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According to Daniel James' selection about Perón in Argentina, the workers identified with him for economic reasons and political reasons.  List and explain the economic and political reasons.

According to Daniel James' selection about Perón in Argentina, the workers identified with him for economic reasons and political reasons.  List and explain the economic and political reasons.

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  1. According to Daniel James' selection about Perón in Argentina, the workers identified with him for economic reasons and political reasons.  List and explain the economic and political reasons.

Consult the PDF reading   titled  “Populism and the Working Class,” pp. 227-249 

✔ Chrome File Edit View History Bookmarks Profiles Tab Window Help OOO ← → C blackboard Content = 3425232 STAT 112 stat 112 2 XBb 3425232 STAT 112 Sp23, section 001,00 X + learn-us-east-1-prod-fleet02-xythos.content.blackboardcdn.com/5dd6acf5e22a7/3425232?X-Blackboard-S3-Bucket-learn-us-east-1-prod-flector m 3 dhttps://docs.googl... 691 228 hartlahu.com Problems in Modern Latin American History materials. As markets for exports shriveled, Latin American economies were thrown into free fall. One example of this trend occurred in the port of São Paulo, where tons of handpicked coffee beans had to be burned for lack of buyers. To deal with the impact of the depression, Latin America needed to transform its entire approach to economic development, but such a transfor- mation also required a radical change in political leadership. 2 / 12 APR 8 Beginning in the 1930s (and carrying through until the 1950s), effective assaults on the political power of the oligarchs were carried out by populist leaders such as Juan Perón of Argentina and Lázaro Cárdenas of Mexico (both already mentioned) as well as Getúlio Vargas of Brazil and Jorge Eliécer Gaitán of Colombia. Populist leaders often came from relatively humble ori- gins, had a background in the military, and knew how to stir a crowd of workers with rhetoric based on nationalism, class struggle, and traditional gender relationships. In their speeches, the populists created opportunities for workers to identify with the nation in ways that would have been unimagin- able only decades earlier. Populists blasted the corruption and privilege of traditional oligarchies closely linked to the shattered import-export system. By equating the oligarchs with the economic devastation brought about by the Great Depression, populists rode to electoral victory. Once in office, the populists attempted to implement a set of core poli- cies aimed at the further industrial and social development of their countries. On the economic front, they pursued import-substitution industrialization (ISI), a key element of twentieth-century Latin American nationalism. Aggressively protecting fledgling national industries, populists ignored the tenets of laissez-faire liberalism. They also promoted state control of vital sectors of the economy. Many foreign investors lost capital in the "national- ization" of these industries, which generated powerful enemies abroad for the populists. On the social front, their program favored the interests of the urban middle class and the industrial working class. Trade unionism flourished, and though most populist leaders manipulated the unions, Latin American work- efs generally felt more equitably treated in their relations with management than ever before. The first social security systems were established along with such important benefits as modern labor codes and welfare programs. 21 100% + » QUESTIONS FOR ANALYSIS MEANI 1. How did populist leaders such as Peron, Vargas, and than attempt to achieve their goals? What strategies did they employ? Leitung A W 50% == Sat Apr 8 12:25:31 PM Update Apple ID Settings Some account services will not be available until you sign in again. Populism and the Working Class 3. Decide for yourself. Were populist leaders legitimate heroes for the working class or authoritarian demagogues whose main goal was keeping themselves in power? Sing pagga 229 1. The Peronist Political Vision ◆ Daniel James The career of Juan Perón of Argentina presents a fascinating case study of the problem of populism. Like the other populists, Perón was a powerful ora- tor and manipulator of imagery. In this selection, historian Daniel James writes about Perón's successful linking, in his political rhetoric and symbol- ism, of Argentine nationalism with the "concrete, material aspects" of working- class life. Such aspects of workers' daily lives constituted the field in which Peronist language grew and included specific words (such as "los descamisa- dos," the "shirtless" and thus penniless) and cultural references (such as lyrics from tangos). To begin, James grounds his interpretation of Peronism in the basic schools of thought regarding workers' industrial motivations for participating in the Peronist movement. The relationship between workers and their organizations and the Peronist movement and state is clearly vital for understanding the 1943-55 period. Indeed, the intimacy of the relationship has generally been taken as defining the uniqueness of Peronism within the spectrum of Latin American populist experiences. How are we to interpret the basis of this relationship, and beyond that, the significance of the Peronist experience for Peronist workers? Answers to this question have increasingly rejected earlier expla- nations which saw working-class support for Peronism in terms of a division between an old and new working class. Sociologists like Gino Germani, left- ist competitors for working-class allegiance, and indeed Peronists themselves explained worker involvement in Peronism in terms of inexperienced migrant workers who, unable to assert an independent social and political identity in their new urban environment and untouched by the institutions and ideology of the traditional working class, were disponible (available) to be used by dis- sident elite sectors. It was these immature proletarians who flocked to Perón's banner in the 1943-46 period. In the revisionist studies working-class support for Perón has been regarded as representing a logical involvement of labor in a state-directed GP PA Q View
Transcribed Image Text:✔ Chrome File Edit View History Bookmarks Profiles Tab Window Help OOO ← → C blackboard Content = 3425232 STAT 112 stat 112 2 XBb 3425232 STAT 112 Sp23, section 001,00 X + learn-us-east-1-prod-fleet02-xythos.content.blackboardcdn.com/5dd6acf5e22a7/3425232?X-Blackboard-S3-Bucket-learn-us-east-1-prod-flector m 3 dhttps://docs.googl... 691 228 hartlahu.com Problems in Modern Latin American History materials. As markets for exports shriveled, Latin American economies were thrown into free fall. One example of this trend occurred in the port of São Paulo, where tons of handpicked coffee beans had to be burned for lack of buyers. To deal with the impact of the depression, Latin America needed to transform its entire approach to economic development, but such a transfor- mation also required a radical change in political leadership. 2 / 12 APR 8 Beginning in the 1930s (and carrying through until the 1950s), effective assaults on the political power of the oligarchs were carried out by populist leaders such as Juan Perón of Argentina and Lázaro Cárdenas of Mexico (both already mentioned) as well as Getúlio Vargas of Brazil and Jorge Eliécer Gaitán of Colombia. Populist leaders often came from relatively humble ori- gins, had a background in the military, and knew how to stir a crowd of workers with rhetoric based on nationalism, class struggle, and traditional gender relationships. In their speeches, the populists created opportunities for workers to identify with the nation in ways that would have been unimagin- able only decades earlier. Populists blasted the corruption and privilege of traditional oligarchies closely linked to the shattered import-export system. By equating the oligarchs with the economic devastation brought about by the Great Depression, populists rode to electoral victory. Once in office, the populists attempted to implement a set of core poli- cies aimed at the further industrial and social development of their countries. On the economic front, they pursued import-substitution industrialization (ISI), a key element of twentieth-century Latin American nationalism. Aggressively protecting fledgling national industries, populists ignored the tenets of laissez-faire liberalism. They also promoted state control of vital sectors of the economy. Many foreign investors lost capital in the "national- ization" of these industries, which generated powerful enemies abroad for the populists. On the social front, their program favored the interests of the urban middle class and the industrial working class. Trade unionism flourished, and though most populist leaders manipulated the unions, Latin American work- efs generally felt more equitably treated in their relations with management than ever before. The first social security systems were established along with such important benefits as modern labor codes and welfare programs. 21 100% + » QUESTIONS FOR ANALYSIS MEANI 1. How did populist leaders such as Peron, Vargas, and than attempt to achieve their goals? What strategies did they employ? Leitung A W 50% == Sat Apr 8 12:25:31 PM Update Apple ID Settings Some account services will not be available until you sign in again. Populism and the Working Class 3. Decide for yourself. Were populist leaders legitimate heroes for the working class or authoritarian demagogues whose main goal was keeping themselves in power? Sing pagga 229 1. The Peronist Political Vision ◆ Daniel James The career of Juan Perón of Argentina presents a fascinating case study of the problem of populism. Like the other populists, Perón was a powerful ora- tor and manipulator of imagery. In this selection, historian Daniel James writes about Perón's successful linking, in his political rhetoric and symbol- ism, of Argentine nationalism with the "concrete, material aspects" of working- class life. Such aspects of workers' daily lives constituted the field in which Peronist language grew and included specific words (such as "los descamisa- dos," the "shirtless" and thus penniless) and cultural references (such as lyrics from tangos). To begin, James grounds his interpretation of Peronism in the basic schools of thought regarding workers' industrial motivations for participating in the Peronist movement. The relationship between workers and their organizations and the Peronist movement and state is clearly vital for understanding the 1943-55 period. Indeed, the intimacy of the relationship has generally been taken as defining the uniqueness of Peronism within the spectrum of Latin American populist experiences. How are we to interpret the basis of this relationship, and beyond that, the significance of the Peronist experience for Peronist workers? Answers to this question have increasingly rejected earlier expla- nations which saw working-class support for Peronism in terms of a division between an old and new working class. Sociologists like Gino Germani, left- ist competitors for working-class allegiance, and indeed Peronists themselves explained worker involvement in Peronism in terms of inexperienced migrant workers who, unable to assert an independent social and political identity in their new urban environment and untouched by the institutions and ideology of the traditional working class, were disponible (available) to be used by dis- sident elite sectors. It was these immature proletarians who flocked to Perón's banner in the 1943-46 period. In the revisionist studies working-class support for Perón has been regarded as representing a logical involvement of labor in a state-directed GP PA Q View
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