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Unlocking the World Spirit
Study Questions for “When Stones Come to Life”
These questions are meant to be completed while you are doing the readings at home.
Reading #2a:
“When Stones Come to Life”
- Who are the Ojibwa people?
- How does their idea of “personhood” differ from what we are used to?
- What does the term “animism” refer to?
- How might this belief be useful in hunter-gatherer societies?
- What are some examples of animistic beliefs held by people in modern societies such as our own?
- How did the British anthropologist Edward B. Tylor describe animistic beliefs in his study from 1871?
- In what ways did Tylor’s ideas influence the Swiss psychologist, Jean Piaget?
- What specific example did Margaret Mead use from her study of a South Pacific tribe, to challenge Piaget’s ideas about
animism?
- How did the anthropologist Steward E. Guthrie explain the origins of animistic beliefs?
- What does “anthropomorphism” refer to?
- What is the major problem with Guthrie’s theory?
- How does Nurit Bird-David explain the presence of animistic beliefs? What purpose does animism serve for human societies?
- How do the Nayaka hunter-gatherers of Southern India define a person? What does the term “devaru” refer to?
- What do the so-called “devaru performances” entail?
- Why don’t the Ojibwa need a word for the concept of “nature”? What might this tell us about how they relate to their
environment?
- According to Hallowell, how do the Ojibwa experience dreams?
- How did the men battling forest fires in the US in 1989 describe the fires to interviewers? What might this tell us about
animism?
1.
Who are the Ojibwa people?
○
The Ojibwa are a hunting and trapping group located in eastern Canada. Native American tribe.
2.
How does their idea of “personhood” differ from what we are used to?
○
The Ojibwa have a broader concept of personhood, including entities like "animal person" and
"wind person," extending beyond human beings.
3.
What does the term “animism” refer to?
○
Animism refers to the belief that animals, objects, and even natural phenomena have spiritual
essence or consciousness.
4.
How might this belief be useful in hunter-gatherer societies?
○
In hunter-gatherer societies, animism is seen as a way of keenly attuning to the subtleties of the
environment, fostering a kind of conversation with natural entities.
5.
What are some examples of animistic beliefs held by people in modern societies such as our own?
○
Examples include seeing life forms in inkblot tests, naming and talking to possessions like cars and
computers, and attributing intentions and beliefs to nonhuman entities.
6.
How did the British anthropologist Edward B. Tylor describe animistic beliefs in his study from 1871?
○
Tylor described animism as a primitive belief attributing life to all things, even inanimate objects. He
linked it to the evolution of modern religion.
7.
In what ways did Tylor’s ideas influence the Swiss psychologist, Jean Piaget?
○
Piaget, influenced by Tylor, suggested that children attribute life to inanimate objects due to their
inability to distinguish between their own minds and the external world.
8.
What specific example did Margaret Mead use from her study of a South Pacific tribe, to challenge Piaget’s
ideas about animism?
○
Mead noted that animism flourished among adults, not children, in the tribe. Adults attributed
events like a canoe floating away to animistic beliefs, while children had to learn these beliefs from
elders.
9.
How did the anthropologist Steward E. Guthrie explain the origins of animistic beliefs?
○
Guthrie theorized that animism represents a necessary error committed by creatures to quickly
discern the living from the lifeless, assuming that when in doubt, something is alive.
10. What does “anthropomorphism” refer to?
○
Anthropomorphism refers to the tendency to attribute human characteristics to nonhuman things or
events.
11.
What is the major problem with Guthrie’s theory?
○
Guthrie fails to explain why people continue to embrace animistic beliefs after presumably having
time to realize the perceptual error.
12. How does Nurit Bird-David explain the presence of animistic beliefs? What purpose does animism serve for
human societies?
○
Bird-David suggests that practical experience and engagement with entities lead to animistic
assumptions, serving as aids to social interaction and forming ongoing conversations with the
environment.
13. How do the Nayaka hunter-gatherers of Southern India define a person? What does the term “devaru” refer
to?
○
The Nayaka define a person as "one whom we share with," and "devaru" refers to a superperson or
person with extra powers in their environment.
14. What do the so-called “devaru performances” entail?
○
Devaru performances involve designated individuals entering trance states, portraying various
devaru, and engaging in conversations with Nayaka participants, often involving bargaining and
interactions.
15. Why don’t the Ojibwa need a word for the concept of “nature”? What might this tell us about how they relate
to their environment?
○
The Ojibwa don't have a word for "nature" because their concept of self or person exists as a
function of actions within the environment, indicating a close integration with nature.
16. According to Hallowell, how do the Ojibwa experience dreams?
○
The Ojibwa experience dreams as active forays into the world, not as slumber-induced
hallucinations. Dreams allow individuals to roam through space and time, encountering various
guises in the animal and physical world.
17. How did the men battling forest fires in the US in 1989 describe the fires to interviewers? What might this tell
us about animism?
○
The firefighters described the fires as "devious," "cunning," and "lying in wait." This might suggest
an animistic perception, attributing qualities of consciousness to the natural phenomenon.
- What you found important and how can u make it relatable to yourself
The text "When Stones Come to Life" explores the concept of animism, the belief that animals, objects, and natural phenomena
possess spiritual essence or consciousness. One key aspect is the perspective of the Ojibwa people, who extend personhood
beyond humans, encompassing entities like "animal person" and "wind person." This broadened sense of personhood, described as
animism, is not confined to traditional or tribal societies; the texte argues that even in modern Western cultures, people exhibit
animistic convictions, attributing intentions and beliefs to nonhuman entities.The essay delves into historical views on animism,
tracing back to anthropologist Edward B. Tylor's influential work in 1871. Tylor considered animism a primitive belief, attributing life to
all things, and linked it to the evolution of modern religion. However, the text challenges this perception, suggesting that animism
persists in various forms across cultures and should not be dismissed as outdated or primitive.Stewart E. Guthrie's explanation for
the origins of animistic beliefs adds an intriguing layer, proposing that animism is a necessary perceptual error to quickly discern the
living from the lifeless. The text explores the challenges with Guthrie's theory, particularly the question of why people continue to
embrace animistic beliefs even after presumably realizing the perceptual error.Nurit Bird-David's alternative perspective emphasizes
practical experience and engagement with entities as the foundation for animistic assumptions. This view sees animism as a product
of evolving thinking skills that serve as aids to social interaction, fostering an ongoing conversation with the environment. The
Nayaka hunter-gatherers of Southern India exemplify this, defining a person as one whom they share with and engaging in devaru
performances that involve trance states and conversations.The essay highlights the importance of animism in understanding human
relationships with the environment. It challenges the notion that animism is a relic of primitive thought, suggesting that it persists in
different forms in modern societies. To make this relatable, one might draw parallels with everyday experiences, such as attributing
human-like qualities to pets or considering the personalities of cherished possessions. The text prompts reflection on the ways in
which humans, across cultures and time, engage in a dialogue with the world around them, perceiving life and intention in various
entities. Animism, far from being an archaic belief system, becomes a lens through which to explore the intricate connections
between humans and their surroundings.
I found the concept of animism, in "When Stones Come to Life," intriguing. The idea that the Ojibwa people extend
personhood beyond humans to include entities like "animal person" and "wind person" challenges conventional
perspectives. This broader sense of personhood, encapsulated in animism, fascinated me because it highlights a
more holistic and interconnected view of the world.The historical study of animism, especially Edward B. Tylor's work
in 1871, intrigued me. Tylor's portrayal of animism as a primitive belief and its link to the evolution of modern religion
sparked my curiosity. However, the essay's challenge to this view encouraged me to reconsider animism beyond a
primitive concept, recognizing its persistence across different cultures.Stewart E. Guthrie's theory on the origins of
animistic beliefs presented a unique perspective. The idea that animism might be a necessary perceptual error for
quickly discerning the living from the lifeless raised thought-provoking questions for me. I found myself contemplating
the challenges posed by Guthrie's theory, especially the lingering question of why people continue to embrace
animistic beliefs.Nurit Bird-David's alternative explanation, emphasizing practical experience and engagement with
entities as the foundation for animistic assumptions, resonated with me. Viewing animism as a product of evolving
thinking skills, aiding social interaction and fostering a conversation with the environment, opened up a new lens
through which to understand this belief system. I considered how, in modern society, we often anthropomorphize pets
or ascribe personalities to cherished possessions. This relatability made the exploration of animism more engaging,
as it encouraged me to think about the ways in which I, like individuals across cultures, engage in a dialogue with the
world around me.
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The reading highlights the intriguing concept of animism, wherein individuals across both traditional and
modern societies tend to attribute life and personhood to a diverse array of entities. The article talks about
the perspectives of cultures like the Ojibwa and Nayaka, revealing that they perceive consciousness or
spirit not only in animals but also in seemingly inanimate objects such as rocks, trees, and natural
phenomenons.What captures my attention is the proposal that animism should not be dismissed as a
primitive or childish mindset, as traditionally thought. Instead, it is presented as a method of interacting
with the environment. The notion that animism signifies a form of conversation or relationship-building
with elements of natural challenges the established Western distinction between the animate and
inanimate, demonstrating a more balanced and connected worldview.This idea resonates with me,
prompting contemplation on how even in modern societies, we display animistic tendencies in our daily
lives. The article cites instances like naming and conversing with cars, computers, and other possessions.
Looking back on my personal experiences, I acknowledged how without thinking too much, I attribute
human-like qualities to electronic devices or my stuffed animals, treating them as if they possess
intentions or personalities/feelings. Furthermore, the texte prompts questions about the conventional
Western belief that children outgrow animistic thinking as they mature. It challenges the notion that
assigning life to diverse entities is indicative of cognitive immaturity, advocating for a more nuanced
understanding of how various cultures and individuals perceive and engage with their surroundings.
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