Document 1 Source: Alexandra Kollontai, Russian Communist revolutionary and member of the Bolshevik government, autobiography, Soviet Union, 1926. In 1905, at the time the so-called first revolution in Russia broke out, after the famous Bloody Sunday, I had already acquired a reputation in the field of economic and social literature. And in those stirring times, when all energies were utilized in the storm of revolt, it turned out that I had become popular as an orator. Yet in that period I realized for the first time how little our Party concerned itself with the fate of the women of the working class and how meager was its interest in women's liberation. To be sure a very strong bourgeois women's movement was already in existence in Russia. But my Marxist outlook pointed out to me with overwhelming clarity that women's liberation could take place only as the result of a new social order and a different economic system.... I had above all set myself the task of winning over women workers in Russia to socialism and, at the same time, of working for the liberation of women, for her equality of rights. Document 2 Source: Mariia Fedorovna Muratova, Soviet official in the Women's Department of the Bolshevik Central Committee, working in Soviet Uzbekistan, 1930. It is incompatible for a member of the party to be in the party and Komsomol* if his wife, sister, or mother is veiled [as was customary for Central Asian Muslim women]. It is necessary to demand of every Communist the fulfillment of this directive. And to that Communist who resists, who does not want to carry out this party directive, who wants to preserve the remnants of feudal relations and seclusion, to that Communist and Komsomol member we say: there is no place for you in the party and Komsomol. *Soviet organization for young people

Document 1 Source: Alexandra Kollontai, Russian Communist revolutionary and member of the Bolshevik government, autobiography, Soviet Union, 1926. In 1905, at the time the so-called first revolution in Russia broke out, after the famous Bloody Sunday, I had already acquired a reputation in the field of economic and social literature. And in those stirring times, when all energies were utilized in the storm of revolt, it turned out that I had become popular as an orator. Yet in that period I realized for the first time how little our Party concerned itself with the fate of the women of the working class and how meager was its interest in women's liberation. To be sure a very strong bourgeois women's movement was already in existence in Russia. But my Marxist outlook pointed out to me with overwhelming clarity that women's liberation could take place only as the result of a new social order and a different economic system.... I had above all set myself the task of winning over women workers in Russia to socialism and, at the same time, of working for the liberation of women, for her equality of rights. Document 2 Source: Mariia Fedorovna Muratova, Soviet official in the Women's Department of the Bolshevik Central Committee, working in Soviet Uzbekistan, 1930. It is incompatible for a member of the party to be in the party and Komsomol* if his wife, sister, or mother is veiled [as was customary for Central Asian Muslim women]. It is necessary to demand of every Communist the fulfillment of this directive. And to that Communist who resists, who does not want to carry out this party directive, who wants to preserve the remnants of feudal relations and seclusion, to that Communist and Komsomol member we say: there is no place for you in the party and Komsomol. *Soviet organization for young people

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What is the central idea of document 1? What is the central idea of document 2? This is history.

Document 1
Source: Alexandra Kollontai, Russian Communist revolutionary and member of the Bolshevik government,
autobiography, Soviet Union, 1926.
In 1905, at the time the so-called first revolution in Russia broke out, after the famous Bloody Sunday, I had
already acquired a reputation in the field of economic and social literature. And in those stirring times, when
all energies were utilized in the storm of revolt, it turned out that I had become popular as an orator. Yet in
that period I realized for the first time how little our Party concerned itself with the fate of the women of the
working class and how meager was its interest in women's liberation. To be sure a very strong bourgeois
women's movement was already in existence in Russia. But my Marxist outlook pointed out to me with
overwhelming clarity that women's liberation could take place only as the result of a new social order and a
different economic system.... I had above all set myself the task of winning over women workers in Russia
to socialism and, at the same time, of working for the liberation of women, for her equality of rights.
Document 2
Source: Mariia Fedorovna Muratova, Soviet official in the Women's Department of the Bolshevik Central
Committee, working in Soviet Uzbekistan, 1930.
It is incompatible for a member of the party to be in the party and Komsomol* if his wife, sister, or mother is
veiled [as was customary for Central Asian Muslim women]. It is necessary to demand of every Communist
the fulfillment of this directive. And to that Communist who resists, who does not want to carry out this party
directive, who wants to preserve the remnants of feudal relations and seclusion, to that Communist and
Komsomol member we say: there is no place for you in the party and Komsomol.
*Soviet organization for young people
Document 3

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