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Chapter 4
UNDERSTANDING POLICY CHANGE
INTRODUCTION
Policy change is an adjustment to an existing public policy or set of related
public policies. These adjustments can be incremental, leading to small changes
in policy, such as increasing the fee schedule for physicians or adjusting the
amounts of financial transfers to community health centres and hospitals.
Adjustments can also be radical changes that lead to a fundamental shift in the
underlying philosophy of a public policy area, such as a shift from institutional
care to community-based care, or a shift from a biomedical understanding of
health to a social determinants perspective that emphasizes living conditions as
the primary influences on health.
While most theories of the public policy process, such as those examined
in chapter 3, address policy change, they vary in their specificity about policy
change, the roles different actors play, and the role of the state in the process
(Mintrom & Vergari, 1996). A set of models termed
learning models of policy
change
has been very influential in the policy studies area. These models show
many conceptual similarities with the pluralism and new institutionalism
approaches to understanding public policy presented in chapter 3.
These models tend to de-emphasize the influence of conflict between
interest groups and differences in the amount of, and exercise of, power in
policy change. They focus instead on how the acquisition and application of
knowledge influences policy-makers. The adherents of this view argue that such
an emphasis produces better explanations of how public policies are developed
and implemented than do conflict-based theories (Bennett & Howlett, 1992;
Heclo, 1974).
Learning models, therefore, focus on learning as a potential source of policy
change (Bennett & Howlett, 1992). Adherents of these views also argue that
conflict-oriented theories neglect the role that information or knowledge plays
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Health Policy in Canada
in this process. Illustrating the focus on process over analyses of economic,
political, and social forces, Heclo argues that policy change can arise from
uncertainty: “men collectively wondering what to do” (Heclo, 1974, p. 305).
The learning approaches, therefore, focus on learning and assert that the state—
and policy-makers—learn from experience and change public policies on the
basis of their interpretations of how well previous policies have performed.
THE SCOPE OF LEARNING MODELS
The political science literature identifies several learning models of policy
change (Bryant, 2001, 2002a, 2003, 2004b). This chapter is not intended
to provide a definitive examination of all of these. Instead, it focuses on two
representative models: the policy paradigms (Hall, 1993) and the knowledge
paradigms policy change models (Bryant, 2004b).
Building on the insights of historical institutionalism presented in chapter
3, Hall’s model emphasizes the role that institutions and social learning play
in policy change. He defines change as intentional efforts to adjust the goals or
instruments of policy, given the experience of past policies and new information
(Hall, 1993). The knowledge paradigms policy change conceptual framework
builds on Hall’s insights on knowledge and adds political economy concerns
about how power, conflict, and political ideology influence policy change.
Apart from Tuohy’s (1999) excellent analysis using historical institutionalism
to explain the development of public health care, this approach is rarely applied
to health policy issues. The knowledge paradigms policy change model has been
used in analyses of both health care policy and health-related public policy.
This chapter explores the usefulness of the policy paradigms model and the
knowledge paradigms policy change conceptual framework for understanding
how health policy develops and changes.
POLICY PARADIGMS
Th
e new institutionalism, discussed in chapter 3, is an important contribution
to understanding the role that institutions play in the policy change process.
As enduring bodies in society with clear policy infl
uence, they have the
potential to shape policy changes. But of equal or more importance, they
have the potential to constrain the policy change process and impede social
and political change.
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Understanding Policy Change
95
Hall integrated aspects of historical institutionalism and the literature on
scientific paradigms to explicate the roles played by ideas and knowledge in
public decision making (Kuhn, 1970). Public policy discussion occurs within
specific realms of discourse (Anderson, 1978). Policy-makers work within
specific frameworks of ideas and standards that specify policy goals and the
instruments or means by which these goals can be attained. These frameworks
are grounded in the kind of language through which policy-makers convey and
do their work.
Th
ere exist, therefore, infl
uential systems of ideas that guide both policy
development and the policy-makers themselves. Th
is may be problematic
“because so much of it is taken for granted and is not amenable to scrutiny
as a whole” (Hall, 1993, p. 279). Th
ese systems of ideas specify what
types of problems will be defi
ned as legitimate public problems requiring
government action. Th
ese systems also specify the tools that government
may apply to address these problems (Hall, 1993). Hall refers to these
interpretive frameworks as
policy paradigms
, which help to explain diff
erent
patterns of policy change by linking these paradigms to specifi
c instances
of social learning.
Box 4.1: The Process of Social Learning
Hall draws on Heclo’s work to formulate the concept of social learning. He
argues that a key factor affecting policy at time-1 is policy at time-0. Previous
policy is an important influence on current policy. In fact, Hall suggests
that policy responds “less directly to social and economic conditions than
it does to the consequences of past policy” (Hall, 1993, p. 277). Moreover,
consistent with Weir and Skocpol (1985), he argues that the interests and
ideals that policy-makers choose to follow are influenced largely by what are
termed
policy legacies
(i.e., previous policy shapes future policy). In addition,
experts in a policy field in which policy change is being considered tend to
be very influential in the learning process. They may advise the state from a
privileged and critical position at high-level meetings between the bureaucracy
and intellectual leaders.
Hall’s portrayal of the policy change process suggests a highly elitist activity
from which some groups may be shut out. This suggests that policy changes
reflect the interests of those attending such high-level meetings more than
those who are likely to be adversely affected by policy changes.
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Social learning refers to policy change that results from both new
information about an issue and learning from past policy experience (Hall,
1993). Social learning, therefore, is primarily concerned with the role ideas
play in policymaking. The social learning process is dominated by government
offi
cials and highly placed experts whose power is likely to be particularly
influential. For Hall, this influence is especially the case in technical policy
fields such as environmental or energy policy. The health policy area can be
added to these technical policy fields where the views of experts are especially
valued. Hall’s interest is also to examine how knowledge created by scientists
and social scientists influences the policymaking process (Hall, 1993).
Different Types of Policy Change
A further aim of Hall’s model is to analyze how policy-makers apply knowledge
to effect different types of policy changes. Two such kinds of changes are
routine (first- and second-order) and radical (third-order) policy changes (Hall,
1993). Hall terms these two kinds of policy change as
normal
and
paradigmatic
patterns of policy change (Hall, 1993).
First-order change
has many elements of incrementalism, such as “satisfi
cing”
and “routinized” decision making (Hall, 1993). Such changes are usually minor
adjustments to policy, such as increasing physicians’ fees for various medical
procedures, or increasing or lowering monthly social assistance payments. Th
is
constitutes much of the day-to-day activities of governments and agencies.
Second-order change
usually involves developing new policy instruments
and moving toward strategic action (Hall, 1993). An example of second-order
change would be a provincial government’s decision to develop a Telehealth
line for the public to call for health advice from registered nurses to reduce
inappropriate use of hospital emergency departments. Another instance might
be modifying the means by which individuals could apply for social assistance
and the means by which such applications would be processed. In both these
first- and second-order policy change processes, the overall goals of a policy
area basically remain the same.
Th
ird-order change
is characterized by radical (paradigmatic) change in the
overall terms of policy discourse. Th
is change would result in diverging from
the “received” or dominant paradigm (Hall, 1993). As defi
ned in chapter 2, a
paradigm is a set of beliefs concerning the nature of an issue and the problems or
set of issues associated with it. For example, one paradigm of health care is that it be
seen as a commodity subject to being bought or sold on the market. A competing
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Understanding Policy Change
97
paradigm would be that health care is a basic human right and therefore should be
an entitlement of citizenship. Not all paradigmatic issues are as profound in their
implications as this particular one, but paradigm disagreements usually involve a
fairly signifi
cant discrepancy between sets of ideas and values.
Hall suggests that paradigmatic shifts involve simultaneous changes in all
three components of policy: (1) the instrument settings; (2) the instruments
themselves; and (3) the policy goals and objectives. For example, the creation
of a national public health care system in Canada in 1961 represented a shift
from a system based on ability to pay for health services to a system based on
service provision in response to need (Romanow, 2002). Rather than health
care being funded by individuals on an out-of-pocket basis, the government
now pays for health care from general revenues. The policy goal of ensuring
that all Canadian citizens receive care on the basis of need rather than ability to
pay represents a paradigmatic policy change.
In the health-related policy area, government decisions to withdraw from
providing affordable housing for those in need, which occurred federally during
the 1990s, would represent a paradigmatic shift (Bryant, 2004a; Shapcott,
2004). Frequently, these kinds of profound shifts are made with little warning
and little, if any, public consultation.
The Importance of Politics in Paradigmatic Policy Change
Noting the relative lack of attention in the policy change literature to the role
politics plays in understanding third-order policy change, Hall argues that
policy paradigms are never completely understandable solely in scientific or
technical terms (Hall, 1993). Instead, the change from one paradigm to another
is more likely to result from political influences rather than the accumulation
of scientific knowledge.
Indeed, the policy change outcome may also depend on the arguments of
competing groups in a policy arena and from the advantages or disadvantages
these various interest groups possess within this broader policy arena. In
addition, resources available to competing political actors for advocacy
activities may determine the shape of policy change. Sometimes external factors
such as changes in the economy (the onset of a recession or surging economic
growth) can affect the capacity of a group of actors to impose its ideas or policy
paradigm on others.
Since each paradigm has its own explanation of how the world of policy-
makers works, it is often diffi
cult, if not impossible, for advocates of different
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Health Policy in Canada
paradigms to agree on a common body of knowledge on which to favour one
paradigm over another. Yet sometimes paradigmatic change is a gradual process
shaped by experiences accrued from policy experimentation and policy failure.
Box 4.2: Advocacy Coalition Framework
Like Hall’s policy paradigms, Sabatier’s advocacy coalition framework is a
learning model of policy change. The advocacy coalition framework of policy
change is a conceptual framework for examining policy change of a decade or
more (Sabatier, 1993). This model attempts to explain the strategic interaction
of political elites and policy experts in a policy community or subsystem. The
policy subsystem consists of ideologically based advocacy coalitions that are
involved in a particular policy area. Coalitions can include actors from both
the public and private sectors, such as social scientists, senior civil servants,
the media, politicians, and interest groups. The coalition can also include
actors from local and regional governments involved in policy formulation
and implementation. These actors can all play a role in the generation,
dissemination, and evaluation of policy ideas (Dunleavy, 1981; Heclo, 1978;
Milward & Wamsley, 1984).
Consistent with Heclo, Sabatier argues that policy change occurs within a
social, economic, and political context (Heclo, 1974). Policy change can also
involve competition for power and conflicting activities within the community
that emerge to address a policy problem. Sabatier is particularly interested
in the role of technical information—or expert knowledge—and ideology
throughout the policy process. Some key concepts require examination.
Belief system
: Subsystem members can come from different advocacy
coalitions, and this shapes their activities (Sabatier, 1993). All share a set
of normative and causal beliefs (ideology). Beliefs shape policy positions,
instrumental decisions, and the information selected to support specific
policy positions. The belief system consists of three structural categories. These
categories are termed the
deep (normative) core
, which comprises fundamental
normative and ontological beliefs; the
near (policy) core
, which are the coalition’s
policy positions; and
secondary aspects
, which are instrumental decisions and
information inquiries enlisted to support the policy core. The coalition’s
strategies (policy core) and secondary aspects respond to perceptions about
the adequacy of governmental decisions in relation to the perceived problem.
Changes in strategy can include lobbying for major institutional revisions
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Paradigmatic shift can also occur as a result of an accumulation of
inconsistencies in the old paradigm through testing new forms of policy.
Th
e accumulation of problems associated with existing policy can weaken
its dominance if its adherents are unable to explain new developments.
For example, the outbreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS)
in Toronto in 2003 was recognized as resulting from the lack of a central
institution to monitor disease outbreaks in various jurisdictions (National
at the broad policy level, or minor revisions at the operational level. The
differences among the components of the belief systems are not always clear.
Change in the larger environment
: Sabatier identifies a range of factors that
can influence an advocacy coalition and its activities as well as its success
in effecting policy change (Sabatier, 1993). Stable parameters and dynamic
external events are identified as sources of new information that can affect
perceptions of policy issues and lead to alterations in the belief systems of
advocacy coalitions. Stable influences, such as established policy parameters
and the social, legal, and resource features of the society, persist over a period of
several decades. These influences frame and constrain the activities of advocacy
coalitions. Dynamic influences, such as changes in global socio-economic
conditions (e.g., the 1973 Arab oil embargo or the election of Ronald Reagan
in 1980), can alter the composition and resources of various coalitions. These
influences also affect how public policy is carried out within the subsystem.
Personnel changes at senior levels within government ministries can also affect
the political resources of various coalitions and the decisions that are made at
the collective and operational levels.
Policy-oriented learning
: A key component of the framework is policy-
oriented learning. This refers to relatively enduring changes in thought or
behavioural intentions that are based on previous policy experience (Sabatier,
1993). Learning occurs through internal feedback mechanisms and includes
perceptions of external dynamics and increased knowledge of problem
parameters. Such learning is instrumental, since it is assumed that members
of the various coalitions seek to improve their understanding of the world in
order to further the achievement of their policy objectives. This is termed the
enlightenment function
of public policymaking, which implies that political
actors are more committed to improving the quality of public policy decisions
than to furthering their own political interests.
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Health Policy in Canada
Advisory Committee on SARS and Public Health, 2003). In response to
the SARS outbreak, the Public Health Agency was established, with one
centre given responsibility for monitoring infection outbreaks in Canada
and elsewhere.
Another example is that the spread of SARS in Toronto from hospital
to hospital was identified as resulting from many nurses working part-time
and having to move from one hospital to another on any given day (National
Advisory Committee on SARS and Public Health, 2003). One response was
to review the employment situation of nurses and develop public policy to
address the part-time employment situation of nurses.
Therefore, policy failures such as the SARS outbreak or an explosion of
homelessness or food bank use can bring about a shift in paradigmatic authority.
These changes in policy can heighten conflict between competing paradigms
(Hall, 1993). Efforts to explain these new and potentially problematic
phenomena by persisting in using an old paradigm can further undermine its
intellectual coherence. Politicians may be especially instrumental in deciding
whose knowledge claim—and whose paradigm—becomes authoritative and
will prevail in a policy arena.
Hall’s most widely quoted application of his model was his explanation of
the shift from Keynesian welfare state economic policy in Britain to a monetarist
approach during the 1970–1989 period (Hall, 1993). Keynesianism had led
to the development of the welfare state and hence significant government
intervention to provide publicly funded health care. However, economic
stresses led to a questioning of the value of such a paradigm.
British politicians intervened when social scientists were unable to resolve
the dispute between these Keynesian and monetarist paradigms (Hall, 1993).
The politicians, who happened to be Conservative, favoured monetarism
because it was consistent with their neoliberal ideology of wanting to advance
the role the market played in allocating resources at the expense of the state.
The British government thus launched a new era in economic policymaking
that, while drawing on social science, did so in a selective manner to support
the very right-wing inclinations of Margaret Thatcher, the leader of the
Conservative Party. Monetarists successfully attributed rising unemployment
and other economic problems to perceived failures of Keynesianism. Hall
concludes that social science ideas in this case and others enter policy debates
through the broader political system rather than through the traditional
knowledge contributions of a narrow network of experts and offi
cials.
Hall therefore shows how understanding changes, such as shifting
economic policy from Keynesianism to monetarism, requires analysis of the
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Understanding Policy Change
101
infl
uence institutions have to impede new ideas or help bring them into
the policy discourse and public policy decisions (Fischer, 2003). Changes
in the British economy, specifi
cally an unemployment crisis and high
levels of infl
ation, challenging the principles of Keynesianism, contributed
to the paradigm shift to monetarism. Th
ese changes therefore provided
an opportunity for the application of new paradigmatic ideas from the
Conservative Party (Fischer, 2003).
Limitations of Policy Paradigms
Hall provides a compelling explanation of the shift to monetarism and shows
how institutions can structure outcomes. The focus on institutions, however,
precludes other considerations. For example, his model fails to consider how
structures and interests influence political, economic, and social change. He
seems unconcerned about the close association between certain interests, such
as social scientists and the political system.
Moreover, Hall does not consider how the Thatcher government
deliberately excluded particular groups from the political process. For
example, after her election as prime minister, Th
atcher undermined trade
unions in the United Kingdom, thereby increasing class confl
ict (Krieger,
1987; Towers, 1989). Th
is increase in class confl
ict distorted the policy
change process by weakening the ability of information and knowledge
supportive of the working class to infl
uence policy change. More overtly, she
also abolished the Greater London City Council, since it appeared to oppose
her policies. Th
ese actions represented clear exercise of raw political power
that deliberately limited the ability of opposition groups to challenge these
policy changes (Raphael, 2014).
Hall identifies the influence of political elites on the policy change process,
but does so in a manner that implies that this relationship and its impact on
the policy change process is unproblematic. This close relationship between
elites and policy-makers may be construed as policy development in the service
of particular segments or interests of the population to the detriment of others.
In addition, Hall articulates a single path to paradigmatic change.
Paradigmatic change occurs in response to a series of policy failures, a shift
in political power, or external shocks. But there is another trajectory for
paradigmatic policy change. Paradigmatic policy change can also result from a
series of incremental policy changes over several years (Coleman, Skogstad, &
Atkinson, 1997).
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Hall recognizes political considerations as having a significant role
in bringing about change (Hall, 1993). He demonstrates how Thatcher’s
contingent within the Conservative Party contributed to shifting state
machinery toward monetarism. The model provides some useful analytic tools
for classifying different types of policy change. However, it depicts the public
policy arena as being almost exclusively the purview of senior civil servants,
policy analysts, and academics—or knowledge experts.
While much policy debate occurs at this level, other interests mobilize
to try to infl
uence policy change outcomes. Hall describes state and societal
actors as the chief agents of learning, but does not consider the relationship
between the civil service and the general public, or the relationship between
the state and civil society.
Identifying these concerns is important to draw attention to inequalities in
the distribution of power and opportunities to infl
uence policy change outcomes.
In Hall’s model, the shift from one policy paradigm to another emerges as a largely
academic debate in which politicians seem to arbitrate over whose paradigm will
dominate in a given policy arena. Th
ere is a need for a model that considers
the impact of an unequal distribution of political power and a broader range of
political actors, and defi
nes the role of the state in public policy debates.
In a more recent publication, Hall considers the prospects for the emergence
of a new paradigm in the wake of the economic crisis of 2008, changing the
dominant economic paradigms over the last 60 years (Hall, 2013). He suggests
that the conditions for a major shift in policy—growing income inequality,
discontentment with austerity programs intended to reduce government
debt—may lead to a new era. He adds that a shift to a new paradigm is often
precipitated by a new economic paradigm that gathers strong political appeal.
This does not appear to bode well for the potential of a new paradigm to
address income inequality and poverty.
KNOWLEDGE PARADIGMS POLICY CHANGE
FRAMEWORK
The knowledge paradigms policy change framework builds on Hall’s insights
into policy change and the role of political ideology by incorporating a concern
with inequality, conflict, political ideology, and power in the political process
(Bryant, 2002a, 2002b). It also explicitly considers how various forms of
knowledge can influence the different types of changes contained in Hall’s
models. Figure 4.1 shows the framework and its key components.
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Understanding Policy Change
103
Figure 4.1: Model Informing the Policy Change Process
Source:
Bryant, T. (2009). Housing and health. In D. Raphael (Ed.),
Social determinants of health
(2nd
ed.) (p. 246). Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Civil
society
Professional
policy analysts
State and its
institutions
Policy change
outcomes
Gradual pragmatic
policy change
Normal policy
change
Paradigmatic policy
change
Different ways of knowing about a social issue:
Instrumental/interactive/critical
Different ways of using knowledge about a social issue:
Legal/public relations/personal stories/political-strategic
Citizen
activists
Policy Actors
The first component of the model considers the various actors in the policy
change process. While Hall focused on technical experts, policy-makers, and
elected offi
cials, other segments of the population can be involved in the policy
change process.
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Health Policy in Canada
Civil society
: Beginning at the top of the figure, civil society encapsulates
the values and beliefs of the citizenry, as well as its institutions and traditions,
thereby providing a context for the policy change process.
Professional policy analysts
and
citizen activists
: Civil society consists of
many groups, including the market, trade unions, professional associations
such as medical and nursing associations, other health professions’ associations,
and faith communities, among others. The groups of interests identified in the
figure are professional policy analysts, the experts in Hall’s policy paradigms,
and citizen activists, because these are the groups that try to act on the political
system to influence public policy.
Some political actors constitute a hybrid. Th
at is, they usually possess post-
secondary degrees and specialized knowledge in a particular policy fi
eld. Th
ey may
work as policy analysts for trade unions or social and health policy think tanks.
Th
ese aggregates are politically engaged groups of civil society and are not necessarily
mutually exclusive, nor are they intended to be representative of all groups in civil
society. Th
ey represent diff
erent political entities in the public policy process.
An important element here is the inequality in the capacity of each group
to influence the political process in terms of finances and other resources such
as education. Both kinds of groups engage in knowledge creation and advocacy
activities (see Box 4.3).
Box 4.3: Editorial: Better Health, Lower Costs
Toronto Star
The case for a national pharmacare program, covering prescription drug costs
for all Canadians, is now noticeably stronger. A persuasive new study analyzing
the cost of such coverage has found it would save a great deal of money,
especially for the private sector, with relatively little expense to government.
“In many of the scenarios that we modelled, universal pharmacare was cost-
neutral for governments,” said Dr. Danielle Martin, one of the study’s authors
and a vice-president at Women’s College Hospital in Toronto. “This goes
against current thinking that a universal program will cost more.”
These findings, published on Monday in the
Canadian Medical Association
Journal
, should be required reading for provincial and territorial politicians
and especially in Ottawa, where federal determination to make pharmacare
happen has been noticeably lacking.
Universal public drug coverage could lower annual spending on prescription
medicine in Canada by $7.3 billion, conclude the study’s authors. Several
scenarios were developed on what such a program might cost government,
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105
with the worst-case estimate pegging additional costs at $5.4 billion and the
best-case scenario producing a net saving of $2.9 billion.
Under a mid-range “base scenario,” total cost to governments would be
$958 million. But that would generate an $8.2-billion drop in private-sector
spending on prescription drugs. It’s an investment well worth making. Savings
of this magnitude would put Canadian per capita prescription drug spending
on par with levels in countries such as Switzerland, Austria and Spain, note
the authors. (Nations such as the United Kingdom, New Zealand and Sweden
spend even less.)
Canadians currently shell out an average of 50 per cent more, per capita,
than people in other developed countries. And it’s no coincidence that Canada
is alone in having a universal health insurance system that does not include the
cost of prescription drugs.
Instead, what we have in this country is a mishmash of private drug plans—
with access typically depending on where a person works—and a patchwork
of federal and provincial systems, typically serving groups deemed to be in
need, such as the elderly and welfare recipients. Their prescriptions are already
funded by taxpayers.
It’s a woefully inadequate system that leaves many Canadians with no drug
coverage at all, especially the young, the self-employed and people working for
small businesses that can’t afford to provide a drug plan. As a result, millions
of Canadians lack money to buy the medicines they need.
A national pharmacare program would unite the country’s purchasing power
and use economies of scale to help negotiate lower prices for both generic
and brand-name drugs. That’s the main way other countries have managed to
control expenditure.
There would be a modest increase in one cost category: uninsured people
who can’t afford medicine will finally fill the prescriptions they’ve been given.
But there would be additional savings, too, by eliminating the duplication
of legal, technical and administrative work inherent in Canada’s existing,
disjointed approach. The net result would be a far more cost-effective system.
But the goal of national pharmacare isn’t just to save money. Prescription
medication can keep people healthy, ease pain, avoid trips to the hospital, and
even save lives.
Pharmacare is ultimately about giving all Canadians access to the medicines
they need—regardless of where they work, the province where they live, their
age, their medical condition or whether they’re on welfare. It’s about closing a
disgraceful gap in our universal health-care system.
Source:
Better Health, Lower Costs [Editorial]. (2015, March 17).
Toronto Star
, p. A12.
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106
Health Policy in Canada
Professional policy analysts are perceived as having specialized knowledge
that gives them an aura of objectivity and authority, which can enhance their
credibility in the public domain. In contrast, citizen activists may be seen as
lay experts. The wider public may perceive citizen activists as addressing issues
that affect them personally and therefore as self-interested. For example, a
university professor or policy analyst speaking out against barriers to accessing
health care for marginalized communities may be considered to have more
credibility in the public domain than someone who is actually experiencing
barriers to accessing health care services. Citizen activists may also advocate
on behalf of communities that experience barriers in their access to health care
services, yet not actually experience such barriers themselves.
Different ways of knowing about a social issue—instrumental/interactive/
critical:
One typology of knowledge—the Habermas-Park typology—represents
different ways of knowing about or understanding an issue. According to
this typology, there are three types of knowledge: instrumental, interactive,
and critical knowledge (Habermas, 1968; Park, 1993). The different types
of knowledge represent different approaches to understanding the nature of
knowledge and how it is created.
Box 4.4: Habermas’s Typology of Knowledge
Habermas devised three categories of knowledge that Park has refined as
instrumental knowledge, interactive knowledge, and critical knowledge. Park’s
interest in these categories is to understand the role of lay knowledge to engage
in participatory research that helps to empower marginalized populations and
give them a voice in the political process.
Instrumental knowledge
is knowledge produced by the traditional sciences
through systematic research and hypothesis testing. It involves detachment
and objectivity on the part of the researcher. This knowledge aims to control
external events and create explanatory theories of causal relationships. An
example is carrying out an experiment on a new pharmaceutical product or
medication to test its effi
cacy in treating a health condition. The experiment
would consist of an experimental group with the health condition who would
receive the drug, and a control group that also has the health condition as
well as similar characteristics as the experimental group, such as age, income
level, education, and so on. The control group does not receive the drug.
The researcher carries out statistical analysis to compare the results for the
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Understanding Policy Change
107
two groups. Did the experimental group improve their symptoms as a
result of taking the medication? Or did the control group experience similar
improvements in their symptoms?
Interactive knowledge
is created through exchanges or conversations with
other people. People exchange information and actions supported by common
experience, tradition, history, and culture. This knowledge builds connections
among members of a community and enables the formation of community.
An example of interactive knowledge would be a lived experience such as
asking people what they would do for their children if they were unable to
find a child care space, or understanding the culture of nurses working in a
particular ward of a hospital. What is the nurses’ informal understanding of
their work, and their relationships with each other, physicians, other health
professions, and patients?
Critical knowledge
is derived from reflection and action. Citizens acquire
critical knowledge by questioning or challenging their life conditions and
identifying what they wish to achieve as self-determining social beings.
Through critical knowledge, they can mobilize others to challenge existing
public policies and programs that govern their lives. Thus, critical knowledge
has a transformative element. An example of critical knowledge would be the
relative power of nurses and doctors and how this developed. Nurses would
acquire a critical understanding of why they are subordinate to doctors and
hence undervalued for their contribution to patient care.
Source:
Park, P. (1993). What is participatory research? A theoretical and methodological
perspective. In P. Park, M. Brydon-Miller, B. Hall, & T. Jackson (Eds.),
Voices of change:
Participatory research in the United States and Canada
(pp. 1–19). Toronto: Ontario Institute for
Studies in Education.
Instrumental knowledge represents a positivist-rationalist approach
to problem solving, as exemplified by the biomedical approach defined in
chapter 2. It is usually associated with experts such as epidemiologists, social
scientists, physicians, or others in the health field, for example, with specialized
knowledge perceived as objective and value-free.
Interactive knowledge develops from people’s daily interactions with one
another or their perceptions and understandings of a health condition, for
example. This type of knowledge can be stories or concepts that people create
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Health Policy in Canada
in order to make sense of an event or experience. For example, nurses in a
hospital may discuss with one another how doctors treat them poorly and do
not respect their professionalism. They may, however, lack insight into why
doctors treat them disrespectfully. Another example might be someone trying
to make sense of why they have a particular disease or health condition. They
may attribute their affl
iction to exposures to toxins, but may not consider that
it could have something to do with government public or housing policy,
or to
conditions in their community. They would not see their disease or condition
as a problem of low income, which means they can afford only housing with
poor conditions that impair their health.
Both instrumental and interactive knowledge may tend to depoliticize
issues. Interactive knowledge is consistent with the interpretive research paradigm
discussed in chapter 2, in which all perceptions and understandings are treated
as having equal validity. Th
ere is little recognition of the societal tendency to
privilege certain types of knowledge and understanding over others.
Critical knowledge reflects an awareness of power and its influences
on society, and an explicit interest in initiating political action to change
life conditions. Thus, unlike instrumental or interactive knowledge, critical
knowledge has a transformative component. Critical knowledge is consistent
with the structural-critical and political economy perspectives defined in
chapters 2 and 3.
For example, members of the Chalk River community in Ontario opposed
the reopening of the nuclear plant for fear of increasing the incidence of cancer
diagnoses among residents. They saw a potential relationship between the
incidence of cancer and the presence of a nuclear plant. They lobbied the state,
which they saw as authorizing the reopening of the plant with little concern
about the potential impact on the health of the local community.
Another example is the recovery process in the aftermath of Hurricane
Katrina in New Orleans. This process revealed that poverty in the United States
is highly racialized and gendered. A CNN reporter remarked at the time that
residents were “so poor and … so black” (Blitzer, 2005).
Both aggregates of policy actors—expert actors and citizen activists—
may draw upon all three ways of knowing in their political activities. They all
engage in processes to decide what kind of evidence they need to convince the
government of their position.
Different ways of using knowledge to lobby—legal, public relations, political-
strategic, personal stories approaches:
Professional policy analysts and citizens
use different activities and strategies to convince policy-makers to make
policy changes. Lobbying is political pressure that aims to achieve a particular
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Understanding Policy Change
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Box 4.5: Feminist Policy Analysis: A Form of Critical Knowledge
Rational policy analysis, heir to positivism, attempts to imbue political action
and policy activity with the attributes of science (Albaek, 1995). Science
is concerned with a methodical, detached approach to data collection and
analysis of policy options. Rational policy analysis has been the dominant
approach to policy analysis.
From a feminist perspective, Hawkesworth (1988) criticizes positivism as
having a “misplaced concern with objectivity” about the influence of personal
experiences. The biases and perceptions of the observer are seen as hampering
understanding of the phenomenon under study. Hawkesworth argues that this
concern with objectivity masks reality. An important aim of feminism is to
make apparent how social values such as racism and sexism “filter perception,
mediate arguments, and structure research investigations” (Hawkesworth,
1994, p. 21). Positivism separates social phenomena from their social and
political context, a process known as
context-stripping
. Feminism is a form
of critical knowledge that attempts to explain the power dynamic between
women and men and inequality between men and women. The economic and
political structures are considered to reinforce gender inequality.
In an era of economic globalization, these issues—that is, differences
between groups in a society—become especially salient and accentuated, and
the basis for increased social and economic inequality. As Grabb (2007) notes,
differences between groups are accentuated as political power becomes more
concentrated and the state divests on issues that it once regulated.
policy change. These approaches—legal, public relations, political/strategic,
and personal stories—are strategies. They all have elements of the three ways
of knowing and involve processes of knowledge dissemination to promote a
policy position.
Th
e legal approach is the use of legal knowledge, cases, and analysis.
Public relations refers to how advocates market or present their ideas to
government. Th
e political-strategic approach uses knowledge about the
political process and how to work one’s way through it to lobby government
and present policy ideas. Finally, personal stories refer to the use of narratives
about experiences as a result of public policies. For example, former patients
may present information to a legislative committee about how laying off
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110
Health Policy in Canada
registered nurses aff
ected the quality of care they received when they were
in hospital. Fewer nurses means that patients may not have their needs
addressed as quickly as may be necessary.
All of these approaches are about how to present information to government
in order to influence public policy decisions. They are therefore informed by
political considerations and questions of how advocates can effectively make
their case on proposed policy changes and draw media attention to their efforts.
Knowledge dissemination and issue promotion are also inherently political
activities. Civil society actors present their policy ideas to government offi
cials
and opposition parties to achieve particular policy change outcomes. They also
attempt to influence other civil society actors. They may form new alliances
to enhance their political power. Media presence can help groups enhance
their political power by increasing their visibility. This may help increase their
visibility and generate public sympathy for their cause.
The state:
The state consists of the government of the day and state
institutions responsible for a policy domain. In Canada, state institutions
consist of legislative bodies, including Parliament, the Senate, legislative
committees, law-making institutions such as the courts, and ministries or
government departments run by civil servants (Ham & Hill, 1984). These
different components of the state exist at different levels. In Canada, for
example, there are municipal, provincial/territorial, and federal levels of
government, with varying degrees of responsibility for enacting and enforcing
laws in public policy. The state represents the legitimate use of force to achieve
certain objectives and outcomes (Ham & Hill, 1984). In most jurisdictions,
the state is led by a political party that is elected by citizens every four years.
The state is not always well conceptualized in models of public policy. It
is often presented as one-dimensional—as an essentially neutral or apolitical
organization that mediates among competing interests. In this way, it is
consistent with the pluralist view of policymaking presented in chapter 3.
The state has numerous roles within the many areas that constitute health
policy in modern capitalist societies such as Canada, the United States, and
the United Kingdom. The economic system is integrally related to the political
system, and state roles are often contradictory. The state must promote
economic development while at the same time ensuring social order and
solidarity among different social classes and other groups in society (Teeple,
2000). Thus, in addition to identifying the institutions that make up the state,
the links between the state and the social system—including hierarchies of
class, gender, ability/disability, immigrant status, and race, among others—
must be clearly articulated.
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With the creation of medicare, the federal and provincial/territorial
governments assumed significant roles in health policy. The federal government
developed legislation to use its spending power to help finance health care
programs in each province and territory. As discussed in chapter 1, the British
North America Act and the Canadian Constitution assign responsibility for
the administration of health care to the provincial and territorial governments.
Since the 1980s, the federal and many provincial governments have attempted
to reduce the role of government in health care and related health policy areas.
Few governments appear willing to address inequalities in health outcomes in the
Canadian population. Th
is retreat of government has also occurred in other areas
of health policy. For example, Lexchin (2006, 2013) shows how government has
ceded its responsibility for regulating the pharmaceutical industry by allowing
the industry to regulate itself and test its own products for consumer safety,
and by not conducting its own independent tests of new drug products. Many
consider this approach as providing inadequate protection for consumers, and
believe it is a confl
ict of interest for the industry to regulate itself.
Civil servants, such as deputy ministers and senior policy analysts, interact
with both groups of civil society actors in policy discussions. An assumption of
this framework is that the state or government of the day is not neutral, but has
its own political agenda. The government as a political actor can try to exclude
civil society actors from the process by selecting or filtering out knowledge
provided by specific civil society actors.
Policy outcomes:
The knowledge paradigms framework incorporates Hall’s
(1993) typology of policy change: first- and second-order change as normal
policy change, and third-order change as paradigmatic change that involves
a fundamental shift in overall policy goals. The framework identifies two
potential paths to paradigmatic change. The first is a series of incremental
changes that results in a paradigm shift. The second is an accumulation of
policy failure and anomalies in the received paradigm that results in a sharp
paradigmatic shift (Coleman et al., 1997). Deciding not to change policy is
also a policy decision. The government always makes these decisions on the
basis of what they perceive as valid reasons.
This framework can serve as a template for analyzing the policy
change process on a case-by-case basis. It can also be used to understand a
government’s general approach to policy change over time. The framework
was applied to a case study of Women’s College Hospital during the hospital
restructuring process in Ontario, Canada, in 1996. It was also applied to a
study of government changes to a health-related public policy—rent control in
Ontario—around that same period.
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Health Policy in Canada
THE CASE OF WOMEN’S COLLEGE HOSPITAL AND THE
HEALTH SERVICES RESTRUCTURING COMMISSION
This case study focused on the experience of Women’s College Hospital during
the hospital restructuring process from 1995 to 1998 in Toronto (Bryant,
2003). The purpose of the study was to learn about the knowledge activities
used by individuals attempting to influence the health policy change process to
see whether and how knowledge influenced the outcome. The specific policy
goal of the hospital was to forestall its proposed closure by the Hospital Services
Restructuring Commission during a period of economic retrenchment and
health care service rationalization.
Box 4.6: Case Study of Women’s College Hospital: Methodology
and Data Analysis
Document review and in-depth interviews with key informants explored
the relationship between knowledge and the influence of civil society actors
on the policy change process through the exemplar of the Health Services
Restructuring Commission. The document review identified key issues in
health policy and the motivations of state and civil society actors and their
epistemological assumptions. Friends of Women’s College Hospital provided
copies of all of their own and the hospital’s submissions to the Health Services
Restructuring Commission and access to materials on the campaign against
the proposed merger with Toronto Hospital in 1989–1990. This information
supplemented the data provided by in-depth interviews. The in-depth
interviews provided insights about participants’ perceptions of knowledge,
and how they selected the information and evidence to use in their briefs.
Interviews were recorded and transcribed. Themes and issues contained within
the data were identified.
The data were organized using concepts and categories identified in the
policy change model. For example, civil society actors were organized into the
categories of professional policy analysts and citizens. Additional categories
were created for activists who were paid employees of interest groups. The
knowledge used by these actors was classified into categories of interactive,
rational/scientific, and critical. Policy change patterns were identified
and coded using the typology in the policy change framework: normal,
paradigmatic, and gradual paradigmatic change. These initial concepts and
categories were tested on emergent understandings. New categories were
developed to fit the data.
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Understanding Policy Change
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Of all the Toronto hospitals facing closure, Women’s College Hospital
presents an interesting case. Women’s College Hospital grew out of the Ontario
Women’s Medical College, established in 1911 (Kendrick & Slade, 1993).
The founding of the college was a response to the refusal of the University of
Toronto to accept women as medical students in the late 19th century. The
college provided an opportunity for women to study and practise medicine.
The hospital retained the word
College
in its name as a reminder of this history.
In 1960, Women’s College Hospital sought affi
liation with the University of
Toronto and became a teaching hospital.
Starting in the late 1980s, Ontario governments grew increasingly concerned
about controlling hospital expenditures. One of several hospitals running a defi
cit
during this period, Women’s College Hospital received one-time-only bridge
grants of $2 million for the 1988/89 and 1989/90 fi
scal years on the condition that
it eliminate its defi
cit (Lownsbrough, 1990). In October 1989, the hospital board
voted in favour of pursuing a merger with the larger Toronto Hospital, which had
already merged with its western division, Toronto Western Hospital.
Women’s College Hospital’s medical staff
association and other staff
opposed the proposed merger. Friends of Women’s College Hospital was
formed to oppose the merger and worked with the medical staff
association
on this aim. By reframing the issue as a stakeholder debate, these combined
forces defeated the merger at a public meeting, where 648 of 700 hospital
shareholders voted against the merger.
In November 1995, the newly elected provincial Conservative
government introduced legislation—Bill 26, the Savings and Restructuring
Act (also referred to as the Omnibus Bill)—that created the Health Services
Restructuring Commission (HSRC) (The Caledon Institute, 2001). The bill
empowered the commission to close and merge hospitals across Ontario in
order to eliminate $1.3 billion from the hospital budget within two years. In
Analysis involved identification of key ideas associated with the use of
knowledge in political advocacy and policy change. Inductive analysis was
used to analyze notes taken during the document review. Comments from
the interviews were used to devise additional categories to accurately reflect
emerging themes and patterns in the data. This approach allowed for
consideration of alternative explanations and understandings. Participants
identified a range of issues on knowledge and its uses in political advocacy.
The focus was on issues relating to the types of knowledge brought to bear on
the hospital restructuring process by Women’s College Hospital.
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Health Policy in Canada
Metropolitan Toronto, the goal was to close 12 of 44 hospitals. The commission
recommended closing Women’s College Hospital and merging its in-patient
services with Sunnybrook Health Sciences Centre.
In the end, Women’s College Hospital applied suffi
cient pressure to force
the HSRC to reverse its decision to close the hospital. Specifically, it threatened
to sue the commission, which helped to secure the outcome the hospital
sought. Not only did the hospital avert closure, it legally secured its existence in
legislation—a first in any jurisdiction—and was reconfigured as an ambulatory
care centre for women’s health programs. It has since reclaimed its independent
status, as the Ontario Liberal government severed the merger in 2006.
Th
rough document review and interviews with key strategists for the hospital
and policy analysts, among others, the case study considered how the board of
Women’s College Hospital infl
uenced the health policy change outcome (Bryant,
2001, 2003). Of key interest was whether knowledge presented by Women’s
College Hospital was the decisive factor in the fi
nal decision of the commission.
Box 4.7: Case of Women’s College Hospital during the Hospital
Restructuring Process in Ontario, 1995
“Without the word being used, it was defined as woman-driven
and woman-centred and woman-positive at its founding … in
direct response to discrimination from the University of Toronto
… you wouldn’t necessarily use the term ‘feminist’ … if you
look at what was said and you look at the values and whatever
the defining term was, it was about equal opportunity.”
—Participant Interview
Source:
Bryant, T. (2003). A critical examination of the hospital restructuring process in Ontario,
Canada.
Health Policy
,
64
, 193–205.
Among the fi
ndings was that Women’s College Hospital advocates used
various forms of evidence to avert closure in its dealings with the HSRC. By
doing so, it mobilized women across the province to help fi
ght the closure.
Yet, while there was careful selection and deployment of various forms
of knowledge in its submissions to the commission and in informing its
supporters, it was the combination of political skills and access to the
government that may have clinched the outcome for the hospital. Th
e
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Understanding Policy Change
115
hospital’s strategists arranged meetings with Cabinet ministers in the Ontario
government through contacts of board members. Some of the themes that
emerged from this analysis have direct implications for understanding the
policy change process.
FINDINGS FROM THE WOMEN’S COLLEGE
HOSPITAL STUDY
The detailed findings from this case study are available (Bryant, 2003).
Generally, it was found that advocates for Women’s College Hospital used
various forms of evidence to avert closure in their dealings with the Health
Services Restructuring Commission. By doing so, they mobilized women
across the province to help fight the closure.
HSRC’s Emphasis on Quantitative Evidence
The commission was identified as being focused on objective, quantitative
indicators such as the condition of the physical plant of a hospital, the number
of patients receiving care, and the number of procedures carried out at a given
hospital, rather than information about the experiences that women had when
they were patients at the hospital. This focus led to the exclusion of quality of
care issues and the neglect of women’s health issues.
Feminist Issues and Feminist Policy Analysis
The strategists used gender and gender issues to market the hospital. They
viewed the hospital as committed to feminist principles, a pioneer in women’s
health research, and as having a history of providing quality health services
to women. The uniqueness of the hospital was also expressed in terms of its
organization of power and its collaborative approach to care.
Use of Legal Arguments and Analysis
Legal arguments and analysis were applied in both the 1989 and 1995 anti-
merger campaigns. During the 1989 campaign, the issue was defined as a
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Health Policy in Canada
shareholder fight. Advocates sought legal advice on litigation options, although
litigation was not pursued. Participants perceived legal arguments and analysis
as strengthening the case of the hospital in the restructuring process.
Knowledge Is Political
It was concluded that knowledge and its use were profoundly political in this case.
Both the government and the advocates saw each piece of information provided
through the lens of political ideology. When considering the hospital’s outcome,
some advocates considered the hospital unsuccessful, since it lost its independence,
while others saw it as being successful, since it secured its existence in legislation. As
one interview participant argued, it may have been not lack of knowledge but lack
of power that determined the outcome in the restructuring process.
In summary, the use of various forms of knowledge was consistent with
the conceptual framework presented. The findings add to an understanding of
how different forms of knowledge can influence the health policy development
process. Particularly important was not only the gender and abilities of
the hospital strategists, but also their close association with the governing
Conservative Party at Queen’s Park. Many were lawyers and highly skilled, and
therefore knew how to strategize to meet their political objectives. In other
words, specific interests drove the process. The elite did not achieve the outcome
it sought, which was retaining the independence of Women’s College Hospital.
Thus, in the end, the outcome can be attributed not so much to knowledge
and its uses during the restructuring process, but rather to the dominance of
specific interests and structures that ensured particular policy outcomes.
Women represented an important constituency that the Ontario
Conservative government did not wish to offend. Women’s College
Hospital represented the health interests of predominantly white, middle-
class, professional women. There was little concern with the health issues of
marginalized women, such as women of colour, women who are homeless, and
other communities of women who may use the health care system, but lack a
political voice to assert their interests in the political arena.
Different Ways of Knowing about a Social Issue
Different ways of knowing were used to influence policy change in this case.
The approach of Women’s College Hospital to the selection of knowledge and
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Understanding Policy Change
117
evidence was affected by the priorities of the Health Services Restructuring
Commission and the commitments of the hospital’s board.
Since the commission emphasized instrumental knowledge in its use of
objective indicators, such as volume of care issues, program levels, clinical
activity, and the state of the physical plants of hospitals, the strategists provided
these kinds of information, as well as interactive and critical information. This
evidence and other information
were developed through legal cases. Legal
arguments are made using verifiable evidence and judicial rulings. Rulings
arising from legal cases are considered authoritative and demand discipline in
the construction of cases.
Th
e diff
erences in approaches to knowledge used by the commission and
Women’s College Hospital can be understood as a clash of world views. The
hospital emphasized quality of care and women’s perspectives on health care
issues, while the commission emphasized objective indicators such as the
number of procedures carried out at a hospital to justify hospital closures.
Th
e impact of this framing was to limit debate and depoliticize the process,
and potentially silence opposition to the restructuring process and how it
was carried out.
The case of Women’s College Hospital demonstrates the use of instru-
mental, interactive, and critical ways of knowing in political advocacy. While
knowledge was important and helped to establish the credibility of the hospi-
tal, it did not emerge as the decisive factor in the case. Political considerations
were more important in shaping the outcome.
Th
e relative success of the hospital can be attributed to a number
of factors. Among these is its use of gender, its status as an institution,
its capacity to initiate legal action to force a policy change to achieve its
objectives, and the political connections of some board members to the
Ontario Conservative government. Some board members were card-holding
members of the Ontario Conservative Party. Th
e hospital and women
represented constituencies that the government did not wish to off
end and
identifi
ed as important to its future electoral success.
THE CASE OF THE TENANT PROTECTION ACT
The second case provides an example of analysis of a health-related public
policy change. The case study on housing policy change focused on the Tenant
Protection Act (Government of Ontario, 1997). This study systematically
examined the context within which the new provincial regime changed rental
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Health Policy in Canada
housing policy from 1995 to 1998. It focused on how tenant advocates in
Toronto, the largest urban centre in Ontario, attempted to influence the policy
change process. A particular focus was how oral presentations that challenged
the provisions of the legislation were constructed through the selection of
specific forms of knowledge and evidence. These oral briefs were means by
which tenant advocates constructed their arguments and selected evidence, and
the epistemological commitments within these briefs shaped how decisions
were made in their attempts to influence the government.
A number of other activities occurred at this time: media campaigns,
speeches, material distribution by advocates, and Opposition party activities.
The use of briefs provided a selected sample of information-rich exemplars of
the processes used to influence government policy by civil society actors.
Canadian provincial governments have constitutional responsibility for
providing social housing and rent control. Most provide some form of housing
subsidy, but fi
scal conservatism in recent years has reduced these subsidies. In
Ontario from the 1970s until 1995, successive provincial governments were
committed to rent regulation to protect an aff
ordable rental housing stock in the
private rental housing market, and to increase the number of social housing units.
In
1975,
the
Conservative
government
introduced
rent-control
legislation as an anti-inflation strategy. In 1995, the Conservative Party won a
majority government on a Common Sense Revolution platform (Progressive
Conservative Party of Ontario, 1995). This platform reversed many long-held
commitments to social housing and rent control. For example, it emphasized
cutting taxes and increasing effi
ciencies to reduce the provincial deficit. The
document proposed shelter allowances for low-income populations, but did
not identify the government’s intention to eliminate rent control.
Th
e 1996 Tenant Protection Act replaced all existing legislation related to
rental housing and introduced vacancy decontrol to remove rent control one unit
at a time (Government of Ontario, 1997). Vacancy decontrol allows landlords to
increase rent without restriction when a tenant vacates a rental unit. Th
e tenant
is protected from large rent increases provided she or he does not move.
The act also amended the Ontario Human Rights Code to allow landlords
to use income criteria to screen potential tenants. This amendment sharply
reduced the access of low-income groups to housing. In addition, the
government imposed a moratorium on social housing construction, ending
the prospect of 18,000 planned social housing units. Shortly after its election,
the government also reduced social assistance by 22 percent. These changes had
severe implications for low-income populations who were dependent on these
programs for shelter and income.
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Understanding Policy Change
119
FINDINGS FROM THE CASE OF THE TENANT
PROTECTION ACT
Detailed findings from this case are available (Bryant, 2004b). The findings
were very similar to those of the Women’s College Hospital case study. The
advocates were all professional policy analysts, yet described a participatory
process in which they drew upon their professional work as lawyers and
community workers. They emphasized the use of a variety of forms of
knowledge. Some collected primary data through systematic research processes
consistent with positivist assumptions about knowledge and evidence. They
also provided evidence that considered the lived experiences of low-income
tenants and provided a critical analysis of how the proposed legislation would
affect an especially vulnerable group of people.
Uses of Evidence
Empirical evidence applied in the briefs was grounded in the lived experience
of tenants. Advocates emphasized the need for empirical data to support
their claims and to persuade politicians and the public of the validity of their
positions. Advocates also used legal analysis and arguments that contained
elements of instrumental, interactive, and critical ways of knowing.
Getting on the Public Record
Participants did not believe that their presentations would change the legislation
to address their issues. Participating in the public hearings, however, provided a
means to mobilize tenants and plan for future changes in government to elect
offi
cials who would be more likely to address the concerns of low-income tenants.
Different Ways of Using Knowledge about a Social Issue
Participants used various strategies, including legal knowledge and interpretation
of the provisions of the act. They also used personal stories drawn from their
professional and clients’ experiences with landlord and tenant issues, and
political-strategic approaches to navigate the political system by meeting with
senior civil servants in the Ministry of Housing to influence the government.
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Health Policy in Canada
Finally, they met with Opposition parties to help them develop amendments
to the proposed legislation. While the knowledge and evidence they presented
did not influence the government, it helped Opposition parties in developing
their positions. In the end, participants described the government as interested
only in evidence that reinforced its ideological commitments.
The Role of Political Ideology
Participants identified how government ideology was a barrier to their
effectiveness in the policy change process. Political ideology drove the
legislation and therefore hampered their ability to protect the interests of
their constituencies. Advocates considered the current regime in Ontario to
be unreceptive to perspectives that did not agree with its own, and motivated
solely by ideological considerations.
CONCLUSIONS FROM BOTH CASE STUDIES
Political ideology and influence play a particular role in both health care and
health-related public policy change. The political ideology of the state shapes
perspectives on health care and health-related issues and determines, in large
part, the policy responses developed to address these issues. Political influence
shapes government receptivity to information. Although knowledge came to
the government from diverse sources inside and outside government, political
influence and ideology emerged in the housing case study as one of the most
important dynamics influencing housing policy change during the Harris
Conservative regime in Ontario under Premier Mike Harris.
The case studies identified the complex of actors who can work to influence
policy. They exemplified the existence and application of various forms of
knowledge in the policy change process identified in the knowledge paradigms
policy change framework. They also allow for specifying the kinds of change
that eventually occur. In both case studies, political and economic structures
and interests shaped the outcomes.
CONCLUSIONS
This chapter examined two approaches to understanding and explaining the
policy change process. Hall’s policy paradigms is primarily a rational model
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121
concerned with the role of ideas in shaping public policy change outcomes.
Policy paradigms refer to the system of ideas in which policy-makers work.
They determine the policy instruments and goals of policy, and define the
issues that will be recognized as public issues requiring government action.
Policy paradigms focus on the role of social learning, whereby policy-makers
make decisions based on experience with previous public policies and new
information on a given issue in a policy fi
eld. As such, the policy paradigms model
is concerned with the role of experts such as social scientists in the public policy
process. Hall applied the model to understand the ascendance of neoliberalism
led by Margaret Th
atcher in the United Kingdom in the late 1970s. Th
e model
builds on the insights of historical institutionalism, which emphasizes how
institutions structure politics and thereby infl
uence political outcomes. Above
all, it demonstrates how institutions can obstruct policy change.
The model considers a limited range of participants in the public policy
process and seems to consider the close association between experts and policy-
makers as unproblematic. The model does not seem to recognize inequality in
access to the political system and in the distribution of political power as being
important factors shaping the policy change process.
The knowledge paradigms policy change framework builds on Hall’s
insights into knowledge, but considers a broader range of knowledge and
approaches to influencing the public policy process. The framework is also
concerned with the role of political and economic structures such as political
ideology, inequality, political power, and the privileging of information and
groups in the political process. Applied to the cases of Women’s College Hospital
during the hospital restructuring process and changes to the Tenant Protection
Act in Ontario, the framework highlights the influence of political issues upon
knowledge development, state receptivity, and its eventual application.
Policy change, especially in health care and health-related public policy, can
be politically charged. Many areas of health policy are contentious. Dominant
health interests attempt to hide behind a veil of objectivity and intellectual
detachment from issues. The aura of scientific inquiry can sometimes draw
attention away from the highly conflictual nature of the health policy field. In
the next chapter, the various actors who attempt to influence health policy are
examined.
CRITICAL THINKING QUESTIONS
1.
What do you think are critical determinants of recent health policy
changes?
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Health Policy in Canada
2.
Which of the two policy change models presented in this chapter explain
recent health policy changes that have occurred in Canada or elsewhere?
3.
How can we understand the role of institutions, gender, or social class in
health policy change outcomes?
4.
How does political ideology influence public policy change?
5.
How can civil society actors have greater influence on the health policy
change process?
FURTHER READINGS
Bennett, C., & Howlett, M. (1992). The lessons of learning: Reconciling
theories of policy learning and policy change.
Policy Sciences
,
25
(3), 275–294.
The authors provide an excellent assessment of the learning models of
policy change and compare conflict-based theories with new institutionalist
approaches. In particular, they highlight some of the limitations of these
approaches to understanding policy change.
Bryant, T. (2003). A critical examination of the hospital restructuring process
in Ontario, Canada.
Health Policy
,
64
, 193–205.
Building on some of the insights of Hall’s policy paradigms, Bryant
presents the knowledge paradigms policy change framework to examine the
case of Women’s College Hospital during the hospital restructuring process in
Ontario in 1996. One of the key findings was that although knowledge was
important, political considerations were more decisive in the final outcome for
the hospital.
Fischer, F. (2003).
Reframing public policy: Discursive politics and deliberative
practices
. New York: Oxford University Press.
Frank Fischer appraises Hall’s policy paradigms model. While he extols
Hall’s efforts to demonstrate the influence of institutions on the public policy
change process, he provides a post-positivist alternative that focuses on policy
discourse and argumentation.
Hall, P.A. (2013). Brother, can you paradigm?
Governance
,
26
(2), 189–192.
Hall re-examines paradigm shifts. He considers the potential for a
paradigm shift from neoliberalism to a policy paradigm that promotes major
shifts in economic and social policy.
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Understanding Policy Change
123
Hawkesworth, M.E. (1988).
Theoretical issues in policy analysis
. Albany: State
University of New York.
This book provides an excellent discussion about gender in public policy
analysis. Hawkesworth articulates a convincing case for feminist policy analysis
and its key elements.
RELEVANT WEBSITES
Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women (CRIAW)
www.criaw-icref.ca/en
CRIAW is the only women’s organization in Canada focused exclusively
on nurturing feminist research and making it accessible for public advocacy
and education. All CRIAW activities flow from an overarching goal to provide
tools to help organizations taking action to advance social justice and equality
for all women. It carries out research on a wide range of public policy areas,
including health.
Center for Health Policy
www.brookings.edu/about/centers/health
This website provides tools for policy change, as well as definitions of
policy and how communities can engage to change health policies. Although
based in the United States, the site focuses on civil society as a key actor in the
health policy change process.
The Change Foundation
www.changefoundation.ca
Th
e Change Foundation was founded and endowed by the Ontario
Hospital Association. It is a health policy think tank that focuses on research and
information on health care policy issues to promote health care policy change.
The Health Communications Unit
https://www.publichealthontario.ca/en/ServicesAndTools/HealthPromo
tionServices/Pages/default.aspx
The Health Communications Unit is part of the Health Promotion
Capacity Building Team of Public Health Ontario. Its mandate was recently
expanded to include health policy change. The site provides tools and
workshops to help communities and public health authorities work for health
policy change.
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124
Health Policy in Canada
The Policy Project
www.policyproject.com
The Policy Project is based in the United States and provides another
approach to health policy. Its focus is on helping governments and civil society
organizations in developing countries to advance policies on family planning
and HIV/AIDS, and promote human rights and gender equality through
multisectoral activity.
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