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1.4.4 What does COSATU stand for? 1.4.5 Find evidence in the source which suggests that COSATU increasingly embraced non-worker concerns in the 1980's/embraced wider community struggles. SOURCE 1C The extract below explains the working relationship between the UDF, its affiliates and COSATU in the 1980's. In 1987, the UDF formed an alliance to resist the ongoing State of Emergency, linking together the union federation Cosatu, the progressive churches under the South African Council of Churches, and the UDF affiliates including Sayco (South African Youth Congress) and NUSAS (National Union of South African Students). On May 5 and 6, UDF and COSATU jointly called for a national stay-away, to protest yet another whites-only election on May 6. Two and a half million people answered the stayaway call. But the day after, on May 7, agents of the state bombed Cosatu House. In February 1988, the state yet again passed new restriction orders on the UDF, Cosatu, and 16 other organizations. A number of leaders were restricted as well. The UDF responded by having affiliates and local and regional structures take over campaigns. Many people carried on the organization as before, but working under new names. Increasingly, this was coordinated under the broad label of the "MDM" (for the "Mass Democratic Movement"), rather than specifically named organizations. The MDM was not a formal structure, and Cosatu increasingly took on a coordinating role within the mass movement.

1.4.4 What does COSATU stand for? 1.4.5 Find evidence in the source which suggests that COSATU increasingly embraced non-worker concerns in the 1980's/embraced wider community struggles. SOURCE 1C The extract below explains the working relationship between the UDF, its affiliates and COSATU in the 1980's. In 1987, the UDF formed an alliance to resist the ongoing State of Emergency, linking together the union federation Cosatu, the progressive churches under the South African Council of Churches, and the UDF affiliates including Sayco (South African Youth Congress) and NUSAS (National Union of South African Students). On May 5 and 6, UDF and COSATU jointly called for a national stay-away, to protest yet another whites-only election on May 6. Two and a half million people answered the stayaway call. But the day after, on May 7, agents of the state bombed Cosatu House. In February 1988, the state yet again passed new restriction orders on the UDF, Cosatu, and 16 other organizations. A number of leaders were restricted as well. The UDF responded by having affiliates and local and regional structures take over campaigns. Many people carried on the organization as before, but working under new names. Increasingly, this was coordinated under the broad label of the "MDM" (for the "Mass Democratic Movement"), rather than specifically named organizations. The MDM was not a formal structure, and Cosatu increasingly took on a coordinating role within the mass movement.

Social Psychology (10th Edition)
Social Psychology (10th Edition)
10th Edition
ISBN:9780134641287
Author:Elliot Aronson, Timothy D. Wilson, Robin M. Akert, Samuel R. Sommers
Publisher:Elliot Aronson, Timothy D. Wilson, Robin M. Akert, Samuel R. Sommers
Chapter1: Introducing Social Psychology
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1.4.4 What does COSATU stand for? 1.4.5 Find evidence in the source which suggests that COSATU increasingly embraced non-worker concerns in the 1980's/embraced wider community struggles.
Transcribed Image Text:1.4.4 What does COSATU stand for? 1.4.5 Find evidence in the source which suggests that COSATU increasingly embraced non-worker concerns in the 1980's/embraced wider community struggles.
SOURCE 1C The extract below explains the working relationship between the UDF, its affiliates and COSATU in the 1980's. In 1987, the UDF formed an alliance to resist the ongoing State of Emergency, linking together the union federation Cosatu, the progressive churches under the South African Council of Churches, and the UDF affiliates including Sayco (South African Youth Congress) and NUSAS (National Union of South African Students). On May 5 and 6, UDF and COSATU jointly called for a national stay-away, to protest yet another whites-only election on May 6. Two and a half million people answered the stayaway call. But the day after, on May 7, agents of the state bombed Cosatu House. In February 1988, the state yet again passed new restriction orders on the UDF, Cosatu, and 16 other organizations. A number of leaders were restricted as well. The UDF responded by having affiliates and local and regional structures take over campaigns. Many people carried on the organization as before, but working under new names. Increasingly, this was coordinated under the broad label of the "MDM" (for the "Mass Democratic Movement"), rather than specifically named organizations. The MDM was not a formal structure, and Cosatu increasingly took on a coordinating role within the mass movement.
Transcribed Image Text:SOURCE 1C The extract below explains the working relationship between the UDF, its affiliates and COSATU in the 1980's. In 1987, the UDF formed an alliance to resist the ongoing State of Emergency, linking together the union federation Cosatu, the progressive churches under the South African Council of Churches, and the UDF affiliates including Sayco (South African Youth Congress) and NUSAS (National Union of South African Students). On May 5 and 6, UDF and COSATU jointly called for a national stay-away, to protest yet another whites-only election on May 6. Two and a half million people answered the stayaway call. But the day after, on May 7, agents of the state bombed Cosatu House. In February 1988, the state yet again passed new restriction orders on the UDF, Cosatu, and 16 other organizations. A number of leaders were restricted as well. The UDF responded by having affiliates and local and regional structures take over campaigns. Many people carried on the organization as before, but working under new names. Increasingly, this was coordinated under the broad label of the "MDM" (for the "Mass Democratic Movement"), rather than specifically named organizations. The MDM was not a formal structure, and Cosatu increasingly took on a coordinating role within the mass movement.
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