of Liberal Feminism in the United States, 1820–1920
(Harvard University Press, 1996),
https://doi.org/10.4159/harvard.9780674431331
.
3
Orwin claims that women's creative work has spread the possibility of dependence
because it has been a part of their lives for so long. She stated that men wrote stories opposite
to what women did. Also, how men fought for women's right to vote more than men did not
get enough attention in standard research; even though their experiences were documented in
writing, men who supported the suffrage movement received less attention than women who
did
5
. You can learn a lot about how men and women interacted during this period by looking
at the opportunities and challenges faced by male suffragists and their interactions with
women in the movement.
Although these accounts indicate involvement by men, Men's support for women's
right to vote is not discussed. Men supported women's right to vote for various reasons, some
related to how they felt about men and women being equal. Some people thought giving
women the right to vote would make society more stable, while others thought it would help
them achieve their political goals. Gender concepts also had a significant impact on people's
opinions regarding whether or not women should be able to vote
6
. These ideas moved from
being more conservative and focusing on women's domesticity and subordination to being
more liberal and focusing on women's independence and equality with men.
On the one hand, many traditionalists thought giving women the right to vote would
change morals and gender norms. They trusted that allowing ladies to cast a ballot would
liberate them from their customary jobs as spouses and moms and urge them to become more
engaged with public life
7
. Then again, moderate reformers kept up with that for people to be
5 NA NA,
Women’s Rights Emerges within the Anti-Slavery Movement, 1830-1870: A Brief History with
Documents
,
Google Books
(Springer, 2016),
https://books.google.com/books?
hl=en&lr=&id=cIgBDgAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PP1&dq=Women%27s+Rights+Emerges+within+the+Anti-
Slavery+Movement
.
6 NA NA,
Women’s Rights Emerges within the Anti-Slavery Movement, 1830-1870: A Brief History with
Documents
,
Google Books
(Springer, 2016),
https://books.google.com/books?
hl=en&lr=&id=cIgBDgAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PP1&dq=Women%27s+Rights+Emerges+within+the+Anti-
Slavery+Movement
.
7 Joe C. Miller, “Never a Fight of Woman against Man: What Textbooks Don’t Say about Women’s Suffrage,”
The History Teacher
48, no. 3 (2015): 437–82,
https://www.jstor.org/stable/24810524
.
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4
equivalent. They expected to give ladies similar democratic freedoms as men. When they
learned that women's right to vote would not make gender norms or morality rules worse,
some people who had been against it changed their minds. These reasons were areas of
strength for so.
Other social equality developments, for example, those for racial equity or laborers'
freedoms, certainly stand out as the development for ladies' all in all correct to cast a ballot.
However, evidence suggests that it had a significant impact on these developments as well.
For example, many African American campaigners saw parallels between the fight for
women's right to vote and social equality, especially when fighting against racial or
orientation-based social disparities
8
. As a result, they believed that supporting their struggle
for racial equality was a way of supporting the fight for women's right to vote. Working-class
activists saw women's suffrage as a chance to give all citizens, regardless of race or gender,
full voting rights. This was like how they considered ladies' testimonials to be a chance to
give individuals without cash or economic well-being more political power. Consequently,
they believed that supporting the right of women to vote was an essential part of their
struggle for worker rights.
Various significant factors, including race, class, and others, can influence support for
or opposition to women's right to vote. In the South, granting white women the right to vote
was met with fierce opposition from both white and black men. This is a good example of
how important this is. Particularly, many white men were worried that giving white women
the right to vote would make African Americans more powerful in politics
9
. African
Americans already had the right to vote, but it came with a lot of restrictions because of laws
8 McGuire, “Gendered Notions,”
Journal of Civil and Human Rights
1, no. 1 (2015): 116,
https://doi.org/10.5406/jcivihumarigh.1.1.0116
.
9 Corrine M. McConnaughy,
The Woman Suffrage Movement in America: A Reassessment
,
Google Books
(Cambridge University Press, 2013),
https://books.google.com/books?
hl=en&lr=&id=3fDXAAAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PR9&dq=Historiographical+Review+of+Woman
%27s+Suffrage+In+USA&ots=u8PdfKiGyk&sig=BpufYgkydW_J1l5QtCkz4WZUV1E
.
5
from the Reconstruction era. Some white men attempted to deny white women the right to
vote. Also, many African-American men didn't want white women to vote because they
thought it would give white people more political power over African-American men.
People's class also significantly impacted whether or not they supported women's
right to vote. For example, numerous people in the working class felt a little doubtful about
women's overall right to project a voting form from the beginning since they figured it would
give rich people more impact and make the social systems more grounded. Many middle-
class women initially hesitated to support women's right to vote out of concern that it would
further obscure gender roles and norms
10
. Differences in social class and race ultimately
significantly impacted how various groups viewed and responded to the woman's suffrage
movement.
Despite its significance, we still have much to learn about the women's suffrage
movement. This is one of the most obvious gaps when trying to figure out what race and class
meant for development. Even though there has been some research done on this topic, most
of it has only been done in specific places or with specific groups of people
11
. In addition,
little research has been done on the reactions of people from other social groups to the
suffrage movement, particularly those who were not white middle-class people. Also, a lot of
academics haven't thought about how gender views affected those who were in favor of the
movement and those who weren't. To wrap up, the development's effect on other social
liberties associations, such as those working for racial equity or work privileges, has gotten
little consideration.
10 Holly J. McCammon, Lyndi Hewitt, and Sandy Smith, “‘No Weapon Save Argument’: Strategic Frame
Amplification in the U.S. Woman Suffrage Movements,”
The Sociological Quarterly
45, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 529–
56,
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.2004.tb02302.x
.
11 ALISON M. PARKER, “Lisa Tetrault, the Myth of Seneca Falls: Memory and the Women’s Suffrage Movement,
1848–1898 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014, $34.95). Pp. 296. Isbn978 1 4696 1427 4.,”
Journal of American Studies
50, no. 2 (March 31, 2016),
https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816000244
.
6
The writers of the American woman's suffrage movement had a complicated and
wide-ranging relationship. In particular, there were many important people involved in the
development who interacted with one another in ways ranging from support and love to
conflict and struggle. Susan B. Anthony was one of the most well-known leaders of the
movement. She and Elizabeth Cady Stanton were both admirers and loved ones. In 1848,
they met at a temperance meeting in Seneca Falls, New York. They quickly became close
friends and worked together to advocate for women's rights
12
. They collaborated to start
campaigns to grant voters the right to vote, write speeches, distribute newspapers, and
organize conferences. They likewise worked together on various distributions, including The
Insurgency, which supported ladies' equivalent privileges.
Additionally significant was Stanton's relationship with Lucy Stone. Stone played a
crucial role in the fight to end slavery and later joined Stanton and Anthony in the fight for
women's right to vote, where she became well-known. However, Stanton and Stone disagreed
about some of Stone's more modest ideas
13
. Stone couldn't help contradicting Stanton's more
outrageous thoughts regarding marriage and separation regulations, yet they concurred that
ladies ought to have the option to cast a ballot was significant. Ultimately, this caused the two
to disagree, ultimately leading to their breakup in 1869.
Furthermore, Alice Paul and Anthony were not in total agreement. Paul was a devoted
NAWSA member; when she understood that the association was not accomplishing much for
ladies' privileges, she left and started pushing for additional drastic actions. She fought with
Anthony because Anthony thought Paul's harsh tactics could hurt the cause. Despite their
disparities, they kept teaming up on projectsthroughout their lives.
12 Mimi Schippers, “Recovering the Feminine Other: Masculinity, Femininity, and Gender Hegemony,”
Theory
and Society
36, no. 1 (2007): 85–102,
https://www.jstor.org/stable/4501776
.
13 Nancy G. Rosoff and Stephanie Spencer, “Responsibility,”
British and American School Stories, 1910–1960
,
2019, 97–129,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05986-6_4
.
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7
There is a lot of discussion about orientation issues in the ongoing academic
discussion about developing women's testimonials. Because of their ideas about orientation,
researchers stand out enough to be noticed by both development supporters and opponents.
While moderate reformers argued that granting women equal democratic freedoms was
essential for people to be equal, many conservatives viewed women's testimonials as
threatening conventional orientation careers and virtues. While discussing the testimonial
mission, some researchers have emphasized the significance of traditional orientation jobs,
while others have advocated for a more moderate perspective. This is, for instance,
demonstrated by the works of scholar Linda K. Kerber. In her book No Constitutional Right
to Be Ladies: Women and the Obligations of Citizenship, Kerber states directly:
14
According
to Women and the Obligations of Citizenship, traditional gender roles significantly impacted
how people responded to the campaign for women's right to vote. She said many people
worried that giving women the right to vote would weaken morals and gender norms even
more
15
. She trusts that to fathom these orientation ideas, and it is important to appreciate both
the help for and resistance to ladies' democratic privileges.
Regarding women's voting rights, on the other hand, some experts have called for a
more inclusive view of gender roles. For instance, historian Ann D. Gordon contends that
viewing the struggle for women's suffrage as a component of a larger struggle for their
freedom and equal legal treatment is necessary. She asserts that genuine orientation fairness
necessitated granting women the same democratic freedoms as men and that traditional
conceptions of orientation jobs harmed the motivation for women's testimonials in the long
run
16
. In recent years, there has been a shift toward a more nuanced perspective on orientation
14 Linda K Kerber,
No Constitutional Right to Be Ladies : Women and the Obligations of Citizenship
(New York:
Hill & Wang, 2000).
15 Susan Ware, “The Book I Couldn’t Write: Alice Paul and the Challenge of Feminist Biography,”
Journal of
Women’s History
24, no. 2 (2012): 13–36,
https://doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2012.0022
.
16 Rosemarie Zagarri,
Revolutionary Backlash: Women and Politics in the Early American Republic
,
Google
Books
(University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007),
https://books.google.com/books?
hl=en&lr=&id=5v0fh3CaIB4C&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=Zagarri
.
8
jobs, such as whether women are on the right track to vote. Historians like Ann Ferguson and
Ellen Carol Dubois say that the movement to give women the right to vote was largely
supported and opposed by both traditional and contemporary ideas of gender. According to
some, knowing both sides of the story is the only way to fully comprehend the history of the
American women's suffrage movement.
Despite its significance, the movement to grant women the right to vote lacks
sufficient female academics. Especially hardly any female specialists’ study and expound on
the development, and, surprisingly, the people who truly do experience difficulty getting their
work distributed. Due to this lack of participation, male researchers have frequently
overlooked or downplayed important aspects of the suffrage movement's history, such as
women's perspectives or ideas about gender
17
. Compared to other fields like history and
governmental issues, this lack of representation has become more apparent than ever in recent
memory. Here, women are significantly less likely than men to be teachers or understudies.
Additionally, it may be difficult for individuals to obtain funding and publishing
opportunities. As a result, many female academics in these fields have had trouble getting
their work noticed and impacting intellectual discourse.
Academic writing about the suffrage movement exhibits the same pattern. Even when
their research is superior to that of men or more in-depth, women researchers are frequently
overlooked or forgotten in favor of men. This significantly impacts the academic discussion
of the movement because male academics frequently disregard or downplay significant issues
like gender ideologies and women's perspectives
18
. Even though the fight to get women on
the right track to vote is often seen as real, the current situation is still important and unique.
17 Eileen Hunt Botting, “MAKING an AMERICAN FEMINIST ICON: MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT’S RECEPTION in US
NEWSPAPERS, 1800–1869,”
History of Political Thought
34, no. 2 (2013): 273–95,
https://www.jstor.org/stable/26225826
.
18 Jeanne Boydston, “Gender as a Question of Historical Analysis,”
Gender & History
20, no. 3 (November
2008): 558–83,
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.2008.00537.x
.
9
Many social issues arising from women's struggle for freedom during the suffrage movement
persist today. For instance, women still face discrimination at work regarding pay and open
positions. Women continue to be underrepresented in various public life and legislative
issues. Similar to the challenges women faced during the woman's suffrage movement, these
issues continue to this day.
In addition, many women still see the fight for women's rights as their own. For
example, various women really need to oversee sexism and tendency reliably at home and
work. Also, many women don't have full access to even the most basic rights, like owning
property or casting a ballot from one side. These issues still affect many women every day,
and they all have something to do with the obstacles women had to overcome to get the right
to vote
19
. The fight to get women on the right track to vote is still private, even though it is
widely regarded as a verifiable development. In many everyday matters, there are still
differences between people, and in some parts of the world, women do not have full access to
their fundamental freedoms. Many women face sexism and discrimination daily, so these
issues are very close to their hearts
20
. Therefore, if you want to comprehend the ongoing
struggle for gender equality fully, you must be familiar with the history of the women's
suffrage movement.
Notwithstanding how the women's opportunities improvement was imperative, a
couple of issues are dismissed reliably or purposefully. Very little attention has been paid to
the movement's impact on other civil rights movements, like those for racial justice or worker
rights. Also, many researchers haven't considered how gender ideas affected people who
wanted women to vote and those who didn't. Last but not least, women's contributions to
19 Nancy A. Hewitt, “Feminist Frequencies: Regenerating the Wave Metaphor,”
Feminist Studies
38, no. 3
(2012): 658–80,
https://doi.org/10.1353/fem.2012.0065
.
20 B. G. King, M. Cornwall, and E. C. Dahlin, “Winning Woman Suffrage One Step at a Time: Social Movements
and the Logic of the Legislative Process,”
Social Forces
83, no. 3 (March 1, 2005): 1211–34,
https://doi.org/10.1353/sof.2005.0037
.
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10
academia have not been adequately acknowledged
21
. Given their significance, it is deeply
troubling that no one is paying attention to these concerns. For instance, to fully comprehend
the legacy of the fight for women's right to vote, you must know how it influenced
subsequent civil rights movements. It is essential to consider how gender ideology affected
supporters and opponents for a comprehensive understanding of the movement's history.
Recognizing the contributions made by female scholars to the field is essential to ensure that
writings about the movement include female perspectives.
The efforts of male suffragists have ultimately been marginalized. Even though
women's suffrage was ultimately achieved through the efforts of numerous individuals,
women's contributions to the cause have frequently been praised, while men's have been
ignored. By highlighting the flaws in previous research, this study aims to demonstrate that
gender equality is a goal for both men and women. Female researchers who study and write
about the struggle to give women the right to vote need more support to close this
representational gap. This could mean making it easier for female researchers to get funding
and publish their work and making them more visible through open lectures and conferences.
We need to more deeply study what individuals' orientation thoughts meant for those who
upheld and didn't uphold the reason. From this, people might be able to learn more about the
history and effects of the American women's suffrage movement.
21 Tiffany Lewis, “Mediating Political Mobility as Stunt-Girl Entertainment: Newspaper Coverage of New York’s
Suffrage Hike to Albany,”
American Journalism
36, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 99–123,
https://doi.org/10.1080/08821127.2019.1572415
.
11
Bibliography
Botting, Eileen Hunt. “MAKING an AMERICAN FEMINIST ICON: MARY
WOLLSTONECRAFT’S RECEPTION in US NEWSPAPERS, 1800–1869.”
History
of Political Thought
34, no. 2 (2013): 273–95.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/26225826
.
Boydston, Jeanne. “Gender as a Question of Historical Analysis.”
Gender & History
20, no. 3
(November 2008): 558–83.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.2008.00537.x
.
Hewitt, Nancy A. “Feminist Frequencies: Regenerating the Wave Metaphor.”
Feminist
Studies
38, no. 3 (2012): 658–80.
https://doi.org/10.1353/fem.2012.0065
.
King, B. G., M. Cornwall, and E. C. Dahlin. “Winning Woman Suffrage One Step at a Time:
Social Movements and the Logic of the Legislative Process.”
Social Forces
83, no. 3
(March 1, 2005): 1211–34.
https://doi.org/10.1353/sof.2005.0037
.
Lewis, Tiffany. “Mediating Political Mobility as Stunt-Girl Entertainment: Newspaper
Coverage of New York’s Suffrage Hike to Albany.”
American Journalism
36, no. 1
(January 2, 2019): 99–123.
https://doi.org/10.1080/08821127.2019.1572415
.
Lumsden, Linda J. “Historiography: Woman Suffrage and the Media.”
American Journalism
36, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 4–31.
https://doi.org/10.1080/08821127.2019.1572405
.
Maddux, Kristy. “When Patriots Protest: The Anti-Suffrage Discursive Transformation of
1917.”
Rhetoric and Public Affairs
7, no. 3 (2004): 283–310.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/41939924
.
Marilley, Suzanne M.
Woman Suffrage and the Origins of Liberal Feminism in the United
States, 1820–1920
. Harvard University Press, 1996.
https://doi.org/10.4159/harvard.9780674431331
.
McCammon, Holly J., Lyndi Hewitt, and Sandy Smith. “‘No Weapon Save Argument’:
Strategic Frame Amplification in the US Woman Suffrage Movements.”
The
Sociological Quarterly
45, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 529–56.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.2004.tb02302.x
.
McConnaughy, Corrine M.
The Woman Suffrage Movement in America: A Reassessment
.
Google Books
. Cambridge University Press, 2013.
https://books.google.com/books?
hl=en&lr=&id=3fDXAAAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PR9&dq=Historiographical+Review
+of+Woman
%27s+Suffrage+In+USA&ots=u8PdfKiGyk&sig=BpufYgkydW_J1l5QtCkz4WZUV
1E
.
12
McGuire. “Gendered Notions.”
Journal of Civil and Human Rights
1, no. 1 (2015): 116.
https://doi.org/10.5406/jcivihumarigh.1.1.0116
.
Miller, Joe C. “Never a Fight of Woman against Man: What Textbooks Don’t Say about
Women’s Suffrage.”
The History Teacher
48, no. 3 (2015): 437–82.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/24810524
.
NA, NA.
Women’s Rights Emerges within the Anti-Slavery Movement, 1830-1870: A Brief
History with Documents
.
Google Books
. Springer, 2016.
https://books.google.com/books?
hl=en&lr=&id=cIgBDgAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PP1&dq=Women
%27s+Rights+Emerges+within+the+Anti-Slavery+Movement
.
Orwin, Anne. “Women’s Stories, Women’s Films: Integrating Women’s Studies and Film
Production.”
Women’s Studies Quarterly
30, no. 1/2 (2002): 271–84.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/40004652
.
PARKER, ALISON M. “Lisa Tetrault, the Myth of Seneca Falls: Memory and the Women’s
Suffrage Movement, 1848–1898 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
2014, $34.95). Pp. 296. Isbn978 1 4696 1427 4.”
Journal of American Studies
50, no.
2 (March 31, 2016).
https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816000244
.
Rosoff, Nancy G., and Stephanie Spencer. “Responsibility.”
British and American School
Stories, 1910–1960
, 2019, 97–129.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05986-6_4
.
Schippers, Mimi. “Recovering the Feminine Other: Masculinity, Femininity, and Gender
Hegemony.”
Theory and Society
36, no. 1 (2007): 85–102.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/4501776
.
Vetter, Lisa Pace. “‘The Most Belligerent Non-Resistant.’”
Political Theory
43, no. 5 (March
12, 2014): 600–630.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0090591714522043
.
Ware, Susan. “The Book I Couldn’t Write: Alice Paul and the Challenge of Feminist
Biography.”
Journal of Women’s History
24, no. 2 (2012): 13–36.
https://doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2012.0022
.
Zagarri, Rosemarie.
Revolutionary Backlash: Women and Politics in the Early American
Republic
.
Google Books
. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007.
https://books.google.com/books?
hl=en&lr=&id=5v0fh3CaIB4C&oi=fnd&pg=PA1&dq=Zagarri
.
Your preview ends here
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