4. In our example with the rich living at the center and the edge of the city, a decline in automobile marginal costs would lead to . . . A. The poor will be pushed farther away from the center of the city because the net income of the rich went up. B. The utility of the rich will rise and the utility of the poor will fall. C. The utility of the poor will be unaffected because they don’t use cars. D. None of the above.

ENGR.ECONOMIC ANALYSIS
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Author:NEWNAN
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Chapter1: Making Economics Decisions
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4. In our example with the rich living at the center and the edge of the city, a decline in automobile
marginal costs would lead to . . .
A. The poor will be pushed farther away from the center of the city because the net income of the
rich went up.
B. The utility of the rich will rise and the utility of the poor will fall.
C. The utility of the poor will be unaffected because they don’t use cars.
D. None of the above.

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Car dependence research highlights the challenges of transitioning away from a car-dominated, high-carbon transportation system, but it ignores the political-economic elements that support car-dependent societies. Attempts to 'decouple' human well-being from energy use and climate change emissions are hampered by these reasons. We highlight some of the primary political-economic drivers causing car reliance in this critical review paper, which draws on research from a variety of domains. There are five important components of what we call the "car-dependent transportation system": I the automobile business; ii) vehicle infrastructure provision; iii) the political economy of urban expansion; iv) public transportation provision; v) car consumption cultures We locate the role played by each element within the political economy using the'systems of provision' method. Linkages between these processes, we suggest, are critical for perpetuating car dependence and, as a result, creating carbon lock-in. The role of integrated socio-technical aspects of provision, the opportunistic use of contradictory economic arguments serving industrial agendas, the creation of an apolitical façade around pro-car decision-making, and the 'capture' of the state within the car-dependent transport system are all discussed in the development of our argument. We show that getting past the automobile age will necessitate an overt and historically conscious political study and action programme by examining the constituents, processes, and characteristics of car-dependent transportation networks.

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