background: Following the political and social tumult created by the revolutionary upheaval across Europe during the late 18th and early 19th centuries, many leaders sought a return to the established order. Though the guiding principles of the revolutionary period would play a role in the creation of modern Europe, they would be actively suppressed by those who wished to maintain the status quo. Imagine that you are doing research at the Austrian State Archives in Vienna when you stumble across some papers written by Prince Klemens von Metternich. The page you are examining appears to contain notes for Metternich's memoirs, but several of the words are difficult to make out due to the ornate flourishes in his script. Select the correct response from each dropdown menu to complete Metternich's fictional observations on the Congress of Vienna and the Concert of Europe. The Question: Prior to defeating the French emperor, I, representing Austria, joined together with leaders from Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia to form a Quadruple Alliance. Our countries constituted the Congress of Vienna, and we set out to accomplish several goals. First, we sought to establish a (A. final peace settlement, B. massive joint-force occupying army, C. single currency) to stabilize postwar Europe. To do so, I proposed that we observe the (A. Monroe Doctrine, B. principle of legitancy, C. iron law of capitalism) to restore monarchs deposed during the revolutionary upheavals. These monarchs, I reasoned, would help A. defeat Protastism, B. preserve a traditional institution, C. lead to popular democracy). However, we also made more practical considerations of power, and each of our countries received compensation in the form of land carved out of former kingdoms. By making these territorial arrangements, we believed that we could establish a (A. Monroe Doctrine, B. balance of power, C. principle of legitancy) whereby no one country could dominate Europe, especially France, which remained a formidable power after the wars. In late 1815, we established the Concert of Europe, though we did not first formally meet until 1818. At our second meeting just two years later, we discussed the unfolding rebellions against the Bourbon monarchs recently installed in Spain and Italy. In response to these, I established the (A. Treaty of Adrianople, B. principle of intervention, C. Congress of London) , which stated that the great powers of Europe possessed the right to send armies into countries experiencing rebellions or revolutions in order to restore legitimate monarchs to their thrones. This rule proved quite successful in Spain and Italy, and we even found this very same rule could also be used to support the rebellion in (A. Armenia, B. Eygpt, C. Greece), where nationalists launched a revolt in 1821 to overthrow Ottoman Turkish rule.
background:
Following the political and social tumult created by the revolutionary upheaval across Europe during the late 18th and early 19th centuries, many leaders sought a return to the established order. Though the guiding principles of the revolutionary period would play a role in the creation of modern Europe, they would be actively suppressed by those who wished to maintain the status quo.
Imagine that you are doing research at the Austrian State Archives in Vienna when you stumble across some papers written by Prince Klemens von Metternich. The page you are examining appears to contain notes for Metternich's memoirs, but several of the words are difficult to make out due to the ornate flourishes in his script. Select the correct response from each dropdown menu to complete Metternich's fictional observations on the Congress of Vienna and the Concert of Europe.
The Question:
Prior to defeating the French emperor, I, representing Austria, joined together with leaders from Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia to form a Quadruple Alliance. Our countries constituted the Congress of Vienna, and we set out to accomplish several goals.
First, we sought to establish a (A. final peace settlement, B. massive joint-force occupying army, C. single currency) to stabilize postwar Europe. To do so, I proposed that we observe the (A. Monroe Doctrine, B. principle of legitancy, C. iron law of capitalism) to restore monarchs deposed during the revolutionary upheavals. These monarchs, I reasoned, would help A. defeat Protastism, B. preserve a traditional institution, C. lead to popular democracy). However, we also made more practical considerations of power, and each of our countries received compensation in the form of land carved out of former kingdoms. By making these territorial arrangements, we believed that we could establish a (A. Monroe Doctrine, B. balance of power, C. principle of legitancy) whereby no one country could dominate Europe, especially France, which remained a formidable power after the wars.
In late 1815, we established the Concert of Europe, though we did not first formally meet until 1818. At our second meeting just two years later, we discussed the unfolding rebellions against the Bourbon monarchs recently installed in Spain and Italy. In response to these, I established the (A. Treaty of Adrianople, B. principle of intervention, C. Congress of London) , which stated that the great powers of Europe possessed the right to send armies into countries experiencing rebellions or revolutions in order to restore legitimate monarchs to their thrones. This rule proved quite successful in Spain and Italy, and we even found this very same rule could also be used to support the rebellion in (A. Armenia, B. Eygpt, C. Greece), where nationalists launched a revolt in 1821 to overthrow Ottoman Turkish rule.
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