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Be sure to answer the question you choose in detail and at length (approx 1 page per response). Apart from those listed by Hohman in chapter 1, what other aspects of white privilege can you think of that are taken for granted in western societies?

Be sure to answer the question you choose in detail and at length (approx 1 page per response). Apart from those listed by Hohman in chapter 1, what other aspects of white privilege can you think of that are taken for granted in western societies?

Social Psychology (10th Edition)
Social Psychology (10th Edition)
10th Edition
ISBN:9780134641287
Author:Elliot Aronson, Timothy D. Wilson, Robin M. Akert, Samuel R. Sommers
Publisher:Elliot Aronson, Timothy D. Wilson, Robin M. Akert, Samuel R. Sommers
Chapter1: Introducing Social Psychology
Section: Chapter Questions
Problem 1RQ1
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Be sure to answer the question you choose in detail and at length (approx 1 page per response).

Apart from those listed by Hohman in chapter 1, what other aspects of white privilege can you think of that are taken for granted in western societies?

tion of athers. How they' are catalogaed the is ed amuficis sexual, middle-class people may reap the benefits of special privileges simply by accident of birth. Stephen Spencer - Race... 20 Writer Kimberly Hohman (2000) comments on several aspects of white privi- lege that are taken for granted by white mainstream culture, but which, she sug- Figure 12 cemplifiea the manner in which a whole poople may be reduced 10 an icon. Racism is deeply embedded in the project of these eivialising caone mies. Such imagEr show dements of anthropological and romantic discourac that Maccke (1982) argues are among the narrow lesicon available when talking about indigenous Australians. The anthsopological discourse, wich ins focus on kinship. ceremony, totemim and mythologs createn the 'other' an totally removed from the viewer, semote, fixed in dime. Significantly, they are portrayod as an evolurionary 'cal-de-ac and doubts are espocaed about their aurvival. Such imager ee instruc- tive not only for what they reveal about the poople in question bur also for what is revealed abour bow whire Europcan culure s e objectifica artefacts shown, the use of the landscape and the positioning of the family groups, as well as the contiruity with imagery ued today, suggants that this view of indigenous Australians as members of a timeless primitive' cukure serves a marked secial funo cion thar helps to define and legitimate white Australian culkure. Figure 13 is vurprising in ome respects. Compared with the stereotypical images that I have just described, it seems to have an auchenticiky, a lack of pos ing that in unuraal. The test describer thin a'a pleannt rural scene'. However, the gests, are a constant source of unease for others: Acordar being able to turn on the television and see people of their race widely repre- sented; Tigue 13 S A pple of the deun, m IL Whles pi fal i 21 never being asked to speak on behalf of their entire being able to succeed without being called a credit to their race; being able to have a bad day without wondering what their race had to do with specific negative incidents. race; 21 figune 1.3 Nagre wen weding ywang ar cane, fo . lanta upln af Naian womenis clothing - M ence puricanical and ragged - mcumbers their ahated bodies, giving an oppressive sense of buck-breaking physical labour in stifing hear thar makes the soene anything bur peasant. It is a reminder of colonialism and slavery, despine the fact that the decriprion maker attempts to draw adear distine tion berween slavery and this pleasant soene, infoeming us thar Hohman thus demonstrates the pernicious everyday effects of being marked out as different. However, the consequences can be much more serious. It is well For many years Jamaica was one of the worlds greatest slave marts, the emanci parion of the slaves took place in 1834. The negeo peaunt population is chiefly employed on the sugar plancacion, and here we have a rypial group of women buily woeking among the young canca. (Hammerten 1933: 203) Yer in picnures such as this, which objectify the colonial subject, chere attemper to coruider them a people oppremad, although they ane burdened by tranagreionary signs that undermine the mperficial voyeurim employed in the ter. The face of the woman in dhe cencre of che picture, half curned and regard- ing the photographer namowly, with uapicion and resentment, forma in Barthe's terminology the puncrum of this image and tansfoms it fom the artifice of the popular trivial ethnography by opening up other seadinga so this intended apoliti- cal diorama, in which separane subjecta are encisely semoved from the perception of Hammerton's ideal seader. In this way, a smal sign, a look, a gesture, the set of a are no 22 22 REPRESENTATION 23 body (a featune unintended by the photographer who componed the image) tran- forms and denies che dominant reading's implied dosure. WHITENESS AS MYTH "Whinemen' in an caample af a dominant yet naturalised and mythologiaed cultural form. Michael Pickering oxposes the underlying truch abour the discourse of race as a marker of difference from a poniion of invisible white domination: In contemporary discourse, 'race seiera to people who are non-white, and denotes oulrural afference. 'Race is used asa way of designating cortain car- qgories within our culture, and it don this from an invisible, underignated posi- tion. This is the posicion of whiteness. As a normative posicion, whiteness is taken to be a narural fact, existing beyond the bounds of consideration. It is noc racially marked a white in she wayr that hlack is marked. (Pikering 2004 91) This is casy to illustrate in everyday languape to specify that something is 'whie may scem norueraical or tranagrenive, while ming the labeh "black' or Auian may seem quice justifiable. The song "Whie Rior', by The Clash (1977), challenges our aumptionu of what a riot can or hould be. The deevlepment of "Whine Studies in an intereting phenomenen in that ingnise and serutinises whinmen' in an atempt o seveal what is typically rendered invisible and normative. The uneamed privilege acceded to white people in eur cinien operan in a compurable way De ocher markes of power in society Similarls young, male. able-bodied, henena scual, middle-dan people may reap the benefitn of pecial privilagea imply by accident of birth. Writer Kimberty Hohman (2000) commenes on several aspects of whice privi lege that are taken for granned by white mainemeam culure, but which, the mg- gests, are a conspant source of uncase for others • being able to turn on the televiion and see people of their race widely repre • never being asked oo speak on behalf of their entire race. • being ahle to succeed without bcing called a credit to their race; • being able to have a bad day withour wondering what cheir race had to do with specific negative incidents. Hohman chur demanatraten the pemicioun everyday effecta of being marked out as different. However, the consequences can be much more serious. Ir is well 21
Transcribed Image Text:tion of athers. How they' are catalogaed the is ed amuficis sexual, middle-class people may reap the benefits of special privileges simply by accident of birth. Stephen Spencer - Race... 20 Writer Kimberly Hohman (2000) comments on several aspects of white privi- lege that are taken for granted by white mainstream culture, but which, she sug- Figure 12 cemplifiea the manner in which a whole poople may be reduced 10 an icon. Racism is deeply embedded in the project of these eivialising caone mies. Such imagEr show dements of anthropological and romantic discourac that Maccke (1982) argues are among the narrow lesicon available when talking about indigenous Australians. The anthsopological discourse, wich ins focus on kinship. ceremony, totemim and mythologs createn the 'other' an totally removed from the viewer, semote, fixed in dime. Significantly, they are portrayod as an evolurionary 'cal-de-ac and doubts are espocaed about their aurvival. Such imager ee instruc- tive not only for what they reveal about the poople in question bur also for what is revealed abour bow whire Europcan culure s e objectifica artefacts shown, the use of the landscape and the positioning of the family groups, as well as the contiruity with imagery ued today, suggants that this view of indigenous Australians as members of a timeless primitive' cukure serves a marked secial funo cion thar helps to define and legitimate white Australian culkure. Figure 13 is vurprising in ome respects. Compared with the stereotypical images that I have just described, it seems to have an auchenticiky, a lack of pos ing that in unuraal. The test describer thin a'a pleannt rural scene'. However, the gests, are a constant source of unease for others: Acordar being able to turn on the television and see people of their race widely repre- sented; Tigue 13 S A pple of the deun, m IL Whles pi fal i 21 never being asked to speak on behalf of their entire being able to succeed without being called a credit to their race; being able to have a bad day without wondering what their race had to do with specific negative incidents. race; 21 figune 1.3 Nagre wen weding ywang ar cane, fo . lanta upln af Naian womenis clothing - M ence puricanical and ragged - mcumbers their ahated bodies, giving an oppressive sense of buck-breaking physical labour in stifing hear thar makes the soene anything bur peasant. It is a reminder of colonialism and slavery, despine the fact that the decriprion maker attempts to draw adear distine tion berween slavery and this pleasant soene, infoeming us thar Hohman thus demonstrates the pernicious everyday effects of being marked out as different. However, the consequences can be much more serious. It is well For many years Jamaica was one of the worlds greatest slave marts, the emanci parion of the slaves took place in 1834. The negeo peaunt population is chiefly employed on the sugar plancacion, and here we have a rypial group of women buily woeking among the young canca. (Hammerten 1933: 203) Yer in picnures such as this, which objectify the colonial subject, chere attemper to coruider them a people oppremad, although they ane burdened by tranagreionary signs that undermine the mperficial voyeurim employed in the ter. The face of the woman in dhe cencre of che picture, half curned and regard- ing the photographer namowly, with uapicion and resentment, forma in Barthe's terminology the puncrum of this image and tansfoms it fom the artifice of the popular trivial ethnography by opening up other seadinga so this intended apoliti- cal diorama, in which separane subjecta are encisely semoved from the perception of Hammerton's ideal seader. In this way, a smal sign, a look, a gesture, the set of a are no 22 22 REPRESENTATION 23 body (a featune unintended by the photographer who componed the image) tran- forms and denies che dominant reading's implied dosure. WHITENESS AS MYTH "Whinemen' in an caample af a dominant yet naturalised and mythologiaed cultural form. Michael Pickering oxposes the underlying truch abour the discourse of race as a marker of difference from a poniion of invisible white domination: In contemporary discourse, 'race seiera to people who are non-white, and denotes oulrural afference. 'Race is used asa way of designating cortain car- qgories within our culture, and it don this from an invisible, underignated posi- tion. This is the posicion of whiteness. As a normative posicion, whiteness is taken to be a narural fact, existing beyond the bounds of consideration. It is noc racially marked a white in she wayr that hlack is marked. (Pikering 2004 91) This is casy to illustrate in everyday languape to specify that something is 'whie may scem norueraical or tranagrenive, while ming the labeh "black' or Auian may seem quice justifiable. The song "Whie Rior', by The Clash (1977), challenges our aumptionu of what a riot can or hould be. The deevlepment of "Whine Studies in an intereting phenomenen in that ingnise and serutinises whinmen' in an atempt o seveal what is typically rendered invisible and normative. The uneamed privilege acceded to white people in eur cinien operan in a compurable way De ocher markes of power in society Similarls young, male. able-bodied, henena scual, middle-dan people may reap the benefitn of pecial privilagea imply by accident of birth. Writer Kimberty Hohman (2000) commenes on several aspects of whice privi lege that are taken for granned by white mainemeam culure, but which, the mg- gests, are a conspant source of uncase for others • being able to turn on the televiion and see people of their race widely repre • never being asked oo speak on behalf of their entire race. • being ahle to succeed without bcing called a credit to their race; • being able to have a bad day withour wondering what cheir race had to do with specific negative incidents. Hohman chur demanatraten the pemicioun everyday effecta of being marked out as different. However, the consequences can be much more serious. Ir is well 21
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