According to this speech given by Ricardo Alfonsin (Argentina), what were the problems that lead to the crisis of 1983 in Argentina? What should not be repeated in order to prevent this again? Speech: End... end military dictatorship. End immorality and arrogance. End fear and repression. End labor hunger. The dead factories are over. The empire of money over the effort of production is over. No more foreigners in our land. Argentines, we will all be the owners of the country again. Argentina will be its people. Democracy is born and Argentines are reborn. We decide the country we want; we are facing the most decisive moment of the last century. And there will no longer be any enlightened people who will come to explain to us how the republic is built. There will be no more "daddy’s boy" sects, no fortune tellers, no uniforms, no thugs to tell us what to do with the homeland. Now it is we, the whole people, who are going to say how the country is built. And make no mistake, that the electoral struggle will not confuse anyone; there are no two peoples. There are two leaders, two possibilities. But there’s only one town. So what we are going to decide in four days is which of Argentina’s two popular projects will have the responsibility of leading the country. And here too, no one should be confused. It is not the national objectives that differentiate us, but the methods and men, to achieve them. It is not enough to raise the flag of social justice, we must build it and make it remain. The fleeting, fragile conquests are erased at a stroke by dictatorships. And so it is the people who pay for the mistakes of the popular governments. There can be no more mistakes. You have to know how to govern Argentina. This is not a time to improvise, to weaken in infighting. There is too much work to be done if the unity of hand needed to deal with all the problems left to us by the dictatorship is to be lacking. The highest justicialist leaders have said that the elections will not be won by any candidate but will be won by Perón, just as the Cid Campeador won a battle dead. I wonder, as millions of Argentines ask, then, who will govern in Argentina? And I wonder, as do millions of Argentines, because we all remember very well what happened when Perón died. At that time, there was a crisis of authority that caused great damage to the country. In those years, there were those who made wrong decisions, there were those who acted irresponsibly, there were those who acted with good will and there were those who did so in a criminal manner. But The truth is that something more important was happening: nobody really knew who really governed Argentina. The crisis of authority created by the death of Perón, which could not be resolved by the ruling party, placed the nation beyond the will, or even good will, of those who fervently wished to consolidate a popular government at the service of the people. We are witnessing economic chaos, social disorder and the escalation of violence. The so-called Rodrigazo inaugurated hyperinflation and the most rampant speculation. This rampant inflation, unleashed in June 1975, involved daily dispossession of all wages. The just and inevitable reaction of the workers deepened a growing social disorder. Meanwhile, the action of the Three As, deployed with all intensity and impunity, had provoked a climate of generalized violence. Against this backdrop, amid economic chaos and social disorder, we were caught up in a maddening game of terrorism and repression that was spreading uncontrollably. No one can ever reproach radicalism for stoking on fire in those years of disorientation and crisis. Radicalism did not try to take advantage of them, but put all its effort into maintaining the institutions of the republic. But the crisis of authority caused by Perón’s death proved unmanageable and had tragic consequences. The most obvious, which we all suffered, was to offer the pretext hoped for by privileged minorities to provoke the coup of 1976 and to plunge the Argentine nation into the most shameful regime in all its history. They came under the pretext of ending speculation and unleashed a gigantic speculation that dismantled the country’s productive apparatus, impoverished the vast majority of Argentines and disproportionately enriched a tiny group of parasites. They came under the pretext of avoiding default abroad and indebted the country in a way that no one could have imagined and left nothing in exchange for an immense debt. They came under the pretext of eliminating corruption and ended up corrupting everything, even the most sacred words and the most solemn oaths.
According to this speech given by Ricardo Alfonsin (Argentina), what were the problems that lead to the crisis of 1983 in Argentina? What should not be repeated in order to prevent this again?
Speech:
End... end military dictatorship. End immorality and arrogance. End fear and repression. End labor hunger. The dead factories are over. The empire of money over the effort of production is over. No more foreigners in our land.
Argentines, we will all be the owners of the country again. Argentina will be its people. Democracy is born and Argentines are reborn. We decide the country we want; we are facing the most decisive moment of the last century. And there will no longer be any enlightened people who will come to explain to us how the republic is built. There will be no more "daddy’s boy" sects, no fortune tellers, no uniforms, no thugs to tell us what to do with the homeland.
Now it is we, the whole people, who are going to say how the country is built. And make no mistake, that the electoral struggle will not confuse anyone; there are no two peoples. There are two leaders, two possibilities. But there’s only one town. So what we are going to decide in four days is which of Argentina’s two popular projects will have the responsibility of leading the country. And here too, no one should be confused. It is not the national objectives that differentiate us, but the methods and men, to achieve them. It is not enough to raise the flag of social justice, we must build it and make it remain.
The fleeting, fragile conquests are erased at a stroke by dictatorships. And so it is the people who pay for the mistakes of the popular governments. There can be no more mistakes. You have to know how to govern Argentina. This is not a time to improvise, to weaken in infighting. There is too much work to be done if the unity of hand needed to deal with all the problems left to us by the dictatorship is to be lacking.
The highest justicialist leaders have said that the elections will not be won by any candidate but will be won by Perón, just as the Cid Campeador won a battle dead. I wonder, as millions of Argentines ask, then, who will govern in Argentina? And I wonder, as do millions of Argentines, because we all remember very well what happened when Perón died.
At that time, there was a crisis of authority that caused great damage to the country. In those years, there were those who made wrong decisions, there were those who acted irresponsibly, there were those who acted with good will and there were those who did so in a criminal manner. But
The truth is that something more important was happening: nobody really knew who really governed Argentina.
The crisis of authority created by the death of Perón, which could not be resolved by the ruling party, placed the nation beyond the will, or even good will, of those who fervently wished to consolidate a popular government at the service of the people.
We are witnessing economic chaos, social disorder and the escalation of violence.
The so-called Rodrigazo inaugurated hyperinflation and the most rampant speculation. This rampant inflation, unleashed in June 1975, involved daily dispossession of all wages. The just and inevitable reaction of the workers deepened a growing social disorder. Meanwhile, the action of the Three As, deployed with all intensity and impunity, had provoked a climate of generalized violence. Against this backdrop, amid economic chaos and social disorder, we were caught up in a maddening game of terrorism and repression that was spreading uncontrollably.
No one can ever reproach radicalism for stoking on fire in those years of disorientation and crisis.
Radicalism did not try to take advantage of them, but put all its effort into maintaining the institutions of the republic.
But the crisis of authority caused by Perón’s death proved unmanageable and had tragic consequences. The most obvious, which we all suffered, was to offer the pretext hoped for by privileged minorities to provoke the coup of 1976 and to plunge the Argentine nation into the most shameful regime in all its history.
They came under the pretext of ending speculation and unleashed a gigantic speculation that dismantled the country’s productive apparatus, impoverished the vast majority of Argentines and disproportionately enriched a tiny group of parasites.
They came under the pretext of avoiding default abroad and indebted the country in a way that no one could have imagined and left nothing in exchange for an immense debt.
They came under the pretext of eliminating corruption and ended up corrupting everything, even the most sacred words and the most solemn oaths.
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