Can you explain this/dumb it down for me? I don’t understand it at all. You’ll see I wrote next to a paragraph “I don’t understand this at all.” Really I don’t understand most of it. It’s an 11 page essay by Joseph Stiglitz titled “standard economics is wrong. Inequality and unearned income kills the economy”. If you could also explain the whole “left vs right” thing and also capitalism vs socialism vs communism that would be great. The essay talks a lot about it but I wanted to send those specific pages. Thanks.

ENGR.ECONOMIC ANALYSIS
14th Edition
ISBN:9780190931919
Author:NEWNAN
Publisher:NEWNAN
Chapter1: Making Economics Decisions
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Can you explain this/dumb it down for me? I don’t understand it at all. You’ll see I wrote next to a paragraph “I don’t understand this at all.” Really I don’t understand most of it. It’s an 11 page essay by Joseph Stiglitz titled “standard economics is wrong. Inequality and unearned income kills the economy”. If you could also explain the whole “left vs right” thing and also capitalism vs socialism vs communism that would be great. The essay talks a lot about it but I wanted to send those specific pages. Thanks.
Inequalities are affected not just by the legal and formal institutional arrangements (such as the
strength of unions) but also by social custom, including whether it is viewed as acceptable to
engage in discrimination.
Atthe same time, governments have been lax in enforcing anti-discrimination laws. Contrary to
the suggestion of free-market economists, but consistent with even casual observation of
how markets actually behave, discrimination has been a persistent aspect of market
economies, and helps explain much of what has gone on at the bottom. The discrimination
takes many forms-in housing markets, in financial markets (at least one of America's large
banks had to pay a very large fine for its discriminatory practices in the run-up to the crisis) and
in labour markets. There is a large literature explaining how such discrimination persists.
Of course, market forces- the demand and supply for skilled workers, affected by changes in
technology and education- play an important role as well, even if those forces are partially
shaped by politics. But instead of these market forces and politics balancing each other out, with
the political process dampening the increase in inequalities of income and wealth in periods
when market forces have led to growing disparities, in the rich countries today the two have been
working together to increase inequality.
The price of inequality
The evidence is thus unsupportive of explanations of inequality solely focused on marginal
productivity. But what of the argument that we need inequality to grow?
A first justification for the claim that inequality is necessary for growth focuses on the role of
savings and investment in promoting growth, and is based on the observation that those at the top
save, while those at the bottom typically spend all of their earnings. Countries with a high share
of wages will thus not be able to accumulate capital as rapidly as those with a low share of
wages. The only way to generate savings required for long-term growth is thus to ensure
sufficient income for the rich,
This argument is particularly inapposite today, where the problem is, to usc Bernanke's term,
astobal savings glut. But even in those circumstances where growth would be increased by an
increase in national savings, there are better wayss of inducing savings than increasing inequality.
The government can tax the income of the rich, and use the funds to finance either private
or public investment; such policies reduce inequalities in consumption and disposable income,
and icad to increased national savings (appropriately measured).
A second argument centres on the popular misconception that those at the top are the job
creators, and giving more money to them will thus create more jobs. Industrialised countries are
full of creative entrepreneurial people throughout the income distribution. What creates jobs
is demand: when there is demand, firms will create the jobs to satisfy that
demand (especially if we can get the financial system to work in the way it should, providing
credit to small and medium-sized enterprises).
Transcribed Image Text:Inequalities are affected not just by the legal and formal institutional arrangements (such as the strength of unions) but also by social custom, including whether it is viewed as acceptable to engage in discrimination. Atthe same time, governments have been lax in enforcing anti-discrimination laws. Contrary to the suggestion of free-market economists, but consistent with even casual observation of how markets actually behave, discrimination has been a persistent aspect of market economies, and helps explain much of what has gone on at the bottom. The discrimination takes many forms-in housing markets, in financial markets (at least one of America's large banks had to pay a very large fine for its discriminatory practices in the run-up to the crisis) and in labour markets. There is a large literature explaining how such discrimination persists. Of course, market forces- the demand and supply for skilled workers, affected by changes in technology and education- play an important role as well, even if those forces are partially shaped by politics. But instead of these market forces and politics balancing each other out, with the political process dampening the increase in inequalities of income and wealth in periods when market forces have led to growing disparities, in the rich countries today the two have been working together to increase inequality. The price of inequality The evidence is thus unsupportive of explanations of inequality solely focused on marginal productivity. But what of the argument that we need inequality to grow? A first justification for the claim that inequality is necessary for growth focuses on the role of savings and investment in promoting growth, and is based on the observation that those at the top save, while those at the bottom typically spend all of their earnings. Countries with a high share of wages will thus not be able to accumulate capital as rapidly as those with a low share of wages. The only way to generate savings required for long-term growth is thus to ensure sufficient income for the rich, This argument is particularly inapposite today, where the problem is, to usc Bernanke's term, astobal savings glut. But even in those circumstances where growth would be increased by an increase in national savings, there are better wayss of inducing savings than increasing inequality. The government can tax the income of the rich, and use the funds to finance either private or public investment; such policies reduce inequalities in consumption and disposable income, and icad to increased national savings (appropriately measured). A second argument centres on the popular misconception that those at the top are the job creators, and giving more money to them will thus create more jobs. Industrialised countries are full of creative entrepreneurial people throughout the income distribution. What creates jobs is demand: when there is demand, firms will create the jobs to satisfy that demand (especially if we can get the financial system to work in the way it should, providing credit to small and medium-sized enterprises).
income inequality is high. This result holds also when other determinants of growth duration
(like external shocks, property rights and macroeconomic conditions) are taken into account: on
In fact, as
erage, a 10-percentile decrease in inequality increases the expected length of a growth spell by
ne nalr. The picture does not change if one focuses on medium-term average growth rates
nstead of growth duration. Recent empirical research released by the OECD shows that income
inequality has a negative and statistically significant effect on medium-term growth. It estimates
that in countries like the US, the UK and Italy, overall economic growth would have been six
Lo nine percentage points higher in the past two decades had income inequality not risen.
There are different channels through which inequality harms the economy. First, ImequV
cads to weak aggregate demand. The reason is easy to understand: those at
the bottom spend a larger fraction of their income than those at the top. The
problem may be eompounded by monetary authorities' flawed responses to this week demand.
By lowering interest rates and relaxing regulations, monetary policy too easily gives rise to an
asset bubble, the bursting of which leads in turn to recession.
Many interpretations of the current crisis have indeed emphasised the importance of
distributional concerns. Growing inequality would have led to lower consumption but for the
effects of loose monetary policy and lax regulations, which led to a housing bubble and a
consumption boom. It was, in short, only growing debt that allowed consumption to be sustained.
But it was inevitable that the bubble would eventually break. And it was inevitable that, when it
broke, the economy would go into a downturn,
Second, inequality of outcomes is associated with inequality of opportunity. When those at the
bottom of the income distribution are at great risk of not living up to their potential, the economy
pays a price not only with weaker demand today, but also with lower growth in the future. With
nearly one in four American children growing up in poverty, many of them facing not just
a lack of educational opportunity but also a lack of access to adequate nutrition and health,
the country's leng-term prospects are being put into jeopardy
Third, ietes
estments
y are less kelly to make public
s im public transportatiom
.If the rich believe that they don't need these
restructure
Dublic facilities, and worry that a strong government which could increase the efficiency of the
economy might at the same time use its powers to redistribute income and wealthit is not
surprising that public mvestmont.is lower in countries with higher inequality. Moreover, in such
countries tax and other economic policies are likely to encourage those activities that benefit the
financial sector over more productive activities. In the United States today returns on long-term
financial speculation (capital gains) are taxed at approximately half the rate of labour, and
speculative derivatives are given priority in bankruptcy over workers. Tax laws encourage job
creation abroad rather than at home. The result is a weaker and more unstable economy.
Reforming these policies- and using other policies to reduce rent-seeking- would not only
reduce inequality; it would improve economic performance.
out.
unaler
Transcribed Image Text:income inequality is high. This result holds also when other determinants of growth duration (like external shocks, property rights and macroeconomic conditions) are taken into account: on In fact, as erage, a 10-percentile decrease in inequality increases the expected length of a growth spell by ne nalr. The picture does not change if one focuses on medium-term average growth rates nstead of growth duration. Recent empirical research released by the OECD shows that income inequality has a negative and statistically significant effect on medium-term growth. It estimates that in countries like the US, the UK and Italy, overall economic growth would have been six Lo nine percentage points higher in the past two decades had income inequality not risen. There are different channels through which inequality harms the economy. First, ImequV cads to weak aggregate demand. The reason is easy to understand: those at the bottom spend a larger fraction of their income than those at the top. The problem may be eompounded by monetary authorities' flawed responses to this week demand. By lowering interest rates and relaxing regulations, monetary policy too easily gives rise to an asset bubble, the bursting of which leads in turn to recession. Many interpretations of the current crisis have indeed emphasised the importance of distributional concerns. Growing inequality would have led to lower consumption but for the effects of loose monetary policy and lax regulations, which led to a housing bubble and a consumption boom. It was, in short, only growing debt that allowed consumption to be sustained. But it was inevitable that the bubble would eventually break. And it was inevitable that, when it broke, the economy would go into a downturn, Second, inequality of outcomes is associated with inequality of opportunity. When those at the bottom of the income distribution are at great risk of not living up to their potential, the economy pays a price not only with weaker demand today, but also with lower growth in the future. With nearly one in four American children growing up in poverty, many of them facing not just a lack of educational opportunity but also a lack of access to adequate nutrition and health, the country's leng-term prospects are being put into jeopardy Third, ietes estments y are less kelly to make public s im public transportatiom .If the rich believe that they don't need these restructure Dublic facilities, and worry that a strong government which could increase the efficiency of the economy might at the same time use its powers to redistribute income and wealthit is not surprising that public mvestmont.is lower in countries with higher inequality. Moreover, in such countries tax and other economic policies are likely to encourage those activities that benefit the financial sector over more productive activities. In the United States today returns on long-term financial speculation (capital gains) are taxed at approximately half the rate of labour, and speculative derivatives are given priority in bankruptcy over workers. Tax laws encourage job creation abroad rather than at home. The result is a weaker and more unstable economy. Reforming these policies- and using other policies to reduce rent-seeking- would not only reduce inequality; it would improve economic performance. out. unaler
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