Create a question and short response with the following text based on Symbolic Interaction. dealization It was suggested earlier that a performance of a routine presents through its front some rather abstract claim s upon the audience, claims that are likely to be presented to them during the performance of other routines. T his co n stitu tes one way in which a perform ance i s , in a s e n s e , 's o c i a l i s e d , ’ moulded and modified to fic into the understanding and expectations of th e society in which it is prt-senred. V!'e co n sid er here another important asp ec t of th is socialization p r o c e s s —the tendency for performers to offer their observers an impression that is idealized in several different ways. The notion that a performance presents an idealized view of the situation is, of course, quite common. Cooley's view may be taken as an illustration: U we never cried to seem a little better than we are, how could we improve or 'tr a in o u rse lv e s from the outside in w ard ?' And the siituc impulse to show the world a better or idealized a sp ect of ourselves finds an organized expression in the various professions and cla s se s , cacli of which has to some extent a cant or pose» which its members lissome unconsciously, for the most part, but which has the effect of ,t conspiracy to work upon th e credulity of (he re st of the world. There is a cant not only of theology and of philanthropy, but also of law, m edicine, teaching, even of s c ie n c c —p erhaps e s p e c ia lly of sc ie n c e , just now since the more u particular kind of merit is recognizcd and admired, the more it Is likely to be assumed by the unworthy.1 Thus, when the individual presents himself before others, liis performance will tend to incorporate and exemplify the officially accredited values ot the society, more so, in fact, limn does his behaviour as a whole. To the degree that a performance highlights the common official v a lu e s of the society in which it occurs, >we may look upon it, in the manner of Durkheim and 1< adcl iffe-Brown, a s a cerem ony—a s an ex p re ssiv e rejuvenation and reaffirmation of the moral values of the community. Furthermore, in so far as the expressive bias of performances comes to be accepted as reality, then that which is accepted at the moment as reality will have some of the characteristics of a celebration. To stay in o n e ’s room away from the p la ce where th e party is given, or away from where the practitioner a tte n d s to h is clien t, i s to stay away from where reality is being performed. T he world, in truth, is a wedding. One of the richest sources of data on the presentation of idealized performances is the literature on social mobility. !Dn most s o c ie tie s there seem s to be a major or general system of stratification, and in most stratified societies there is an idealization of the higher strata and some aspiration on the part of th o se in low p la c e s to move to higher ones. (We must be careful to appreciate that this involves not merely a desire for a prestigeful place but also a desire for a place clo se to the sacred centre of the common values of the society.) Commonly we find that upward mobility involves the presentation of proper performances and that efforts to move upward and efforts to keep from moving downward are ex p re ssed in terms of sacrifices made for the maintenance of front. Once the proper sign-equipment has been obtained and familiarity gained in the management of it, then this equipment can be used to em bellish and illum ine one’s daily perform ances with a favourable social style. Perhaps the most important piece of sign equipment associated with social class consists of the status symbols through which material wealth is expressed. American society is similar to others in this regard but seems to have been singled out a s an extreme example of wealth-oriented class stru c tu re —p erh a p s b e c a u s e in America the lic e n c e to employ symbols of wealth and financial capacity to do so are so widely distributed. Indian so c ie ty , on the other hand, ’h a s sometimes been cited not only as one in which mobility occurs in terms of caste groups, not individuals, but also as one in which performances tend to establish favourable claims regarding non-material v alu es. A rec en t student o f India, for example, h as suggested the following: The c a s te 9ystem is far from a rigid system in which the'position of each component i s fixed for aii time. Movement h a s alw ays been possible, and especially so in the middle regions of the hierarchy, A low c a s t e w a s able, in a generation or two, to rise to a higher by adopting vegetarianism and teetotal) sm, and by S anskritizing its ritual and pantheon.
Create a question and short response with the following text based on Symbolic Interaction.
dealization It was suggested earlier that a performance of a routine presents through its front some rather abstract claim s upon the audience, claims that are likely to be presented to them during the performance of other routines. T his co n stitu tes one way in which a perform ance i s , in a s e n s e , 's o c i a l i s e d , ’ moulded and modified to fic into the understanding and expectations of th e society in which it is prt-senred. V!'e co n sid er here another important asp ec t of th is socialization p r o c e s s —the tendency for performers to offer their observers an impression that is idealized in several different ways. The notion that a performance presents an idealized view of the situation is, of course, quite common. Cooley's view may be taken as an illustration: U we never cried to seem a little better than we are, how could we improve or 'tr a in o u rse lv e s from the outside in w ard ?' And the siituc impulse to show the world a better or idealized a sp ect of ourselves finds an organized expression in the various professions and cla s se s , cacli of which has to some extent a cant or pose» which its members lissome unconsciously, for the most part, but which has the effect of ,t conspiracy to work upon th e credulity of (he re st of the world. There is a cant not only of theology and of philanthropy, but also of law, m edicine, teaching, even of s c ie n c c —p erhaps e s p e c ia lly of sc ie n c e , just now since the more u particular kind of merit is recognizcd and admired, the more it Is likely to be assumed by the unworthy.1 Thus, when the individual presents himself before others, liis performance will tend to incorporate and exemplify the officially accredited values ot the society, more so, in fact, limn does his behaviour as a whole. To the degree that a performance highlights the common official v a lu e s of the society in which it occurs, >we may look upon it, in the manner of Durkheim and 1< adcl iffe-Brown, a s a cerem ony—a s an ex p re ssiv e rejuvenation and reaffirmation of the moral values of the community. Furthermore, in so far as the expressive bias of performances comes to be accepted as reality, then that which is accepted at the moment as reality will have some of the characteristics of a celebration. To stay in o n e ’s room away from the p la ce where th e party is given, or away from where the practitioner a tte n d s to h is clien t, i s to stay away from where reality is being performed. T he world, in truth, is a wedding. One of the richest sources of data on the presentation of idealized performances is the literature on social mobility. !Dn most s o c ie tie s there seem s to be a major or general system of stratification, and in most stratified societies there is an idealization of the higher strata and some aspiration on the part of th o se in low p la c e s to move to higher ones. (We must be careful to appreciate that this involves not merely a desire for a prestigeful place but also a desire for a place clo se to the sacred centre of the common values of the society.) Commonly we find that upward mobility involves the presentation of proper performances and that efforts to move upward and efforts to keep from moving downward are ex p re ssed in terms of sacrifices made for the maintenance of front. Once the proper sign-equipment has been obtained and familiarity gained in the management of it, then this equipment can be used to em bellish and illum ine one’s daily perform ances with a favourable social style. Perhaps the most important piece of sign equipment associated with social class consists of the status symbols through which material wealth is expressed. American society is similar to others in this regard but seems to have been singled out a s an extreme example of wealth-oriented class stru c tu re —p erh a p s b e c a u s e in America the lic e n c e to employ symbols of wealth and financial capacity to do so are so widely distributed. Indian so c ie ty , on the other hand, ’h a s sometimes been cited not only as one in which mobility occurs in terms of caste groups, not individuals, but also as one in which performances tend to establish favourable claims regarding non-material v alu es. A rec en t student o f India, for example, h as suggested the following: The c a s te 9ystem is far from a rigid system in which the'position of each component i s fixed for aii time. Movement h a s alw ays been possible, and especially so in the middle regions of the hierarchy, A low c a s t e w a s able, in a generation or two, to rise to a higher by adopting vegetarianism and teetotal) sm, and by S anskritizing its ritual and pantheon.
Step by step
Solved in 3 steps
