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Overall question: How effective were the Dumas? (only for the Third and Fourth Dumas) Answer the question with these categories Main parties/ key people (in the Duma) Success Failures/problems Other important points Use information from the sheets.

Overall question: How effective were the Dumas? (only for the Third and Fourth Dumas) Answer the question with these categories Main parties/ key people (in the Duma) Success Failures/problems Other important points Use information from the sheets.

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Overall question: How effective were the Dumas? (only for the Third and Fourth Dumas) Answer the question with these categories Main parties/ key people (in the Duma) Success Failures/problems Other important points Use information from the sheets.
Third Duma, November 1907-June 1912 As a result of the electoral reforms, the Third Duma consisted mainly of people loyal to the crown, such as wealthy property owners from the countryside and cities. There was also a significant reduction in nationalist members from non-Russian parts of the empire. However, as the historian J.N. Westwood has pointed out, 'an unrepresentative Duma was not necessarily an ineffective Duma'. During the period, major reforms strengthened the army and navy. The judicial system was further improved with the reinstatement of justices of the peace and the abolition of land captains. For the first time, state-run insurance schemes for workers were introduced. All of this occurred because Nicholas II and his ministers showed more trust in the lower chamber. Even though Stolypin did his best to destabilise the Duma by manipulating Article 87 to create an even greater bias the lower chamber served its full term of office. towards autocracy, Russia 1894-1941 Lena Goldfields strike of 1912 At the end of February 1912, gold miners at the Lenzoto Gold Company in eastern Siberia complained about meat they had received at the company kitchen. Their complaints were ignored so they started a month-long strike that ended in the most notorious example of anti-worker violence during the reign of Nicholas II. The employers pleaded to the authorities to break up the strike, which only strengthened the resolve of the miners. On 4 April, matters came to a head; troops were sent to disband the strikers and resorted to firing upon those gathered. The Lena Goldfields Massacre, as it became known, resulted in between 200 and 300 worker deaths and as many as 400 to 500 non-fatal injuries. Solidarity strikes followed culminating in the general strike of July 1914. cent of all seats in the new duma; the representation for workers and peasants was cut by roughly one- half; non-Russian representation was slashed by over one-half. Article 87 A section of the 1906 Fundamental Laws that allowed for proposed legislation to be submitted directly to the tsar for his approval without it having to be agreed to by the new Duma. Fourth Duma, November 1912-February 1917 The final Duma was again dominated by politicians from the far right. Its rule coincided with the brutal repression of civil disorder, such as when the state police killed striking miners at the Lena Goldfields (1912). This outraged many Duma members. It became infamous for putting pressure on the tsar to abdicate. Its members subsequently formed the backbone of the short-lived Provisional Government (see page 55). However, despite its criticism of the tsarist regime, the Duma remained an institution dominated by the 'old guard' of landowning conservatives and liberals. Overall, it is clear that the Duma played an important role in instigating political, economic and social changes beneficial to many sectors of Russian society. Nevertheless, as historian Peter Waldron argues, collectively, the Dumas and the Council of Ministers 'made very little difference to the underlying nature of the Russian state'. Duma politicians on the left were largely ignored by the government, and the majority in the lower chamber remained loyal to the principle of autocracy.. The consequences of the events of 1905 can be viewed in two ways. In the short term, pressure from below seemed to result in concessions being made with the setting up of a Russian parliament (Duma). In the long term, the consequences may be seen to have been more dramatic: the Duma was seen to fail to meet the needs of those who expected more genuine and widespread political representation. It is possible that 1905 was a 'dress rehearsal' for the revolutions of 1917. However, subsequent developments from 1905 to 1917 make it difficult to make a judgement about the importance of 1905 in leading to the abdication of the tsar and the coming of a communist regime. 35 How Su Stolypin's J unrest tha those even Reform Rural un minister Stolypin class of The hop to follow reform Unu Ban lan Pea fiel rig pl no to St In 7
Transcribed Image Text:Third Duma, November 1907-June 1912 As a result of the electoral reforms, the Third Duma consisted mainly of people loyal to the crown, such as wealthy property owners from the countryside and cities. There was also a significant reduction in nationalist members from non-Russian parts of the empire. However, as the historian J.N. Westwood has pointed out, 'an unrepresentative Duma was not necessarily an ineffective Duma'. During the period, major reforms strengthened the army and navy. The judicial system was further improved with the reinstatement of justices of the peace and the abolition of land captains. For the first time, state-run insurance schemes for workers were introduced. All of this occurred because Nicholas II and his ministers showed more trust in the lower chamber. Even though Stolypin did his best to destabilise the Duma by manipulating Article 87 to create an even greater bias the lower chamber served its full term of office. towards autocracy, Russia 1894-1941 Lena Goldfields strike of 1912 At the end of February 1912, gold miners at the Lenzoto Gold Company in eastern Siberia complained about meat they had received at the company kitchen. Their complaints were ignored so they started a month-long strike that ended in the most notorious example of anti-worker violence during the reign of Nicholas II. The employers pleaded to the authorities to break up the strike, which only strengthened the resolve of the miners. On 4 April, matters came to a head; troops were sent to disband the strikers and resorted to firing upon those gathered. The Lena Goldfields Massacre, as it became known, resulted in between 200 and 300 worker deaths and as many as 400 to 500 non-fatal injuries. Solidarity strikes followed culminating in the general strike of July 1914. cent of all seats in the new duma; the representation for workers and peasants was cut by roughly one- half; non-Russian representation was slashed by over one-half. Article 87 A section of the 1906 Fundamental Laws that allowed for proposed legislation to be submitted directly to the tsar for his approval without it having to be agreed to by the new Duma. Fourth Duma, November 1912-February 1917 The final Duma was again dominated by politicians from the far right. Its rule coincided with the brutal repression of civil disorder, such as when the state police killed striking miners at the Lena Goldfields (1912). This outraged many Duma members. It became infamous for putting pressure on the tsar to abdicate. Its members subsequently formed the backbone of the short-lived Provisional Government (see page 55). However, despite its criticism of the tsarist regime, the Duma remained an institution dominated by the 'old guard' of landowning conservatives and liberals. Overall, it is clear that the Duma played an important role in instigating political, economic and social changes beneficial to many sectors of Russian society. Nevertheless, as historian Peter Waldron argues, collectively, the Dumas and the Council of Ministers 'made very little difference to the underlying nature of the Russian state'. Duma politicians on the left were largely ignored by the government, and the majority in the lower chamber remained loyal to the principle of autocracy.. The consequences of the events of 1905 can be viewed in two ways. In the short term, pressure from below seemed to result in concessions being made with the setting up of a Russian parliament (Duma). In the long term, the consequences may be seen to have been more dramatic: the Duma was seen to fail to meet the needs of those who expected more genuine and widespread political representation. It is possible that 1905 was a 'dress rehearsal' for the revolutions of 1917. However, subsequent developments from 1905 to 1917 make it difficult to make a judgement about the importance of 1905 in leading to the abdication of the tsar and the coming of a communist regime. 35 How Su Stolypin's J unrest tha those even Reform Rural un minister Stolypin class of The hop to follow reform Unu Ban lan Pea fiel rig pl no to St In 7
Duma, the government cracked down hard on the Kadets, closing down their offices and dismissing members of the party from government service. However, the peasants and workers had confidence and great hope for the Second Duma and flocked to the polls in huge numbers. In St Petersburg over 70 per cent of eligible workers voted. Third Duma, November 1907-June 1912 For the Third (and Fourth) Duma, Stolypin decided to change the electoral system to favour the upper and propertied classes. The peasants and workers were virtually excluded and non-Russian national groups much reduced. As a result, the Octobrists and right-wing parties predominated. As evidence of this, around 2200 of 2500 government proposals were passed. Even so, the Third Duma was not subservient and questioned the government hard, particularly on state finances. In 1911, the Duma had to be suspended twice, while the fovernment forced through legislation under emergency provisions. This being said, for the most part Stolypin was able to work with the more moderate centre parties to achieve progress in his social and economic reforms. Its main achievements included passing Stolypin's land reform, although he faced a lot of opposition. There was also an education law passed in 1908 which laid the foundations for universal education and improvements to the army and navy. The restoration of ation of Justices of the Peace, replacing the hated Land Captains, and the introduction of a progressive national health insurance scheme, were two further reforms that were seen to benefit the lower classes. However, this time he found that it was the right-wing groups and nationalists who tried to put a brake on his reforms, probably with the support of the Tsar. While some argue the Third Duma displayed that it could work positively within the government and it did provide a training ground in constitutionalism, many felt that by 1912, it was clear that the Duma system was not working. Fourth Duma, November 1912-1917 The Fourth Duma was interrupted by the outbreak of the First World War and met intermittently during the war. It was a relatively docile body, and new Prime Minister Count Vladimir Nikolaevich Kokovtsov (after Stolypin was assassinated in 1911) simply ignored it. However, before the war, it attempted some reform of the Orthodox Church in an attempt to reduce state control, though Nicholas II made no final decisions in relation to this. They also supported the law of 1908 provided for universal education, meaning the number of primary schools had risen significantly up to 1914 and there was an improvement in literacy rates. Attempts to reduce vodka consumption were also discussed in relation to public health fears, though these were not successful because of the revenue it created for the regime. It was also critical of the government's handling of increasing social unrest, especially the Lena Goldfields Massacre of 1912. However, it remained weak as a result of its divisions and inability to enforce legislation. Furthermore, workers increasingly turned to strike action in the years before the First World War. The Duma agreed to suspend itself for the duration of the war. However, when it became apparent that the government was managing the war very badly, the Duma pressurised the Tsar into recalling it in July 1915. It offered the Tsar one last opportunity to agree to limited constitutional government.
Transcribed Image Text:Duma, the government cracked down hard on the Kadets, closing down their offices and dismissing members of the party from government service. However, the peasants and workers had confidence and great hope for the Second Duma and flocked to the polls in huge numbers. In St Petersburg over 70 per cent of eligible workers voted. Third Duma, November 1907-June 1912 For the Third (and Fourth) Duma, Stolypin decided to change the electoral system to favour the upper and propertied classes. The peasants and workers were virtually excluded and non-Russian national groups much reduced. As a result, the Octobrists and right-wing parties predominated. As evidence of this, around 2200 of 2500 government proposals were passed. Even so, the Third Duma was not subservient and questioned the government hard, particularly on state finances. In 1911, the Duma had to be suspended twice, while the fovernment forced through legislation under emergency provisions. This being said, for the most part Stolypin was able to work with the more moderate centre parties to achieve progress in his social and economic reforms. Its main achievements included passing Stolypin's land reform, although he faced a lot of opposition. There was also an education law passed in 1908 which laid the foundations for universal education and improvements to the army and navy. The restoration of ation of Justices of the Peace, replacing the hated Land Captains, and the introduction of a progressive national health insurance scheme, were two further reforms that were seen to benefit the lower classes. However, this time he found that it was the right-wing groups and nationalists who tried to put a brake on his reforms, probably with the support of the Tsar. While some argue the Third Duma displayed that it could work positively within the government and it did provide a training ground in constitutionalism, many felt that by 1912, it was clear that the Duma system was not working. Fourth Duma, November 1912-1917 The Fourth Duma was interrupted by the outbreak of the First World War and met intermittently during the war. It was a relatively docile body, and new Prime Minister Count Vladimir Nikolaevich Kokovtsov (after Stolypin was assassinated in 1911) simply ignored it. However, before the war, it attempted some reform of the Orthodox Church in an attempt to reduce state control, though Nicholas II made no final decisions in relation to this. They also supported the law of 1908 provided for universal education, meaning the number of primary schools had risen significantly up to 1914 and there was an improvement in literacy rates. Attempts to reduce vodka consumption were also discussed in relation to public health fears, though these were not successful because of the revenue it created for the regime. It was also critical of the government's handling of increasing social unrest, especially the Lena Goldfields Massacre of 1912. However, it remained weak as a result of its divisions and inability to enforce legislation. Furthermore, workers increasingly turned to strike action in the years before the First World War. The Duma agreed to suspend itself for the duration of the war. However, when it became apparent that the government was managing the war very badly, the Duma pressurised the Tsar into recalling it in July 1915. It offered the Tsar one last opportunity to agree to limited constitutional government.
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