OBST 800 Reading Assessment Remainder of the Former Prophets 09-24-2023

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LIBERTY UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF DIVINITY “ Reading Assessment: Remainder of the Former Prophets Submitted to Dr. Michael Graham, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the completion of the course OBST 800-B02 Old Testament Backgrounds by Kristopher Williams 24 September 2023

“ TABLE OF CONTENTS BEHIND THE SCENES OF THE OLD TESTAMENT…………………………………... 1 Archaeology of the Iron Age II……………………………………………………..1 The Divided Monarchy: Judah……………………………………………………...2 The Late Bronze Age Collapse and the Sea Peoples’ Migrations…………………. 3 Sheshonq’s Levantine Conquest and Biblical History……………………………...4 The Battle of Qarqar and Assyrian Aspirations……………………………………. 5 The Mesha Inscription and Relations with Moab and Edom……………………….6 The Tel Dan Inscription and the Deaths of Joram of Israel and Ahaziah of Judah... 7 Sennacherib’s Invasion of Judah and Neo-Assyrian Expansion……………………9 Eighth-Century Levantine Earthquakes and Natural Disasters……………………..9 The Battle of Carchemish and Seventh/Sixth-Century Regional Politics…………..10 Tribes and Nomads in the Iron Age Levant………………………………………... 12 THE WORLD AROUND THE OLD TESTAMENT……………………………………... 12 Egypt and the Egyptians…………………………………………………………… 12 Aram and the Arameans…………………………………………………………… 13 OLD TESTAMENT PARALLELS………………………………………………………... 14 ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN THEMES IN BIBLICAL THEOLOGY…………………...14 THE BIBLE AMONG THE MYTHS………………………………………………………15 ii

BEHIND THE SCENES OF THE OLD TESTAMENT Archaeology of the Iron Age II 1 Amihai Mazar first situates readers by stating that the “Iron Age II” period is the name given to the period that approximates the biblical period from the end of the United Monarchy under Solomon (circa 1000 B.C.) through the conquests and deportations of Israel by the Assyrians (701 B.C.) and Judea by the Babylonians in 598 B.C and 586 B.C. (Mazar 62). 2 Mazar summarizes the major conclusions scholars draw from biblical literature regarding the existence of the United Monarchy while introducing the Tel Dan Inscription. In chronicling the available archaeological data, Mazar notes that the Tel Dan Inscription is the earliest extrabiblical reference to the “House of David,” with an approximate date of some 150 years after the alleged time of the biblical monarch. His important takeaway is that the existence of the inscription argues that hostile contemporaries of Israel/Judah, who were under no obligation to accurately record Israelite history, recognize the reality of the situation in recording the historical reality of David and his dynasty (Mazar 64). While understanding that consensus has not been reached regarding the existence of a United Monarchy and subsequent split into independent kingdoms known as Israel and Judah, it remains possible that data can be interpreted to support the idea that Judah, as an independent kingdom, expanded while what is known as Israel declined and collapsed due to external conquest at the end of the 8 th century B.C. (Mazar 65). Remains of inscriptions suggest wide-spread literacy across Judah (Mazar 67). Further archaeological data, according to Mazar, supports the long-believed thesis of the Philistines as descendants of Aegean peoples as they “accultured” to the Semitic locals and lost many 1 Amihai Mazar, “Archaeology of the Iron Age II,” in Behind the Scenes of the Old Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts , ed. Jonathan S. Greer, John W. Hilber, and John H. Walton (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2018), pp. 62-69. 2 Mazar notes that some scholars extend the period until the return of Judah, c. 530 B.C., and others seek further subdivisions. 1

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distinctive “Aegean traits” (Mazar 67). Further material remains support the existence of “tribal states,” mostly nomadic, and organized states with bureaucratic functions across the Jordan River. Fortified settlements and large-scale mining remains offer evidence for central administration. Important archaeological data, especially that of destruction and occupation gaps, when coupled with biblical literature and some extrabiblical reports offer firm support for the political domination of the territory of Israel and Judah by the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Babylonians up until the Persian period, circa 538 B.C. (Mazar 68). The Divided Monarchy: Judah 3 Eric Welch correctly notes that the southern kingdom of “Judah was directly responsible for much of the biblical text of the Old Testament” (Welch 223). Welch attempts to utilize abundant relevant data, ranging from archaeological remains in Israel/Judah to Assyrian imperial literature, including even “graphic representations such as Sennacherib’s palace reliefs at Nineveh” (Welch 223), to reconstruct a “History of Judah” that is not solely reliant on biblical texts. Contrary to a model of conquest that places Judah in a perpetual state of military strife at the hands of imperial powers, the archaeological data do not support the concept of continual military destruction by the surrounding powers. Literary and material remains argue for ongoing and uninterrupted economic activity through much of Judah’s history. The known rise of the Neo-Assyrian empire, traced through archaeological remains, biblical reports, and the official records of Sennacherib, demonstrate the reality of Neo-Assyrian ascendency as they conquered the regions without attempts being made to conserve the areas for their rule (Welch 227). Various economic items engaged in on a large-scale by the state, such as the production and trade of olive oil, declined and ceased. Simultaneously, “the seventh century BCE witnessed Judah’s 3 Eric L. Welch, “The Divided Monarchy: Judah,” in Behind the Scenes of the Old Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts , ed. Jonathan S. Greer, John W. Hilber, and John H. Walton (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2018), pp. 223-229. 2

transformation into an industrial economy,” during which available data chronicles a “transitioning toward surplus-oriented industrial agriculture” (Welch 228). Importantly, the rural destruction due to the destruction caused by the Assyrians likely sparked greater urban growth and general reforms as Judean kings, especially Hezekiah, were able to consolidate administrative and religious reforms simultaneously. This trend towards centralization in administration likely reduced the expression of “popular folk religion,” such as fertility rites related to agriculture, outside of “orthodox” religiosity promoted from Jerusalem (Welch 228). The Late Bronze Age Collapse and the Sea Peoples’ Migrations 4 In his analysis of the Late Bronze Age and the movements of what scholars refer to as the “Sea Peoples,” Gregory Mumford admits that the analysis is “exceedingly complex and contentious regarding diverse and often contradictory evidence and interpretations” (Mumford 260). The time period is not compact, nor is it necessarily the case that “Sea Peoples” applies to one group that invaded at one particular time and place, thereby rejecting the “textual-pictorial account from Ramesses III’s memorial temple at Medinet Habu” that seemingly simplifies the invasion to around 1200 B.C. (Mumford 260). Interpretations of the available archaeological evidence may support the long-held thesis that the Sea Peoples settled in modern-day Israel, though this is not definitive. Recent trends in scholarship recognize that the Late Bronze age is complex, with attempts to align the decline of the Mycenaean civilization, in particular, and the Aegean, in general, with the Sea Peoples’ arrival not receiving consensus (Mumford 264). Pottery and architectural evidence formally consistent with Mycenean examples have been chronicled in Israeli archaeological sites, though they demonstrate modifications from the original Aegean forms. Political and cultural separation between the Sea Peoples and their 4 Gregory D. Mumford, “The Late Bronze Age Collapse and the Sea Peoples’ Migrations,” in Behind the Scenes of the Old Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts, ed. Jonathan S. Greer, John W. Hilber, and John H. Walton (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2018), pp. 260-271. 3

descendants, such as the Philistines in Palestine, from those cultures dominant in ancient Canaan/Palestine can be observed, though “much of their preserved material culture becomes less distinct or disappears, being submerged within the predominant Canaanite-derived cultures” (Mumford 270-271). Sheshonq’s Levantine Conquest and Biblical History 5 In his “Sheshonq’s Levantine Conquest and Biblical History,” Yigal Levine states that the invasion of ancient Judah and Israel by this Egyptian pharaoh constitutes one of the most important events for the study of biblical history (Levin 272). The importance of this is event is that Sheshonq (Shishak in 1 Kings), is recognized to be “the earliest biblical figure to be mentioned in contemporary sources, and his campaign is the first event in biblical narrative to be attested in a clear, dated, extrabiblical context” (Levin 272). Contemporary accounts from independent states have no obligation to record the history of Judah and Israel, so their chronicling of Sheshonq’s invasion of Palestine, while not constituting “proof” of the Bible’s historical veracity, does allow modern scholars to reasonably claim that the author/editor of Kings utilized literary material near to the events to construct his report. With greater confidence in placing Sheshonq (biblical Shishak) in a specific time period, a more accurate chronology of biblical events can be attempted, in particular the reigns of Saul, David, and Solomon. This allows for more accurate dating of more biblical figures and events in the greater historical stage. The efforts of Jean-Francois Champollion, one of the decipherers of the Rosetta Stone responsible for unlocking the secrets of ancient Egyptian hieroglyphics, allowed later scholars to agree with him “that the monumental inscription on the Bubastite Portal of the Karnak temple at 5 Yigal Levin, “Sheshonq’s Levantine Conquest and Biblical History,” in Behind the Scenes of the Old Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts , ed. Jonathan S. Greer, John W. Hilber, and John H. Walton (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2018), pp. 272-278 4

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Luxor describes a campaign of a king named ‘Sheshonq’ to the Levant, and that this Sheshonq and the biblical Shishak must be one and the same” (Levin 273). This inscription, and others like it describing at least one invasion of ancient Palestine, is not just a memorial or chronicling of an event, but also a projection of a political agenda. This claim also coincides with the presentation of (likely) the same period that the author of Kings, meaning that the Egyptians and the biblical author possess an agenda in their understanding of history. This claim does not necessitate lying or inaccuracies by either side. The greater takeaway is observing how each of the extant sources present information and how they believed their intended audience would understand what they intended to communicate. In short, the authors of Kings and Chronicles, and also the Egyptian sources, “had a theological and political agenda (we should remember that Karnak is a temple and the god Amun plays a prominent part in the Sheshonq inscription)” (Levin 277). The Battle of Qarqar and Assyrian Aspirations 6 Despite not being chronicled by biblical authors and remaining an argument from silence, Mark Chavalas argues that the results of the results of the Battle of Qarqar had extensive consequences internationally, especially for Judah, Israel, and Aram Damascus in the 9 th century B.C. (Chavalas 279). Chavalas notes that information about the Battle of Qarqar can be obtained from Assyrian sources, though he stresses that readers must read these materials with caution since their production was for propagandistic purposes, meant to present Shalmanesar III in the best possible light. In fact, Assyrian data for the battle can be seen to alter as later political and military alliances shift, reminiscent of George Orwell’s 1984 . Boasting, self-congratulations, and 6 Mark W. Chavalas, “The Battle of Qarqar and Assyrian Aspirations,” in Behind the Scenes of the Old Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts , ed. Jonathan S. Greer, John W. Hilber, and John H. Walton (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2018), pp. 279-285. 5

hyperbolic claims of complete annihilation are common in Assyrian sources. Objectively, evidence for complete victory at Qarqar may be reasonably inferred from the observation that Shalmanesar’s army completed a march to the Mediterranean. However, silence in the same sources may also demonstrate that the armies contesting the Assyrians, including those of Israel and Judah, did not suffer existential defeats. A critical observation made by Chavalas is that the “Assyrians did not mention invading any of the territories of the coalition or receiving any tribute from them,” an important series of events that would demonstrate complete victory by the Assyrians (Chavalas 283). One wonders why Shalmanesar would not have made this claim if it occurred. Chavalas also believes that the defeat of Ahab by Shalmanesar would not have been recorded in the manner it is in Kings since he believes that the author had a theological, rather than historical, agenda which would not be served (Chavalas 285). Additionally, the appearance of coalition forces on later battle fields following Qarqar offers evidence of their continued existence. The Mesha Inscription and Relations with Moab and Edom 7 In his analysis regarding the usefulness of the so-called Mesha Inscription for reconstructing Israelite interactions with their neighbors, Juan Tebes claims the “Mesha Inscription constitutes one of the most important textual sources for studying the history of the ancient Israelite kingdoms and their relationships with their Transjordanian neighbors” (Tebes 286). His reasoning for this claim is that the Mesha Inscription contains “the earliest extrabiblical attestation of Yahweh as Israel’s god and mentions for the first time the kingdom of Israel’s house of Omri and probably Judah’s house of David” (Tebes 286). Of course, the inscription cannot be considered “positive” evidence for Jewish or Christian believers since its 7 Juan Manuel Tebes, “The Mesha Inscription and Relations with Moab and Edom,” in Behind the Scenes of the Old Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts , ed. Jonathan S. Greer, John W. Hilber, and John H. Walton (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2018), pp. 286-292. 6

creation not only celebrates military victories by Mesha and his kingdom over the kingdom of Israel, but claims victory over the god of Israel, as well. In his presentation, Tebes understands the Mesha Inscription’s production as a piece of propaganda describing military victory of one nation over another as an extension of warfare between competing gods. The defeat of one nation was clearly understood to be the defeat of their god(s) by the god(s) of the victorious nation, an idea that some scholars, like John Currid, believe is communicated by biblical authors in their presentation of Yahweh. The Tel Dan Inscription and the Deaths of Joram of Israel and Ahaziah of Judah 8 In this brief chapter, K. Lawson Younger Jr. offers a contextual setting for examining the Tel Dan Inscription. He notes its composition in Aramaic as a royal inscription while noting that missing lines obscure the name of the individual responsible for its commission and the direct naming of the kings of Israel and Judah. However, name endings for each of the kings of Israel and Judah allow for confident identification of Joram of Israel and Ahaziah of Judah, which also permits conjecture of the composition of the inscription to fall on Hazael of Aram Damascus (Younger 293). Data from the Tel Dan Inscription has led some scholars to draw conclusions about the claims made by Hazael regarding his own claims of legitimacy. Younger, however, advises caution on acceptance of these data on two fronts. First, Younger notes that “Assyrian and biblical texts declare that Hazael was a usurper” (Younger 294). Moreover, the fragmentary status of the Tel Dan Inscription, and its creation as a propaganda tool, causes younger to examine literary remains and claims from multiple sources, stressing that it is “far sounder to reconstruct the historical events based on the clear claims 8 K. Lawson Younger Jr., “The Tel Dan Inscription and the Deaths of Joram of Israel and Ahaziah of Judah,” in Behind the Scenes of the Old Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts , ed. Jonathan S. Greer, John W. Hilber, and John H. Walton (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2018), pp. 293-298. 7

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preserved in multiple different sources from different parts of the ancient Near East than to reconstruct the historical events on the basis of an interpretation of a fragmentary inscription” (Younger 294). While Hazael may be truthful in his reporting, interpreters should take seriously reports from nations normally hostile towards each other (Assyria vs. Judah/Israel) when they coincide. The perspective of Hazael regarding whether his accounts are “truthful” may be reconciled through examination of perspective. In ascertaining the truth claims of Hazael regarding his responsibility for the deaths of the kings of Israel and Judah, versus the biblical claim that Jehu actually killed them, Younger presents the argument that Hazael, as the overlord of Jehu, and contemporaries understood his meaning and accepted that, ultimately, he allowed Jehu to act as his proxy (Younger 297). Had he not wanted it done, it is argued that it would not have occurred. An additional idea gleaned by ancient readers, but lost to modern readers who are not familiar with the context, is that of warfare between Hazael’s god, Hadad, and the god of Israel/Judah, a contest Hazael claims is won by his god, even if it is not explicitly claimed. Sennacherib’s Invasion of Judah and Neo-Assyrian Expansion 9 Kyle Keimer notes that literary sources from the Bible and Assyria contain valuable information chronicling Sennacherib’s 701 B.C. campaigns against various rebellious vassal states. A major claim is that the literary data is biased and fragmentary, with Keimer stressing that “Archaeological remains and artistic sources help us to more fully understand the course of the campaign, its outcome, and even the local preparations in Judah for Assyrian aggression in the region” (Keimer 299). 9 Kyle H. Keimer, “Sennacherib’s Invasion of Judah and Neo-Assyrian Expansion,” in Behind the Scenes of the Old Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts , ed. Jonathan S. Greer, John W. Hilber, and John H. Walton (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2018), pp. 299-305. 8

An important observation for modern readers, who have been cautioned regarding the hyperbolic claims made by conquerors in the ANE, is that no written source, whether Assyrian or biblical, states that Jerusalem itself fell to Sennacherib’s forces. However, Sennacherib’s claims to have destroyed the rural areas around Jerusalem can be corroborated by archaeological data despite a lack of literary specificity. In other words, destruction of towns can be observed even without direct claims of destruction by Sennacherib in his annals. Sennacherib’s surprising inability to sack Jerusalem and the departure of his army may, according to Keimer, have led adherents of Yahweh to develop a theological concept that Jerusalem itself was incapable of being conquered. This so-called “Zion theology” disappeared when Nebuchadnezzar conquered the city and deported the noble population in 586 B.C. (Keimer 305). Eighth-Century Levantine Earthquakes and Natural Disasters 10 In this contribution, Ryan Roberts seeks to understand the function of “earthquake language” in the Hebrew Bible and also examine this in order to draw scientific conclusions about these events from the archaeological data to determine the effects on the people that experienced the event(s) (Roberts 306). Roberts accepts that the very concept of the earth moving under their feet allowed pre-scientific believers to stress the power of Yahweh and his control over the cosmos. While the language may be that of analogy, Roberts also believes that some of the language utilized may contain empirical data that can be analyzed by modern readers. In short, the data may be objective and useful for understanding ancient events through the lens of modern science. However, Roberts also understands that this interest is not shared by 10 Ryan N. Roberts, “Eighth-Century Levantine Earthquakes and Natural Disasters,” in Behind the Scenes of the Old Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts , ed. Jonathan S. Greer, John W. Hilber, and John H. Walton (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2018), pp. 306-312. 9

the ancients since they understood that all “natural” events were controlled by the supernatural. Disasters, rather than just occurring because of scientifically describable phenomena, were sometimes interpreted as divine communication requiring a response. The most familiar response was a stress on changing of religious approach coupled with a restoration of covenant. The Battle of Carchemish and Seventh/Sixth-Century Regional Politics 11 In her analysis of the Battle of Carchemish in 605 B.C., Sara Hoffman notes that the event is not only well-attested across a variety of sources, but that these sources agree that the army of Nebuchadnezzar inflicted a devastating defeat on the Egyptians. This event altered the balance of power in the Levant. In fact, from the perspective of biblical authors, the event can be seen as the direct precursor to the elimination of Judah as a kingdom, the sacking of Jerusalem and the destruction of Solomon’s Temple, and the deportation of many citizens of Judah to the homelands of the Babylonians, resulting in the so-called “Babylonian Captivity.” Egypt had been projecting power well beyond its natural borders, as can be seen at Carchemish, located on the Euphrates River (Hoffman 315). This defeat led to the removal of Egypt from international affairs, allowing the forces of Nebuchadnezzar to move into Judah without fear of direct Egyptian intervention while recognizing that conquering Egypt was too ambitious. Thus, Egypt was maintained, though their political influence beyond Africa was forever diminished, and Egypt as an international power all but disappears from the biblical record. Jeremiah, the “Weeping Prophet” whose prophecies never seemed to bode well for Judah, is seen by Hoffman to have been aware of the political problems of his time. Hoffman notes that 11 Sara L. Hoffman, “The Battle of Carchemish and Seventh/Sixth-Century Regional Politics,” in Behind the Scenes of the Old Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts , ed. Jonathan S. Greer, John W. Hilber, and John H. Walton (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2018), pp. 313-319 10

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“the prophet is consistently depicted as an advocate for acceptance of subjugation to Babylon, which he presents as the will of Yahweh himself” (Hoffman 319). Rather than being a collaborator or treasonous, Jeremiah understood this step to be one that would better preserve their way of life since submission to Babylon would allow their religion to be unmolested, while resistance would be seen as a declaration of divine conflict as well: Tribes and Nomads in the Iron Age Levant 12 Thomas Petter provides various types of background data regarding what is known about tribes and tribal federations across the ANE in an attempt to add context to customs and events that occur across Old Testament narratives that are otherwise difficult to understand from a modern Western perspective. Petter presents data that supports the idea that the biblical authors maintained cultural memory of tribal customs through their preservation of genealogical data, information that was pressed the idea that this “identification marker for an Israelite inevitably was based on common ancestry and loyalty” (Petter 392). Genesis especially contains direct evidence of pastoral nomadism by the patriarchs. Genealogical continuity with this idea may be seen in the concept maintained ideally in the United Monarchy. The typological king, David, was a literal shepherd, in line with his physical and theological ancestors; this fact is seemingly transferred to the concept of kingship in Israel where the king is seen as a shepherd of his people (Petter 394). This later continuity can be claimed nearly a millennia later with Jesus, though the 12 Thomas D. Petter, “Tribes and Nomads in the Iron Age Levant,” in Behind the Scenes of the Old Testament: Cultural, Social, and Historical Contexts , ed. Jonathan S. Greer, John W. Hilber, and John H. Walton (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2018), pp. 391-395. 11

concept of “king as shepherd” was promoted in United Monarchy’s successors, Israel and Judah, and also utilized by Mesha of Moab (see pp. 6-7 above). THE WORLD AROUND THE OLD TESTAMENT Egypt and the Egyptians 13 Joel LeMon examines Egyptian history, not in terms of domestic politics, but through international contacts with Asia. LeMon does not attempt a complete chronological assessment of these interactions, however. LeMon actually beings in the so-called New Kingdom period of Egyptian history. An Egyptologist would argue that this beginning misses too much context regarding Egypt, though it is better situated for biblical scholars since the biblical accounts are likely better situated culturally in this era. LeMon’s approach observes that there are many different “Ancient Egypts.” Ancient Egypt did not remain the same cultural and political entity over several millennia. It experienced expansions and contractions, both politically and culturally, over the centuries. An important conclusion is that these expansions and contractions meant that the political fortunes of other civilizations were affected, such that as “Egypt moved back and forth along the political spectrum between unity and diversity of power, the entire Near East felt the effects” (LeMon 189). As a constituent of the Fertile Crescent, the descendants of Jacob were necessarily affected, whether positively or negatively. In fact, biblical data stresses that interactions between the patriarchs (Abraham, Isaac, Jacob) and their descendants are necessarily important in the historical foundation of Israel as a nation. This conclusion may not be shared equally by modern readers, however, since their interpretations of data preserved through the worldview of the 13 Joel M. LeMon, “Egypt and the Egyptians,” in The World around the Old Testament: The People and Places of the Ancient Near East , ed. Bill T. Arnold and Brent A. Strawn (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2016), pp. 169-196. 12

biblical authors is not the same. One should not, according to LeMon, project modern expectations of what constitutes history anachronistically (LeMon 190). Aram and the Arameans 14 In another contribution, albeit in a different text, K. Lawson Younger Jr. introduces the reader to the geographic area of “Aram” and the Aramean peoples, recognizing the continued appearance of the area and people groups throughout the Old Testament. Younger recognizes that many biblically important individuals are descended from these tribes and regions, meaning that greater understanding of their cultures and languages may allow for greater exegetical insight into the extant biblical texts. As with Egypt, these peoples are not monolithic through time, so it is important to recognize that the cultures, tribal peoples, and religions of the geographic regions altered. OLD TESTAMENT PARALLELS Victor Matthews and Don Benjamin again provide readers with contextual information and translations of documents that provide contemporary context to biblical texts. As noted in earlier reading summaries, many translations are also cross-referenced with biblical texts. ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN THEMES IN BIBLICAL THEOLOGY City and Temple Jeffrey Niehaus presents the reader with literature originating in ancient Sumer and Assyria through which the ancient authors stress that the political disasters and military defeats they experienced were the result of their gods abandoning them. Those defeats in which cities experienced destruction at the hands of conquering armies, were the result of the gods 14 K. Lawson Younger Jr., “Aram and the Arameans,” in The World around the Old Testament: The People and Places of the Ancient Near East , ed. Bill T. Arnold and Brent A. Strawn (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2016), pp. 229-266. 13

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abandoning their temples and peoples, thereby no longer providing protection to the city. Sumerian accounts of temple abandonment note that many of these gods departed their temples for unexplained reasons, leading the affected disaster populations without concrete methods for reconciliation or prevention in the future. Later civilizations seem to offer better explanations. Some texts offer accounts in which the gods of Assyria were sometimes seen abandoning their temples in response to the activities of populations in relation to their king. In other texts, gods sought self-preservation as they recognized that they were unable to defend themselves against the gods of conquering nations (Niehaus 116). This made sense in the cultural milieu of the ANE since warfare was not just between humans, but an extension of divine warfare. The important takeaway is that biblical authors stress that Yahweh abandoned his temple in Jerusalem due to the breaking of covenant by his people. THE BIBLE AMONG THE MYTHS In “Is the Bible Truly Historical? The Problem of History (1),” John Oswalt argues that the biblical texts contain historical information since one of the major claims is that Yahweh engages his people through these events. While the biblical texts contain historical information Oswalt stresses that the form of this information is not the same as modern conceptions of “history.” The data is selective rather than comprehensive. Moreover, the information related was meant to communicate to the original audience, so many items are understood culturally and temporally and the author cannot be faulted for being unable to predict the thoughts of future cultures and communicate perfectly with them. 14