Did Vargas genuinely believe he had a special bond with the poor from the "corrections/directions" he gave his speechwriter listed on pages 241-242? Consult the PDF reading titled “Populism and the Working Class,” pp. 227-249
Did Vargas genuinely believe he had a special bond with the poor from the "corrections/directions" he gave his speechwriter listed on pages 241-242? Consult the PDF reading titled “Populism and the Working Class,” pp. 227-249
Related questions
Question
- Did Vargas genuinely believe he had a special bond with the poor from the "corrections/directions" he gave his speechwriter listed on pages 241-242?
Consult the PDF reading titled “Populism and the Working Class,” pp. 227-249
![✔ Chrome File Edit View History Bookmarks Profiles Tab Window Help
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blackboard
Content
= 3425232
STAT 112
stat 112
7
STAT 112 Sp23, section 001,00 X +
learn-us-east-1-prod-fleet02-xythos.content.blackboardcdn.com/5dd6acf5e22a7/3425232?X-Blackboard-S3-Bucket-learn-us-east-1-prod-flec...
9
XBb 3425232
10
dhttps://docs.googl...
hartlahu.com
242
Problems in Modern Latin American History
is organizing to influence the future, not in a purely political democracy, such
as we have, but instead in an economic and social democracy. "Workers in
the cities and the countryside: those who drive the factories and till the fields.
You are the people who follow me and on whom I depend to frighten the hor-
nets waiting to sting me." I wrote that during the scary plane flight. After we
arrived, I reread it more calmly. Reduce it to a concept or phrase and send it
back for me to look at.
***
9/12 |
This is all right, but only speak of the cultural part and drop the reference
to the worker, the laborer, in the most industrialized city in Brazil. We should
say something like, "In this city of São Paulo there are as many thousands of
organized and enlightened workers as our dreams of greater economic devel-
opment, a higher standard of living, and social harmony."
691
I should appear a victim of persecution. In the Senate I made a number
of speeches showing that the government is following an erroneous financial
path and creating a nonexistent crisis.... Afterward I suffered all manner of
pressures from the government.... I came here [to Itu, his ranch in Rio
Grande] in silence; I isolated myself, and I waited for time and events to
show I was right.
APR
8
90% +
And where's the petroleum? It seems to me that this is a fundamental
issue to bring up in Bahia. Did you show João Neves my suggestions? Some
of my speeches are incomplete and others are missing.
I am not very impressed with the tenor of some of these draft speeches
that arrived. They are very academic, very correct, but they won't make an
impression on the masses [povo]. It seems that they are not addressed to the
masses. They are more for highbrows. They don't deal with the heart of the
social and economic crisis that we are undergoing. The one for São Paulo
is good.... São Paulo is the largest industrial center and has the largest
concentration of workers in the country, yet the speech doesn't deal with
the social question: the misery, the high cost of living, the declining wages,
the industrial crisis, the lack of bank credit, commodity hoarding, etc. You
may say that I can add all that later. But it isn't easy, because I don't have
the material. I don't have the data to illustrate or even refer to these state-
ments, and it would mean totally rewriting these speeches. And time is
short. They are pressuring me to go on the campaign trail and I don't have
speeches, I don't have a travel itinerary, and the committee doesn't have
money to pay for its activities. PS: Don't work on the São Paulo speech, I
already rewrote it.
21
♫
Populism and the Working Class
A
48%
5. Populism and National Development ◆ Fernando
Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto
In their highly influential interpretation of Latin America's position in the
modern world economy, sociologists Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo
Faletto helped to define what became known as the "dependency" school of
Latin American Studies. Dependency theorists, critics, and historians domi-
nated the field in the 1970s-1980s and still carry a great deal of weight
today. Such scholars regard Latin America's economic problems as a result
of the region's structural dependency on the central economies of the world
capitalist system. Dependency theorists favored the nationalist policies of the
Latin American populists. In this passage from their classic study, Cardoso
and Faletto assess Brazilian populists' attempt to industrialize their country
by leading a "developmentalist alliance" within the country. Note that they
indicate the losers as well as the winners in the populist transformation of
Brazil.
2
Dopulism appeared in Brazil as the link between the new scheme of power
and the urban masses, who were either mobilized by industry or driven
to the city by the decline of the agrarian sector. It was to change into a policy
by which the masses participated politically in a relatively limited way,
owing to their weak union structure. This policy affected neither the rural
masses nor the whole of the urban popular sector.
In Brazil, unlike in other countries that followed a liberal pattern of
industrialization, the state emerged as an instrument not only to regulate the
industrial system but also to directly participate in it through the creation of
public enterprises, both independent and state-controlled. In Brazil, unlike
Argentina, a large sector of nonworker urban masses was added to the lesser
weight of the worker sector. This difference became even more marked in the
presence of a broad sector of rural masses living in a situation totally
removed from that of the urban masses.
Update Apple ID Settings
Some account services will not be
available until you sign in again.
Government participation in the emergence of an industry can be
explained politically by the existence of masses that were mobilized without
W
243
From Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto, Dependency and De-
velopment in Latin America, ed. and trans. Marjory Mattingly Urquidi (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1979), 138-42. 1979 by The Regents of the Uni-
versity of California Press. Reprinted by permission of the University of California
Press.
"In the mid-1990s, when Cardoso became president of Brazil, he abandoned
dependency theory and became a neoliberal.
OG P
gene
Sat Apr 8 12:30:41 PM
A
Q
View
⠀
244
effective employme
gerous situation for
agrarian economy i
to massive employr
made a national un
and that the state be
The alliance th
set the most backw
the domestic marke
sectors, and the urb
(coffee growers) th
or the rural masses.
alliance" later, the p
Domestic deve
with conflicting in
employing the mass
most backward se
exporting landown
domestic developm
urban workers that
were marginal to it.
given their limited
that would result fr
ket. Moreover, the
preventing rural wo
and social participa
the hacienda owner
peasants.
It was the exclu
In the early stages, i
the exporting sector
the export sector be
participate in develc
the domestic market
isolated from the be
tural limits to the po
the "developmental
and populism could
The populism o
poration into the n
stronger trade union
economic definition](/v2/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fcontent.bartleby.com%2Fqna-images%2Fquestion%2F15e501f3-cba3-4159-bb07-ec37b0c84716%2Fdc0aa8eb-3133-4c37-acf8-6e80b30669e9%2Fqk8xhv_processed.png&w=3840&q=75)
Transcribed Image Text:✔ Chrome File Edit View History Bookmarks Profiles Tab Window Help
OOO
← → C
blackboard
Content
= 3425232
STAT 112
stat 112
7
STAT 112 Sp23, section 001,00 X +
learn-us-east-1-prod-fleet02-xythos.content.blackboardcdn.com/5dd6acf5e22a7/3425232?X-Blackboard-S3-Bucket-learn-us-east-1-prod-flec...
9
XBb 3425232
10
dhttps://docs.googl...
hartlahu.com
242
Problems in Modern Latin American History
is organizing to influence the future, not in a purely political democracy, such
as we have, but instead in an economic and social democracy. "Workers in
the cities and the countryside: those who drive the factories and till the fields.
You are the people who follow me and on whom I depend to frighten the hor-
nets waiting to sting me." I wrote that during the scary plane flight. After we
arrived, I reread it more calmly. Reduce it to a concept or phrase and send it
back for me to look at.
***
9/12 |
This is all right, but only speak of the cultural part and drop the reference
to the worker, the laborer, in the most industrialized city in Brazil. We should
say something like, "In this city of São Paulo there are as many thousands of
organized and enlightened workers as our dreams of greater economic devel-
opment, a higher standard of living, and social harmony."
691
I should appear a victim of persecution. In the Senate I made a number
of speeches showing that the government is following an erroneous financial
path and creating a nonexistent crisis.... Afterward I suffered all manner of
pressures from the government.... I came here [to Itu, his ranch in Rio
Grande] in silence; I isolated myself, and I waited for time and events to
show I was right.
APR
8
90% +
And where's the petroleum? It seems to me that this is a fundamental
issue to bring up in Bahia. Did you show João Neves my suggestions? Some
of my speeches are incomplete and others are missing.
I am not very impressed with the tenor of some of these draft speeches
that arrived. They are very academic, very correct, but they won't make an
impression on the masses [povo]. It seems that they are not addressed to the
masses. They are more for highbrows. They don't deal with the heart of the
social and economic crisis that we are undergoing. The one for São Paulo
is good.... São Paulo is the largest industrial center and has the largest
concentration of workers in the country, yet the speech doesn't deal with
the social question: the misery, the high cost of living, the declining wages,
the industrial crisis, the lack of bank credit, commodity hoarding, etc. You
may say that I can add all that later. But it isn't easy, because I don't have
the material. I don't have the data to illustrate or even refer to these state-
ments, and it would mean totally rewriting these speeches. And time is
short. They are pressuring me to go on the campaign trail and I don't have
speeches, I don't have a travel itinerary, and the committee doesn't have
money to pay for its activities. PS: Don't work on the São Paulo speech, I
already rewrote it.
21
♫
Populism and the Working Class
A
48%
5. Populism and National Development ◆ Fernando
Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto
In their highly influential interpretation of Latin America's position in the
modern world economy, sociologists Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo
Faletto helped to define what became known as the "dependency" school of
Latin American Studies. Dependency theorists, critics, and historians domi-
nated the field in the 1970s-1980s and still carry a great deal of weight
today. Such scholars regard Latin America's economic problems as a result
of the region's structural dependency on the central economies of the world
capitalist system. Dependency theorists favored the nationalist policies of the
Latin American populists. In this passage from their classic study, Cardoso
and Faletto assess Brazilian populists' attempt to industrialize their country
by leading a "developmentalist alliance" within the country. Note that they
indicate the losers as well as the winners in the populist transformation of
Brazil.
2
Dopulism appeared in Brazil as the link between the new scheme of power
and the urban masses, who were either mobilized by industry or driven
to the city by the decline of the agrarian sector. It was to change into a policy
by which the masses participated politically in a relatively limited way,
owing to their weak union structure. This policy affected neither the rural
masses nor the whole of the urban popular sector.
In Brazil, unlike in other countries that followed a liberal pattern of
industrialization, the state emerged as an instrument not only to regulate the
industrial system but also to directly participate in it through the creation of
public enterprises, both independent and state-controlled. In Brazil, unlike
Argentina, a large sector of nonworker urban masses was added to the lesser
weight of the worker sector. This difference became even more marked in the
presence of a broad sector of rural masses living in a situation totally
removed from that of the urban masses.
Update Apple ID Settings
Some account services will not be
available until you sign in again.
Government participation in the emergence of an industry can be
explained politically by the existence of masses that were mobilized without
W
243
From Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto, Dependency and De-
velopment in Latin America, ed. and trans. Marjory Mattingly Urquidi (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1979), 138-42. 1979 by The Regents of the Uni-
versity of California Press. Reprinted by permission of the University of California
Press.
"In the mid-1990s, when Cardoso became president of Brazil, he abandoned
dependency theory and became a neoliberal.
OG P
gene
Sat Apr 8 12:30:41 PM
A
Q
View
⠀
244
effective employme
gerous situation for
agrarian economy i
to massive employr
made a national un
and that the state be
The alliance th
set the most backw
the domestic marke
sectors, and the urb
(coffee growers) th
or the rural masses.
alliance" later, the p
Domestic deve
with conflicting in
employing the mass
most backward se
exporting landown
domestic developm
urban workers that
were marginal to it.
given their limited
that would result fr
ket. Moreover, the
preventing rural wo
and social participa
the hacienda owner
peasants.
It was the exclu
In the early stages, i
the exporting sector
the export sector be
participate in develc
the domestic market
isolated from the be
tural limits to the po
the "developmental
and populism could
The populism o
poration into the n
stronger trade union
economic definition
![✔ Chrome File Edit View History Bookmarks Profiles Tab Window Help
OOO
← → C
blackboard
Content
= 3425232
STAT 112
stat 112
7
8
XBb 3425232
9
learn-us-east-1-prod-fleet02-xythos.content.blackboardcdn.com/5dd6acf5e22a7/3425232?X-Blackboard-S3-Bucket-learn-us-east-1-prod-flecto
dhttps://docs.googl...
239
tray. "Not
orkers the
is of these
r this was
ndants of
lo spiritist
odparents
theastern
h records
the north-
adrinhos.
godfather
argas, the
nation's
powerful,
alf if they
I spiritism
ands. For
ith whom
with his
d to clay
ose back-
as's gov-
e in state
od during
was piv-
ility were
o Tomás
hem.
even
argas
nd he
L...
> My
rs-in-
n the
stud-
its of
601
APR
8
240
hartlahu.com
STAT 112 Sp23, section 001,00 X +
21
8 / 12
90% +
Problems in Modern Latin American History
things. Before that, things were disorganized. I was now the oldest boy liv-
ing at home. My father decided to send me to the army too, to get it over
with, so I lied about my age.... I served in the army in 1930 when I was fif-
teen.... I was sent first to Vitória and then to Rio, to the Praia Vermelha
barracks. I got out in December. I returned to work with my father and
when I was twenty-two I married, in 1937. I grew corn and potatoes and
coffee beans and raised pigs. There was no place to sell things, so I had to
transport my produce, and this was expensive. We made very little money.
Things grew well; my father sometimes harvested ten thousand sacks of
coffee. But we had too little land for all of my brothers and their families.
All of my family were crentes [evangelical Protestants]. There was a church
in Córrego Rico. We went. I directed a choir. We were baptized. I met my
wife there when she was twelve years old.
[In 1942] I decided, overnight, to leave. We had two children already.
We went to [the town of] Muniz Freire and bought a house with my sav-
ings. I had no job, nothing. I worked as a barber but didn't make very
much; the town was too small. I worked for the mayor's office. I got one job
through one of my brothers-in-law who was a driver for an Arab. I became
foreman on his farm but he didn't pay me. I stayed for a year and then left
for another foreman's job. Then I got a job with the railroad. I got it [in
1945] when I went to Cachoeiro to sell chickens. A fellow I sold them to
told me to try and get a railroad job, that they were hiring many people. He
introduced me to some officials of the Leopoldina Railroad. They hired me.
I liked the idea of living in Cachoeiro because there was a school there my
kids could attend. My children all studied, one as far as the fifth grade, the
others to high school. And railroad workers were eligible for pensions; [we
were] one of the first.... When I started working they registered me in t
n the
railroad pension institute. There was an enormous union building in
Cachoeiro. The union sold provisions and merchandise to us at cheaper
prices. Later on the union gave a scholarship for my youngest son to study
at high school.
Starting in 1945 my wife and I always voted in elections, every year.
...I joined the PTB [Workers' Party]... and became active in the union..
I admired Getúlio Vargas, always voted for him.... He named the state
interventors. He was leading Brazil forward.... When he killed himself it
was an enormous shock.... I kept his photograph [the union had given to
us] and a copy of his suicide letter, to remind me of what he did for poor
Brazilians.... He was the chief organizer of this country.
Looking back on his life nearly a half century later, Maurílio recog-
nized that this was the turning point in his life. Employment by a state
agency meant school for his children, a future. To have a government job
meant security and a pension. Perhaps because he understood that so few
other workers received these benefits, Maurílio idolized Vargas, consider-
ing him his personal benefactor. He would have scoffed at social scientists
writing that Vargas's labor measures were enacted to control the labor
force, because he knew that he and his family benefited. As long as he
belonged to the union, his wife would receive food at reduced prices at the
A
W
48%
Sat Apr 8 12:31:43 PM
Populism and the Working Class
241
union-run store. He would receive a pension, and his children would be eli-
gible for scholarships available to families of union members. He consid-
ered voting for Vargas a natural obligation and something that gave him
satisfaction. The union allowed him to advance: when Maurílio started, he
was an apprentice brakeman. When he retired in 1970, he held the position
of "chief of the train." Such upward mobility would have been impossible
before 1930.
Update Apple ID Settings
Some account services will not be
available until you sign in again.
4. A Consummate Speechwriter
Getúlio Vargas
Lourival Fontes, Getúlio Vargas's press secretary in the 1940s and 1950s,
compiled a book based upon the Brazilian president's notes and instructions
for speechwriting. He asserted that Vargas, always in control, provided the
ideas, editing, rephrasing, polishing, and pacing. The speeches were simple
and straightforward, always beginning with "Brasileiros!" Vargas avoided
slang and stilted wording and always kept his sentences and paragraphs
short. Below are a few comments and criticisms that Vargas sent to Fontes.
There a
here are no superior or inferior races, nor races of masters and slaves.
***
I am imprisoned by a wall that separates me from the suffering and hum-
ble people, who elected me in the hope of a better life. I must fulfill that
promise!
OG P
I need the support and confidence of the workers, and they in turn will
find in me a true friend, ready to help them in their just aspirations. They
should avoid being misled by agitators and rabble-rousers. They may come
to me without fear, and I will lead them to just and equitable solutions, using
the official agencies created to accomplish this.
***
This is too highfalutin. I don't see here the reference I made to the work-
ing classes, as the dynamic element in the social equilibrium and force that
From Lourival Fontes and Glauco Carneiro, A face final de Vargas (os bilhetes
de Getúlio) (Rio de Janeiro: Edicões O Cruzeiro, 1966), chap. 15. Translated by
Michael Conniff. Special thanks to Michael Conniff for bringing this material to the
previous edition.
gede
A
Q
View](/v2/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fcontent.bartleby.com%2Fqna-images%2Fquestion%2F15e501f3-cba3-4159-bb07-ec37b0c84716%2Fdc0aa8eb-3133-4c37-acf8-6e80b30669e9%2Fnq4tb1_processed.png&w=3840&q=75)
Transcribed Image Text:✔ Chrome File Edit View History Bookmarks Profiles Tab Window Help
OOO
← → C
blackboard
Content
= 3425232
STAT 112
stat 112
7
8
XBb 3425232
9
learn-us-east-1-prod-fleet02-xythos.content.blackboardcdn.com/5dd6acf5e22a7/3425232?X-Blackboard-S3-Bucket-learn-us-east-1-prod-flecto
dhttps://docs.googl...
239
tray. "Not
orkers the
is of these
r this was
ndants of
lo spiritist
odparents
theastern
h records
the north-
adrinhos.
godfather
argas, the
nation's
powerful,
alf if they
I spiritism
ands. For
ith whom
with his
d to clay
ose back-
as's gov-
e in state
od during
was piv-
ility were
o Tomás
hem.
even
argas
nd he
L...
> My
rs-in-
n the
stud-
its of
601
APR
8
240
hartlahu.com
STAT 112 Sp23, section 001,00 X +
21
8 / 12
90% +
Problems in Modern Latin American History
things. Before that, things were disorganized. I was now the oldest boy liv-
ing at home. My father decided to send me to the army too, to get it over
with, so I lied about my age.... I served in the army in 1930 when I was fif-
teen.... I was sent first to Vitória and then to Rio, to the Praia Vermelha
barracks. I got out in December. I returned to work with my father and
when I was twenty-two I married, in 1937. I grew corn and potatoes and
coffee beans and raised pigs. There was no place to sell things, so I had to
transport my produce, and this was expensive. We made very little money.
Things grew well; my father sometimes harvested ten thousand sacks of
coffee. But we had too little land for all of my brothers and their families.
All of my family were crentes [evangelical Protestants]. There was a church
in Córrego Rico. We went. I directed a choir. We were baptized. I met my
wife there when she was twelve years old.
[In 1942] I decided, overnight, to leave. We had two children already.
We went to [the town of] Muniz Freire and bought a house with my sav-
ings. I had no job, nothing. I worked as a barber but didn't make very
much; the town was too small. I worked for the mayor's office. I got one job
through one of my brothers-in-law who was a driver for an Arab. I became
foreman on his farm but he didn't pay me. I stayed for a year and then left
for another foreman's job. Then I got a job with the railroad. I got it [in
1945] when I went to Cachoeiro to sell chickens. A fellow I sold them to
told me to try and get a railroad job, that they were hiring many people. He
introduced me to some officials of the Leopoldina Railroad. They hired me.
I liked the idea of living in Cachoeiro because there was a school there my
kids could attend. My children all studied, one as far as the fifth grade, the
others to high school. And railroad workers were eligible for pensions; [we
were] one of the first.... When I started working they registered me in t
n the
railroad pension institute. There was an enormous union building in
Cachoeiro. The union sold provisions and merchandise to us at cheaper
prices. Later on the union gave a scholarship for my youngest son to study
at high school.
Starting in 1945 my wife and I always voted in elections, every year.
...I joined the PTB [Workers' Party]... and became active in the union..
I admired Getúlio Vargas, always voted for him.... He named the state
interventors. He was leading Brazil forward.... When he killed himself it
was an enormous shock.... I kept his photograph [the union had given to
us] and a copy of his suicide letter, to remind me of what he did for poor
Brazilians.... He was the chief organizer of this country.
Looking back on his life nearly a half century later, Maurílio recog-
nized that this was the turning point in his life. Employment by a state
agency meant school for his children, a future. To have a government job
meant security and a pension. Perhaps because he understood that so few
other workers received these benefits, Maurílio idolized Vargas, consider-
ing him his personal benefactor. He would have scoffed at social scientists
writing that Vargas's labor measures were enacted to control the labor
force, because he knew that he and his family benefited. As long as he
belonged to the union, his wife would receive food at reduced prices at the
A
W
48%
Sat Apr 8 12:31:43 PM
Populism and the Working Class
241
union-run store. He would receive a pension, and his children would be eli-
gible for scholarships available to families of union members. He consid-
ered voting for Vargas a natural obligation and something that gave him
satisfaction. The union allowed him to advance: when Maurílio started, he
was an apprentice brakeman. When he retired in 1970, he held the position
of "chief of the train." Such upward mobility would have been impossible
before 1930.
Update Apple ID Settings
Some account services will not be
available until you sign in again.
4. A Consummate Speechwriter
Getúlio Vargas
Lourival Fontes, Getúlio Vargas's press secretary in the 1940s and 1950s,
compiled a book based upon the Brazilian president's notes and instructions
for speechwriting. He asserted that Vargas, always in control, provided the
ideas, editing, rephrasing, polishing, and pacing. The speeches were simple
and straightforward, always beginning with "Brasileiros!" Vargas avoided
slang and stilted wording and always kept his sentences and paragraphs
short. Below are a few comments and criticisms that Vargas sent to Fontes.
There a
here are no superior or inferior races, nor races of masters and slaves.
***
I am imprisoned by a wall that separates me from the suffering and hum-
ble people, who elected me in the hope of a better life. I must fulfill that
promise!
OG P
I need the support and confidence of the workers, and they in turn will
find in me a true friend, ready to help them in their just aspirations. They
should avoid being misled by agitators and rabble-rousers. They may come
to me without fear, and I will lead them to just and equitable solutions, using
the official agencies created to accomplish this.
***
This is too highfalutin. I don't see here the reference I made to the work-
ing classes, as the dynamic element in the social equilibrium and force that
From Lourival Fontes and Glauco Carneiro, A face final de Vargas (os bilhetes
de Getúlio) (Rio de Janeiro: Edicões O Cruzeiro, 1966), chap. 15. Translated by
Michael Conniff. Special thanks to Michael Conniff for bringing this material to the
previous edition.
gede
A
Q
View
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