Identify an excerpt or a general theme from Dr. M. L. King Jr.'s Letter from a Birmingham Jail that you think can be interpreted through the sociological lens in sociology. In other words, how can you understand this letter or your selected passage as Illustrating the functionalist, conflict, and symbolic interactionis perspectives? Be sure to credit any direct quotes properly, and fully explain the connections you are making
Identify an excerpt or a general theme from Dr. M. L. King Jr.'s Letter from a Birmingham Jail that you think can be interpreted through the sociological lens in sociology. In other words, how can you understand this letter or your selected passage as Illustrating the functionalist, conflict, and symbolic interactionis perspectives? Be sure to credit any direct quotes properly, and fully explain the connections you are making
Social Psychology (10th Edition)
10th Edition
ISBN:9780134641287
Author:Elliot Aronson, Timothy D. Wilson, Robin M. Akert, Samuel R. Sommers
Publisher:Elliot Aronson, Timothy D. Wilson, Robin M. Akert, Samuel R. Sommers
Chapter1: Introducing Social Psychology
Section: Chapter Questions
Problem 1RQ1
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Question
Identify an excerpt or a general theme from Dr. M. L. King Jr.'s Letter from a Birmingham Jail that you think can be interpreted through the sociological lens in sociology. In other words, how can you understand this letter or your selected passage as Illustrating the functionalist, conflict, and symbolic interactionis perspectives? Be sure to credit any direct quotes properly, and fully explain the connections you are making
![Martin Luther King
Letter from Birmingham Jail (1963)
[Abridged]
April 16, 1963
My Dear Fellow Clergymen,
While confined here in the Birmingham City Jail, I came across your recent statement calling our
present activities "unwise and untimely." Seldom, if ever, do I pause to answer criticism of my work
and ideas... But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and your criticisms are sincerely
set forth, I would like to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable
terms.
I think I should give the reason for my being in Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the
argument of "outsiders coming in." I have the honor of serving as president of the Southern
Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every Southern state with
headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some 85 affiliate organizations all across the South ...
Several months ago our local affiliate here in Birmingham invited us to be on call to engage in a
nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented ...
But more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the prophets of the eighth
century B.C. left their villages and carried their "thus saith the Lord" far beyond the boundaries of
their home towns, and just as the Apostle Paul left his village of Tarsus and carried the gospel of
Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco-Roman world, so am I. compelled to carry the gospel of
freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call
for aid.
Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in
Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to
justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment
of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with
the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never
be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds...
In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: 1) collection of the facts to determine
whether injustices are alive; 2) negotiation; 3) self-purification; and 4) direct action. We have gone
through all of these steps in Birmingham... Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly
segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of police brutality is known in every section of
the country. Its unjust treatment of Negroes in the courts is a notorious reality. There have been
more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any city in this
nation. These are the hard, brutal, and unbelievable facts. On the basis of these conditions Negro
leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the political leaders consistently refused to
engage in good faith negotiation.
1](/v2/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fcontent.bartleby.com%2Fqna-images%2Fquestion%2F2fda0b52-4294-4e99-97cc-930bb322bdc8%2Fba0276ff-d595-4d06-835c-9cd40debce4c%2F0abebvf_processed.jpeg&w=3840&q=75)
Transcribed Image Text:Martin Luther King
Letter from Birmingham Jail (1963)
[Abridged]
April 16, 1963
My Dear Fellow Clergymen,
While confined here in the Birmingham City Jail, I came across your recent statement calling our
present activities "unwise and untimely." Seldom, if ever, do I pause to answer criticism of my work
and ideas... But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and your criticisms are sincerely
set forth, I would like to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable
terms.
I think I should give the reason for my being in Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the
argument of "outsiders coming in." I have the honor of serving as president of the Southern
Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every Southern state with
headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some 85 affiliate organizations all across the South ...
Several months ago our local affiliate here in Birmingham invited us to be on call to engage in a
nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented ...
But more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the prophets of the eighth
century B.C. left their villages and carried their "thus saith the Lord" far beyond the boundaries of
their home towns, and just as the Apostle Paul left his village of Tarsus and carried the gospel of
Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco-Roman world, so am I. compelled to carry the gospel of
freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call
for aid.
Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in
Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to
justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment
of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with
the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never
be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds...
In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: 1) collection of the facts to determine
whether injustices are alive; 2) negotiation; 3) self-purification; and 4) direct action. We have gone
through all of these steps in Birmingham... Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly
segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of police brutality is known in every section of
the country. Its unjust treatment of Negroes in the courts is a notorious reality. There have been
more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in any city in this
nation. These are the hard, brutal, and unbelievable facts. On the basis of these conditions Negro
leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the political leaders consistently refused to
engage in good faith negotiation.
1
![Then came the opportunity last September to talk with some of the leaders of the economic
community. In these negotiating sessions certain promises were made by the merchants such as
the promise to remove the humiliating racial signs from the stores. On the basis of these promises
Reverend Shuttlesworth and the leaders of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights
agreed to call a moratorium on any type of demonstrations. As the weeks and months unfolded we
realized that we were the victims of a broken promise. The signs remained. As in so many
experiences in the past, we were confronted with blasted hopes, and the dark shadow of a deep
disappointment settled upon us. So we had no alternative except that of preparing for direct action,
whereby we would present our very bodies as a means of laying our case before the conscience of
the local and national community. We were not unmindful of the difficulties involved. So we
decided to go through the process of self-purification. We started having workshops on nonviolence
and repeatedly asked ourselves the questions, "are you able to accept the blows without
retaliating?" "Are you able to endure the ordeals of jail?"...
You
may well ask, "Why direct action? Why sit-ins, marches, etc.? Isn't negotiation a better path?"
You are exactly right in your call for negotiation. Indeed, this is the purpose of direct action.
Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and establish such creative tension that a
community that has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. ... Just as
Socrates felt that it was necessary to create a tension in the mind so that individuals could rise from
the bondage of myths and half-truths to the unfettered realm of creative analysis and objective
appraisal, we must we see the need for nonviolent gadflies to create the kind of tension in society
that will help men rise from the dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of
understanding and brotherhood....
My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without legal and
nonviolent pressure. History is the long and tragic story of the fact that privileged groups seldom
give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and give up their unjust
posture; but as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups are more immoral than individuals.
We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it
must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly I have never yet engaged in a direct action movement
that was "well timed," according to the timetable of those who have not suffered unduly from the
disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every
Negro with a piercing familiarity. This "wait" has almost always meant "never." It has been a
tranquilizing Thalidomide, relieving the emotional stress for a moment, only to give birth to an ill-
formed infant of frustration. We must come to see with the distinguished jurist of yesterday that
"justice too long delayed is justice denied." We have waited for more than 340 years for our
constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed
toward the goal of political independence, and we still creep at horse and buggy pace toward the
gaining of a cup of coffee at a lunch counter.
Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say wait. But
when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and
brothers at whim; when you have seen hate-filled policemen curse, kick, brutalize, and even kill your
black brothers and sisters with impunity; when you see the vast majority of your 20 million
2](/v2/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fcontent.bartleby.com%2Fqna-images%2Fquestion%2F2fda0b52-4294-4e99-97cc-930bb322bdc8%2Fba0276ff-d595-4d06-835c-9cd40debce4c%2Fhtprqs_processed.jpeg&w=3840&q=75)
Transcribed Image Text:Then came the opportunity last September to talk with some of the leaders of the economic
community. In these negotiating sessions certain promises were made by the merchants such as
the promise to remove the humiliating racial signs from the stores. On the basis of these promises
Reverend Shuttlesworth and the leaders of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights
agreed to call a moratorium on any type of demonstrations. As the weeks and months unfolded we
realized that we were the victims of a broken promise. The signs remained. As in so many
experiences in the past, we were confronted with blasted hopes, and the dark shadow of a deep
disappointment settled upon us. So we had no alternative except that of preparing for direct action,
whereby we would present our very bodies as a means of laying our case before the conscience of
the local and national community. We were not unmindful of the difficulties involved. So we
decided to go through the process of self-purification. We started having workshops on nonviolence
and repeatedly asked ourselves the questions, "are you able to accept the blows without
retaliating?" "Are you able to endure the ordeals of jail?"...
You
may well ask, "Why direct action? Why sit-ins, marches, etc.? Isn't negotiation a better path?"
You are exactly right in your call for negotiation. Indeed, this is the purpose of direct action.
Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and establish such creative tension that a
community that has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. ... Just as
Socrates felt that it was necessary to create a tension in the mind so that individuals could rise from
the bondage of myths and half-truths to the unfettered realm of creative analysis and objective
appraisal, we must we see the need for nonviolent gadflies to create the kind of tension in society
that will help men rise from the dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of
understanding and brotherhood....
My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without legal and
nonviolent pressure. History is the long and tragic story of the fact that privileged groups seldom
give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and give up their unjust
posture; but as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups are more immoral than individuals.
We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it
must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly I have never yet engaged in a direct action movement
that was "well timed," according to the timetable of those who have not suffered unduly from the
disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every
Negro with a piercing familiarity. This "wait" has almost always meant "never." It has been a
tranquilizing Thalidomide, relieving the emotional stress for a moment, only to give birth to an ill-
formed infant of frustration. We must come to see with the distinguished jurist of yesterday that
"justice too long delayed is justice denied." We have waited for more than 340 years for our
constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed
toward the goal of political independence, and we still creep at horse and buggy pace toward the
gaining of a cup of coffee at a lunch counter.
Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say wait. But
when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and
brothers at whim; when you have seen hate-filled policemen curse, kick, brutalize, and even kill your
black brothers and sisters with impunity; when you see the vast majority of your 20 million
2
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