Rocha_secondexam_Section1_Fall2022

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Latin America: An Introduction, Section ONE Take-Home/Open-Book Second Exam FALL 2022 Instructor: Geisa M. Rocha EXAM POSTED IN A CANVAS ANNOUNCEMENT ON DECEMBER 1 Name of Student: _______________________________ EXAM SUBMISSION 1. The due date of the exam is THURSDAY, DECEMBER 8, at 11 pm. Students who do not submit the exam on the due date will have an incomplete in the course. 2. Return this exam in the same format: Microsoft Word Document (DOCX) to my email address AS AN ATTACHMENT; gerocha1@aol.com . Exams submitted in a different format will not be graded and careless students will NOT be notified as it happened in the midterm. Exams submitted to canvas will not be graded either. 3. Your returned file should indicate your name and course section. Ex. with one of our students: AlarconJohan_sectionTWO_second exam. 4. This exam consists of 2 parts: 1 long answer question (15 points) and 17 multiple choice questions (5 points each=85). 5. For the long answer question:  Use the Times Roman font and a font size of 12. Do not change font and do not change the single space provided.  Type your answers in black. Do not use colors to type your answers and do not bold them .  Type only in the space provided on this examination. Think before you type your answer and budget your space carefully. Read through the entire exam before starting to answer the question.  Do not use google and other search engines in your answers. Answers must be based on the assigned readings and slides as indicated in the question itself. 6. For the multiple -choice questions:  Mark your answer by underlining it . If two answers are marked it will be considered invalid.  Some multiple-choice questions are similar and related to each other. Additionally, you may find multiple-choice questions that relate to the long answer question. 1

1 LONG ANSWER QUESTION ( 15 points) SINGLE SPACE PROVIDED: MAXIMUM 20 LINES 1. At the very end of Manifest Destiny (1898), U.S. policymakers turned away from the outright annexation of territory in Latin America toward the construction of protectorates. Using my slides and Wayne Smith , explain this change in U.S. policy and apply it to the case of Cuba. Then, answer: what was the form of hegemony the U.S. asserted over Cuba that became the cornerstone of Gunboat Diplomacy (1898-1929) and how was it possible? END OF YOUR SPACE 2

17 MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTIONS (5 points per question = 85 points)  MARK YOUR ANSWER BY UNDERLINING IT. IF TWO ANSWERS ARE MARKED IT WILL BE CONSIDERED INVALID. 1. In his critical study of globalization, William Robinson offers a thorough explanation of maquiladoras. Which one of the following statements about Robinson’s explanation is NOT true? A. Maquiladoras, or assembly plants, are located in Export Processing Zones (EPZs). B. EPZs are not established as enclaves, that is, separated off from the rest of the country. C. EPZs are a type of free trade zone, completely free from cross-border duties and taxes, and generally from national regulations, and are also provided with guarantees against unionization of the labor force. D. The chief attraction of EPZs is the supply of abundant cheap labor from the host country. 2. The following is the major difference between national capitalism (ISI) and global capitalism (neoliberalism) regarding the impact on Latin American workers: A. National capitalism is based on production for the domestic market and global capitalism is based on production for the global market. B. National capitalism is based on regulated labor markets with a protected, formal workforce and global capitalism is based on unregulated labor markets with a flexible, unprotected, and informal workforce. C. National capitalism is based on regulation of the economy and global capitalism is based on deregulation of the economy. D. National capitalism is based on state intervention and global capitalism is based on free market principles. 3

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3. You learned in this course the extent to which race relations in Brazil contrast with the U.S. Which of the following statements about the contrast is NOT true? A. Unlike the U.S., miscegenation in Brazil has been encouraged to whiten the population. B. Unlike the U.S., prejudice in Brazil is based on the color of the skin. C. Unlike the U.S., Brazil is free of racism. D. Unlike the U.S., the lack of formal barriers in Brazil made black unity difficult. 4. The Latin American political process of counterrevolution refers to: A. The alliance of the middle and lower classes to displace the ruling class. B. The alliance of the middle and upper classes with the military to overthrow progressive leaders and demobilize the lower classes. C. The incorporation of the middle and working classes into the old power structure consisting of the land oligarchy, the Catholic Church, and the military. D. None of the above. 5. Which one of the following statements BEST explains the period of Gunboat Diplomacy (1898-1929) in U.S.-Latin American relations? A. The military occupations of the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, and Haiti to collect debt payments owed to European creditors. B. U.S. Marines put puppets in control in the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, and Haiti and turned these countries into protectorates of the U.S. C. The 1904 Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine that turned the U.S. into the policeman of the Western Hemisphere. D. Panama was turned into a protectorate of the U.S. 4

6. A major objective of former President Donald Trump was to restore factories that have relocated to low-wage countries and therefore, bring back manufacturing jobs to the U.S. However, this was very difficult to achieve because of globalization of production. Which of the following statements BEST explains this concept? A. Under global capitalism production processes are globally dispersed, decentralized, and flexible. B. Different phases of production take place in different countries, in what is known as global commodity chains led by Transnational Corporations. C. Flexible production processes require a flexible labor regime that supply chains provide. D. Supply chains provide the most favorable conditions for Transnational corporations, such as cheap labor and lax environmental, health and safety rules. 7. At the very end of Manifest Destiny (1898), U.S. policymakers turned away from the outright annexation of territory in Latin America toward the construction of protectorates. The following provides an explanation for this change in U.S. policy with respect to Cuba: A. The U.S. became a global power after 1898. B. U.S. policymakers opposed the annexation of Cuba because semi-civilized Catholic states had no place in the American system. C. U.S. policymakers attempted to purchase Cuba from Spain throughout the period of Manifest Destiny, but this effort was not successful. D. Fidel Castro’s revolution against dictator Fulgencio Batista who had close ties to U.S. policymakers. 5

8. Critical globalization studies show that garment production in maquiladoras form a part of global commodity chains. Thus, in this arrangement: A. Transnational Corporations contract out foreign suppliers in high wage areas for the sewing phase of production. B. Transnational Corporations contract out foreign suppliers in high wage areas for the technologically advanced phase of fibers production. C. Transnational Corporations contract out foreign suppliers in low wage areas for the sewing phase of production. D. Transnational Corporations contract out foreign suppliers in low wage areas for the final retail phase. 9. The period of U.S.-Latin American relations known as the Cold War (1953- 1992) refers to: A. The nuclear war between the U.S. and the USSR. B. The economic and trade rivalry between the U.S. and the USSR. C. The rise of the U.S. and the USSR as the superpowers with the possession of second-strike capability and the power of nuclear retaliation. D. The ideological rivalry between the U.S. and the USSR. 10.Experts have concluded that the Drug War launched by the U.S. is a total failure because: A. It is heavily focused on the supply of drugs in Latin America. B. It is heavily focused on the demand of drugs in the U.S. C. It is not focused on either the supply or the demand of drugs. D. It is focused on both the supply and demand of drugs. 11.In their studies of the neoliberal globalization era in Latin America, Duncan Green and William Robinson show the consequences of nontraditional agricultural exports on Latin American workers, such as the temporeras in the fruit industry in Chile, Thus: 6

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A. The majority of workers are men, have permanent jobs and the legal right to organize, and the workers do not suffer widespread occupational health hazards, low pay, and repression, as in the maquiladoras. B. The majority are women, the most unprotected sector of workers, who have seasonal and temporary jobs and do not have the legal right to organize. C. The concept of temporera illustrates labor market deregulation and flexibility prescribed by the neoliberal development model. D. B and C above. 12.The period of Manifest Destiny (1823-1898) in U.S.-Latin American relations was characterized by U.S. expansionism and imperialism in Latin America. This form of hegemony refers to: A. Control through informal means without permanent occupying forces. B. Economic domination and the installation of puppet and friendly regimes. C. Sovereignty, possession of a territory where the U.S. flag flies through permanent occupying forces. D. A and B above. 13.Critical studies of the North American Free Trade Agreement refer to the “NAFTA Paradox” because: A. NAFTA helped the industrialization of Mexico. B. NAFTA helped Mexico export people, not goods. C. NAFTA helped Mexico export goods, not people. D. NAFA did not help Mexico export either goods or people. 14. The first Cold War intervention of the United States in Latin America occurred in Guatemala. What was at stake? A. The communist president Jacobo Arbenz B. The United Fruit Company. C. The land reform of president Jacobo Arbenz. D. All of the above. 7

15. The concept of strategic denial in U.S. policy toward Latin America refers to: A. Latin American countries were weak and thus vulnerable to the control of outside powers that could threaten U.S. security. B. The Monroe Doctrine of 1823 C. The most central strategic calculation that shaped U.S. policy over the past 200 years. D. All of the above. 16. According to the white elites in Brazil, the country is considered a racial democracy. Which of the following statements BEST explains this concept? A. Racial harmony characterizes Brazil. B. Miscegenation is celebrated in Brazil. C. Brazil is free of racism. D. Racial democracy is a myth. 17. In his study of U.S. policy in Latin America during the post-Cold War period, Wayne Smith argues that the U.S. moved back “toward a kind of unilateralism more appropriate to the days of Gunboat Diplomacy than to the post-Cold War world.” The following is the evidence of unilateralism Smith provides in the War on Terror launched by the Bush administration: A. The invasion of Iraq in defiance of the United Nations Security Council and without evidence of weapons of mass destruction. B. The fanatical determination to get rid of Fidel Castro, accusing him of harboring terrorists without evidence. C. The Bush administration was not engaged in cooperative efforts with Latin American governments as equal partners. D. All of the above. 8

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