Case Study Research and Applications Design and Methoda by Campbell

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research. To cater to the latter audience, Sage Publications has made a companion website, study.sagepub.com/yin6e, available to post supplementary materials. The website therefore contains the materials that might be more helpful and informative for scholars already advanced in their knowledge of case study research. Hopefully, such an arrangement will permit readers to make their own forays into case study research, and on their own terms. For instance, the fifth edition had contained several tutorials that explored some key issues, with authoritative references, in greater depth. This material, along with a lot of other reprints and writings that preceded even the first edition of this book, is now found on the website. The hope is that the website can help anyone who might want to know more but not to interfere with those of you just setting out on your initial journey with case study research. One place where the sixth edition remains steadfastly consistent with all the earlier editions deserves repeated mention: Donald Campbell’s insightful foreword. His succinct words, written more than 30 years ago, still stand as a masterpiece about social science methods. Within the context of today’s research dialogues, Campbell’s work continues, remarkably, to speak with freshness and direct relevance. His foreword also positions well the role of case study research as portrayed in this book. I continue to be deeply honored by the inclusion of this foreword and have attempted to return but a modest contribution, now to his memory, in a subsequent publication (Yin, 2000b). The successful practicing of this edition’s techniques and guidance means that case study research will be better than in the past. The ultimate goal, as always, is to improve our social science methods and practices over those of previous cohorts of scholars. Only in this manner can every cohort make its own mark, much less establish its own competitive niche. As a final note, I conclude this preface by repeating a portion from the preface to the fourth edition. In it, I suggested that anyone’s ideas about case study research —and about modes of social science inquiry more generally—must have deeper roots. Mine go back to the two disciplines in which I was trained: history as an undergraduate and brain and cognitive sciences as a graduate. History and historiography first raised my consciousness regarding the importance (and challenge) of methodology in the social sciences. The unique brand of basic research in brain and cognitive science that I learned at MIT then taught me that empirical research advances only when accompanied by theory and logical inquiry, and not when only treated as a mechanistic data collection endeavor. This lesson turns out to be a basic theme in doing case study research. I have therefore dedicated this book to the person at MIT, Prof. Hans-Lukas Teuber,
who taught me this best and under whom I completed a dissertation on face recognition, though he might only barely recognize the resemblances between past and present were he alive today. Notes 1. The counts are based on the appearance of a given word or term in published books. Unfortunately, Ngram Viewer does not indicate the number of books covered during any particular period of time, so the website does not provide the number of books accessed from 1980 to 2008. Overall, Ngram Viewer claims that it has amassed about 4% of all books ever published (Michel et al., 2010). 2.1 chose not to select a fifth term, “qualitative research,” because its usage overlaps in some unknown way with “case study research.” The inclusion would have clouded my main intended comparison, which was between “case study research” and the other three types of inquiries. 3. Avid supporters of the gold standard have nevertheless published a research article using “case study” in its title (Cook & Foray, 2007). Readers should not take this as an example of how to do case study research, however. The article mainly contains the authors’ rendition of a set of events at the outset of the decade in question (a set that apparently could not be told with quantitative methods) but does not present much actual evidence to support that rendition. (The rendition may be insightful, but whether it should be accepted as an example of case study research or as a “popular” case study remains an open question.) 4. The Internet source of this tally does not indicate the time period that it covered, but Google Scholar started in 2004 and the source for the tally appeared in 2016, so an estimate of 2004 to 2015 as the years that were covered would be one guess. 5. An interesting side note would point to developments in one of the other social science methods—surveys. In contemporary political polls, note that the “margin of error” is now reported in the popular media every time a polling result is cited. Such reporting did not usually occur in the past. One offshoot of the reference to the margin of error is that it readily reminds (and educates) the audience that these data were based on surveys that respectfully followed relevant research procedures. What might be helpful in the (distant) future is for the popular case studies to contain an analogous reminder, if the case study indeed used any research procedures, such as triangulating data from two or more sources of evidence.
Acknowledgments The publication of this sixth edition marks the 34th year since the book’s original publication. During this time, many people have influenced my thinking —by asking questions, making suggestions, or just maintaining a healthy skepticism toward case study research. I am extremely grateful for all this interest and support. Unfortunately, the cumulative list of pertinent colleagues has become a bit lengthy. Especially because the five earlier editions have acknowledged many of them, I would therefore like to attend to a more recent set of colleagues, who knowingly or unknowingly had some influence on the words and concepts that appear in this sixth edition. A prolonged set of interactions with the staff at The World Bank included working with two different groups. The first group focused on the development of a series of “service delivery case studies.” Christos Kostopoulos and his staff challenged us all to think about the boundaries of the cases as well as some intriguing design and data collection procedures. I am grateful for having been part of his team, which also consisted of Vera A. Wilhelm, Sameh El-Saharty, Erica Wu, and Jeanette Murry, as well as Oliver Haas, who served as a bridge to a later phase of the work. The second group focused on various “country case studies” that were conducted in association with several different evaluation projects. The World Bank’s evaluation staff with whom I interacted included Caroline Heider (the head of the evaluation group), Mark Sundberg, Susan Ann Céceres, Erik A. Bloom, Pia Helene Schneider, Xubei Luo, Ann Elizabeth Flanagan, Guiseppe larossi, Anthony Martin Tyrrell, and Viktoriya Yevsyeyeva. Across four separate projects, Susan Ann Caceres posed especially challenging issues that tested my own thoughts. I would like to thank all these persons at The World Bank for their having raised many questions about doing case studies— especially in contrast to their conventional economic methods. In a different field, faculty and students in the Division of Special Education and disAbility Research at George Mason University have been collecting in-depth information about individual students as separate cases. Led by Prof. Sheri Berkeley and PhD students Anna Menditto and Amanda Luh, the team has confronted the question of how to analyze the data from the students, when only a small number have been studied. I have benefited enormously from joining in this venture and thank the team for sharing it with me. Also in a university setting, students enrolled in the School of Education’s methodology course at Southern New Hampshire University, led by Prof. Nancy Charron and Mary Kim Lindley-Soucy, have broadened my view of case study research by posing questions over Skype Q&A sessions. Different groups of students have
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participated in these sessions, which have been held annually for several years. Serendipitously, the students’ questions often produce nuggets of wisdom, and I thank the students for these nuggets and Nancy and Kim for initiating the entire arrangement. In yet another field, a research team led by Katherine Patterson Kelly (PhD, RN, Nurse Scientist) at the Department of Nursing Research and Quality Outcomes, Children’s National Health System, has been studying therapy groups in a series of case studies. Collecting and analyzing data from each group as a whole (as well as from the group’s members individually) has led Kelly and her team into an innovative realm. I again have been fortunate to participate in this work and thank Kelly and Pamela S. Hinds (PhD, RN, FAAN, and Professor of Pediatrics, The George Washington University), the director of the department, for sharing this research experience. As part of the preparation of this sixth edition, Sage Publications invited reviewers to reflect upon their experiences in using the fifth edition. I thank them for their extensive and helpful comments, and I hope that they will see the adoption of at least some of their suggestions: Michael A. Guerra, Lincoln University Landon E. Hancock, Kent State University Ellen S. Hoffman, University of Hawai’i at Manoa Barbara J. Holtzclaw, The University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center, Fran and Earl Ziegler College of Nursing Claretha Hughes, University of Arkansas Kriss Y. Kemp-Graham, Texas A&M University—Commerce Joseph McNabb, Professor of the Practice Eva Mika, Northcentral University David M. Sprick, Park University Bruce E. Winston, Regent University, School of Business & Leadership Asta Zelenkauskaite, Drexel University Finally, the editors at Sage played an important role in reshaping this sixth edition so that it would include the applications. Vicki Knight started the process before retiring from Sage, and Leah Fargotstein carried the project forward thereafter. To them I owe a debt of gratitude as well as to several others at Sage who contributed to the production and sharpening process—Kelly DeRosa, Gillian Dickens, and Yvonne McDuffee. Nonetheless, as with the earlier versions of this book, I alone bear the responsibility for this sixth edition.
About the Author Robert K. Yin is President of COSMOS Corporation, an applied research and social science firm. Over the years, COSMOS has successfully completed hundreds of projects for federal agencies, state and local agencies, and private foundations. Outside of COSMOS, Dr. Yin has assisted numerous other research groups, helping to train their field teams or to design research studies. The most recent such engagements have been with The World Bank, the Division of Special Education and disAbility Research at George Mason University, the Department of Nursing Research and Quality Outcomes at the Children’s National Health System (Washington, D.C.), and the School of Education, Southern New Hampshire University. Dr. Yin has authored more than 100 publications, including authoring or editing 11 books (not counting the multiple editions of any given book). Earlier editions of the present book have been translated into eight languages (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Swedish, Romanian, Italian, Polish, and Portuguese), and a second book on Qualitative Research From Start to Finish (2016) is in its second edition and has been translated into four languages (Chinese, Korean, Swedish, and Portuguese). Dr. Yin received his BA in history from Harvard College (magna cum laude) and his PhD in brain and cognitive sciences from MIT. Doing Case Study Research: A Linear but Iterative Process
1 Getting Started How to Know Whether and When to Use the Case Study as a Research Method
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Chapter 1: Plan o Identify the relevant situation for doing a case study, compared with other research methods e Understand the twofold definition of a case study inquiry o Address the traditional concerns over case study research e Decide whether to do a case study Abstract You want to study something relevant but also exciting—and you want to use an acceptable if not esteemed social science method. Doing a “case study” strikes your fancy, but how you might do a good one remains a challenge, compared with doing an experiment, survey, history, or archival analysis (as in economic or statistical modeling). You are intrigued and want to learn more about doing a case study. This chapter suggests that you might favor choosing case study research, compared with the others, when (1) your main research questions are “how” or “why” questions, (2) you have little or no control over behavioral events, and (3) your focus of study is a contemporary (as opposed to entirely historical) phenomenon—a “case.” The chapter then offers a common definition to be applied to the ensuing case study. Among the variations in case studies, yours can include single or multiple cases, can even be limited to quantitative evidence if desired, and can be part of a mixed-methods study. Properly doing a case study means addressing five traditional concerns—conducting the research rigorously, avoiding confusion with nonresearch case studies (i.e., popular case studies, teaching- practice case studies, and case records), arriving at generalized conclusions if desired, carefully managing your level of effort, and understanding the comparative advantage of case study research. The overall challenge makes case study research “hard,” although it has classically been considered a “soft” form of research. Being Ready For The Challenge, And Setting High Expectations Doing case study research remains one of the most challenging of all social science endeavors. This book will help you—whether an experienced or
emerging social scientist—to deal with the challenge. Your goal is to design good case studies and to collect, present, and analyze data fairly. A further goal is to bring your case study to closure by composing a compelling article, report, book, or oral presentation. Do not underestimate the extent of the challenge. Although you may be ready to design and do case study research, others may espouse and advocate other modes of social science inquiry. Similarly, prevailing federal or other research funds may favor methods other than case studies. As a result, you may need to have ready responses to some inevitable questions and set high expectations for yourself. Following a clear methodological path. First and foremost, you should explain how you are devoting yourself to following a clear methodological path. For instance, a conventional starting place would be to review literature and define your case study’s research questions. Alternatively, however, you might want to start with some fieldwork first, prior to defining any theoretical concerns or even examining the relevant research literature. In this latter mode, you might be entertaining a contrary perspective: that what might be “relevant,” as well as the pertinent research questions, may not be determinable ahead of knowing something about what’s going on in the field. Regardless of your starting place, the path should explicitly show how you will adhere to formal and explicit procedures when doing your research. Tip: How do I know if I should be doing case study research? 4 P4 There’s no formula, but your choice depends in large part on your research question(s). The more that your questions seek to explain some contemporary circumstance (e.g., “how” or “why” some social phenomenon works), the more that case study research will be relevant. Case studies also are relevant the more that your questions require an extensive and “in-depth” description of some social phenomenon. ‘What are some other reasons you might cite for doing or not doing case study research? Along these lines, this book offers much guidance. It shows how case study research is distinctive but also covers procedures central to all modes of social science research. In shaping your case study, you might like to know whether to
design and conduct a single- or a multiple-case study to investigate a research issue. You may only be doing a case study or you may be using it as part of a larger mixed-methods study. Whatever the choices, this book covers the entire range of issues in designing and doing case study research, including how to start and design a case study, collect case study evidence, analyze case study data, and compose a case study report. Equally important, the book will help you deal with some of the more difficult questions still frequently neglected by available research texts. So often, for instance, the author has been confronted by a student or colleague who has asked (a) how to define the “case” being studied, (b) how to determine the relevant data to be collected, or (c) what to do with the data, once collected. This book addresses these and many other questions. The successful experiences of scholars and students from using this book, for more than 30 years, may attest to the potential payoffs. Acknowledging strengths and limitations. Second, you should understand and openly acknowledge the strengths and limitations of case study research. Such research, like any other, complements the strengths and limitations of other types of research. Just as different types of research inquiries prevail in the physical and life sciences, different inquiries serve different needs when investigating social science topics. Note that the sciences do not follow a single method, such as the experimental method. Astronomy is a science but does not rely on the experimental method; nor do engineering and geology (Scriven, 2015). Similarly, many studies in neurophysiology and neuroanatomy do not rely on statistical methods. A diverse array of methods also marks the social sciences, and the next section of this chapter will contrast these methods to help you understand the methodological choices and differences. Setting high expectations in your chosen field. Case study research is commonly found in many social science disciplines as well as the practicing professions (e.g., psychology, sociology, political science, anthropology, social work, business, education, nursing, and community planning). As one result, your high expectations not only should follow a clear methodological path, as just discussed, but also can cater to your own field. Figure 1.1 lists 15 such fields, along with illustrative texts that focus on the use of case study research in each specific field. (Not cited are either of two other kinds of works: general methodological texts that discuss various types of research methods, even if including case study research, and general texts on case study research that are not directed at any specific field.) Checking the
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work(s) in your chosen field may point to some subtle ways of customizing your case study in relation to that field. For instance, Appendix A describes the case study’s lengthy but peculiar history in one of the disciplines—psychology. Whatever your field of interest, the distinctive need for case studies arises out of the desire to understand complex social phenomena. Case studies allow you to focus in-depth on a “case” and to retain a holistic and real-world perspective— such as in studying individual life cycles, small group behavior, organizational and managerial processes, neighborhood change, school performance, international relations, and the maturation of industries. Comparing Case Studies With Other Social Science Research Methods When and why would you want to use a case study to examine some social science topic? Should you consider doing an experiment instead? A survey? A history? An analysis of archival records, such as the statistical modeling of epidemiological trends or of student performance in schools? These and other choices represent different research methods. Each is a different way of collecting and analyzing empirical evidence. Each follows its own logic and procedures. And each method has its own advantages and disadvantages. To get the most out of doing case study research, you may need to appreciate these distinctions. Figure 1.1 Sampler of Works Devoted to Case Study Research in Specific Fields
ACADEMIC DISCIPLINES: Anthropology and Ethnography | Burawoy, 1991 Political Science George & Bennett, 2005; Cerring, 2004 Psycholinguistics Duff, 2008 Psychology Bromley, 1986; Campbell, 1975; McLeod, 2010 Sociology Feagin, Orum, & Sjoberg, 1991; Hamel, 1992; Mitchell, 1983; Platt, 1992 PRACTICING PROFESSIONS: Accounting Bruns, 1989 Business and Intemational Dul & Hak, 2008; Farquhar, 2012; Gibbert, Ruigrok, & Business Wicki, 2008; Johnston, Leach, & Liu, 2000; Meyer, 2001; Piekkari, Welch, & Paavilainen, 2009; Vissak, 2010 Education Hamilton & Corbett-Whittier, 2013; Yin, 2006a Evaluation U.S. Government Accountability Office, 1990 Health Care Carolan, Forbat, & Smith, 2015; Walshe, 2011 Marketing Beverland & Lindgreen, 2010 Nursing Baxter & Jack, 2008; De Chesnay, 2017 Public Administration Agranoff & Radin, 1991 Social Work Gilgun, 1994; Lee, Mishna, & Brennenstuhl, 2010 Software Engineering Runeson, Host, Rainer, & Regnell, 2012 Relationships Among the Methods: Not Hierarchical A common misconception is that the various research methods should be arrayed hierarchically. Many social scientists still implicitly believe that case studies are only appropriate for the exploratory phase of an investigation, that surveys and histories are appropriate for the descriptive phase, and that experiments are the only way of pursuing explanatory or causal inquiries. The hierarchical view reinforces the idea that case study research is only a preliminary mode of inquiry and cannot be used to describe phenomena or test propositions. However, you need not automatically accept this hierarchical view. You would point to the fact that experiments with an exploratory motive have certainly always existed. In addition, the development of causal explanations has long been a serious concern of historians, especially reflected by the subfield known as historiography.
Likewise, you also would point out that case studies are far from being only an exploratory method. Some of the best and most famous case studies have been explanatory case studies (e.g., see BOX 1 for a vignette on Allison and Zelikow’s Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1999; additional examples of explanatory case studies are found in Applications 8 and 9 in Chapter 5 of this book). Similarly, famous descriptive case studies are found in major disciplines such as sociology and political science (e.g., see BOX 2 for two vignettes; additional examples of descriptive case studies are found in many of the other BOXES in this book). Thus, distinguishing among the various social science methods and their advantages and disadvantages may require going beyond the hierarchical stereotype. Box 1 A Best-Selling, Explanatory, Single-Case Study For more than 40 years, Graham Allison’s (1971) original study of a single case, the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, has been a political science best seller. In this crisis, a U.S.—Soviet Union confrontation could have produced nuclear holocaust and doomed the entire world. The book posits three competing but also complementary theories to explain the crisis—that the United States and Soviets performed as (a) rational actors, (b) complex bureaucracies, or (c) politically motivated groups of persons. Allison compares the ability of each theory to explain the actual course of events in the crisis: why the Soviet Union placed offensive (and not merely defensive) missiles in Cuba in the first place, why the United States responded to the missile deployment with a blockade (and not an air strike or invasion —the missiles already were in Cuba!), and why the Soviet Union eventually withdrew the missiles. The case study shows the explanatory and not just descriptive or exploratory functions of single-case studies. Furthermore, the authors contrast the lessons from the case study with prevailing alternative explanations in post—-Cold War studies of foreign policy and international politics. In this way, the book, even more thoughtfully presented in its second edition (Allison & Zelikow, 1999), forcefully demonstrates how a single-case study can be the basis for insightful generalizations. Box 2 Two Famous Descriptive Case Studies &
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2A. A Neighborhood Scene Street Corner Society (1943/1993), by William F. Whyte, has for decades been recommended reading in community sociology. The book is a classic example of a descriptive case study. It traces the sequence of interpersonal events over time, describes a subculture that had rarely been the topic of previous study, and discovers key phenomena—such as the career advancement of lower income youths and their ability (or inability) to break neighborhood ties. The study has been highly regarded despite its taking place in a small urban neighborhood (under the pseudonym of “Cornerville”) and during a time period now nearly 100 years ago. The value of the book is, paradoxically, its generalizability even to contemporary issues of individual performance, group structure, and the social structure of neighborhoods. Later investigators have repeatedly found remnants of Cornerville in their work, even though they have studied different neighborhoods and different time periods (also see BOX 21, Chapter 4). 2B. A National Crisis Neustadt and Fineberg’s excellent analysis of a mass immunization campaign was issued originally as a government report in 1978, The Swine Flu Affair: Decision-Making on a Slippery Disease, and later published independently as The Epidemic That Never Was (1983). The case study describes the immunization of 40 million Americans that took place under President Gerald Ford’s administration, when the United States was faced with a threat of epidemic proportions from a new and potentially lethal influenza strain. Because the case study has become known as an exceptionally well-researched case study, contemporary policy makers have continued to consult it for any generalizable lessons for understanding the quandaries of health crises and public actions in light of new threats by flu epidemics, such as the HIN1 strain of 2008-2010 and by viruses such as the Ebola and Zika outbreaks of 2013 to the present. The more appropriate view may be an inclusive and pluralistic one: Every research method can be used for all three purposes—exploratory, descriptive, and explanatory studies. There may be exploratory case studies, descriptive case studies, or explanatory case studies. Similarly, there may be exploratory experiments, descriptive experiments, and explanatory experiments. What distinguishes the different methods is not a hierarchy but the three
important conditions discussed next. As an important caution, however, the clarification does not imply that the boundaries between the modes—or the occasions when each is to be used—are always sharp. Even though each mode of inquiry has its distinct characteristics, there are large overlaps among them. The goal is to avoid gross misfits—that is, when you are planning to use one mode of inquiry but another is really more advantageous. Exercise 1.1 Defining Different Types of Research Case Studies B] Define the three types of case studies used for research purposes: (a) explanatory case studies, (b) descriptive case studies, and (c) exploratory case studies. Compare the situations in which these different types of case studies would be most applicable. Now name a case study that you would like to conduct. Would it be explanatory, descriptive, or exploratory? Why? When to Use the Different Methods The three conditions consist of (a) the form of research question posed, (b) the control a researcher has over actual behavioral events, and (c) the degree of focus on contemporary as opposed to entirely historical events. Figure 1.2 displays these three conditions and shows how each is related to five social science research methods: experiments, surveys, archival analyses (e.g., economic modeling, or a statistical analysis in an epidemiological study), histories, and case studies. The importance of each condition, in distinguishing among the five methods, is as follows. Figure 1.2 Relevant Situations for Different Research Methods Experiment how, why? yes yes Survey who, what, where, how | no yes many, how much? Archival Analysis who, what, where, how | no yes/no many, how much? History how, why? no no Case Study how, why? no yes Source: COSMOS Corporation.
(a) Form of research question (see Figure 1.2, column a). The first condition covers your research question(s) (Hedrick, Bickman, & Rog, 1993). A basic categorization scheme for the form of questions is this familiar series: “who,” “what,” “where,” “how,” and “why” questions. If research questions focus mainly on “what” questions, either of two possibilities arises. First, some types of “what” questions are exploratory, such as “What can be learned from a study of a startup business?” This type of question is a justifiable rationale for conducting an exploratory study, the goal being to develop pertinent hypotheses and propositions for further inquiry. However, as an exploratory study, any of the five research methods can be used—for example, an exploratory survey (testing, for instance, the ability to survey startups in the first place), an exploratory experiment (testing, for instance, the potential benefits of different kinds of business incentives to determine which type of incentive might be worthy of a more definitive experiment), or an exploratory case study (testing, for instance, the differences between “first-time startups and startups by entrepreneurs who had previously started other firms, as a prelude to selecting the case(s) for a subsequent case study). The second type of “what” question is actually a form of a “how many,” “how much,” or “to what extent” line of inquiry—for example, “What have been the ways that communities have assimilated new immigrants?” Identifying such ways is more likely to favor survey or archival methods than others. For example, a survey can be readily designed to enumerate the “what,” whereas a case study would not be an advantageous method in this situation. Similarly, like this second type of “what” question, “who” and “where” questions (or again their derivatives—“how many,” “how much,” and “to what extent”) are likely to favor survey methods or the analysis of archival data, as in economic studies. These methods are advantageous when the research goal is to describe the incidence or prevalence of a phenomenon or when it is to track certain outcomes. The investigation of prevailing political preferences (in which a survey or a poll might be the favored method) or of the spread of a disease like Ebola or Zika (in which an epidemiologic analysis of health statistics might be the favored method) would be typical examples. In contrast, “how” and “why” questions are more explanatory and likely to lead to the use of a case study, history, or experiment as the preferred research method. This is because such questions deal with the tracing of operational processes over time, rather than mere frequencies or incidence. Thus, if you wanted to know how a community successfully avoided the potentially catastrophic impact of the closing of its largest employer—a military base (see 2
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Bradshaw, 1999, also presented in Application 8, Chapter 5 of this book)—you would be less likely to rely on a survey or an examination of archival records and might be better off doing a history or a case study. Similarly, if you wanted to know how research investigators may possibly (but unknowingly) bias their research, you could design and conduct a series of experiments (see Rosenthal, 1966). Let us take two more examples. If you were studying “who” had suffered as a result of terrorist acts and “how much” damage had been done, you might survey residents, examine government records (an archival analysis), or conduct a “windshield survey” of the affected area. In contrast, if you wanted to know “why” the act had occurred, you would have to draw upon a wider array of documentary information, in addition to conducting interviews, and you would likely be doing a case study. Moreover, if you focused on the “why” question in more than one terrorist act, you would probably be doing a multiple-case study. Similarly, if you wanted to know “what” the outcomes associated with a new governmental program had been, you could answer this question by doing a survey or by examining economic data, depending on the type of program involved. Questions—such as “How many clients did the program serve?” “What kinds of benefits were received?” “How often were different benefits produced?”—all could be answered without doing a case study. But if you needed to know “how” or “why” the program had worked (or not), you would lean toward a case study or a field experiment. To summarize, the first and most important condition for differentiating among the five social science research methods is to classify the form of the research question being asked. In general, “what” questions may be either exploratory (in which case, any of the methods could be used) or about prevalence (in which surveys or the analysis of archival records would be favored). “How” and “why” questions are likely to favor using a case study, experiment, or history. Exercise 1.2 Defining a Case Study Research Question 3 Develop a “how” or “why” question that would be the rationale for a case study that you might conduct. Instead of doing a case study, now imagine that you only could do a history, a survey, or an experiment (but not a case study) to address this question. What would be the distinctive advantage of doing a case study, compared with these other methods, in order to address
the question? Defining your research question(s) is probably the most important step to be taken in a research study, so you should be patient and allow sufficient time for this task. The key is to understand that your research questions have both substance—for example, What is my study about?—and form—for example, am I asking a “who,” “what,” “where,” “how,” or “why” question? Other scholars have focused on some of the substantively important issues (see Campbell, Daft, & Hulin, 1982). The point of the preceding discussion is that the form of the question can provide an important clue regarding the appropriate research method to be used. Remember, too, that the methods can overlap. Thus, for some questions, a choice among methods might actually exist. Be aware, finally, that you (or your academic department) may be predisposed to favor a particular method regardless of the study question. If so, be sure to create the form of the study question best matching the method you were predisposed to favor in the first place. Exercise 1.3 Identifying the Research Questions When Other Research Methods Are Used 3 Locate a research study based solely on the use of a survey, history, or experiment (but not a case study). Identify the research question(s) addressed by the study. Does the type of question differ from those that might have appeared as part of a case study on the same topic, and if so, how? (b) Control over behavioral events (see Figure 1.2, column b)— and focus on contemporary as opposed to entirely historical events (see Figure 1.2, column c). Assuming that “how” and “why” questions are to be the focus of study, these two remaining conditions help to distinguish further among a history, a research case study, and an experiment. A history has virtually no such control and deals with the “dead” past—that is, when direct observations of the event(s) being studied are not possible and when no relevant persons are alive to report, even retrospectively, what occurred. The historian must then rely on primary documents, secondary documents, and cultural and physical artifacts as the main sources of evidence. A more contemporary version of historical research can study the recent but not quite
“dead” past, as in conducting an oral history (e.g., Janesick, 2010). In this situation, historical research begins to overlap with case study research. Case studies are preferred when the relevant behaviors still cannot be manipulated and when the desire is to study some contemporary event or set of events (“contemporary” meaning a fluid rendition of the recent past and the present, not just the present). The case study relies on many of the same techniques as in a history, but it also relies heavily on two sources of evidence not usually available as part of the conventional historian’s repertoire: direct observation of the events being studied and interviews of the persons who may still be involved in those events. Again, although case studies and histories can overlap, the case study’s unique strength is its ability to deal with a full variety of evidence—documents, artifacts, interviews, and direct observations, as well as participant-observation (see Chapter 4)—beyond what might be available in a conventional historical study. Finally, experiments call for an investigator to manipulate behavior directly, precisely, and systematically. This can occur in a laboratory setting, in which an experiment may focus on one or two isolated variables (and presumes that the laboratory environment can “control” for all the remaining variables beyond the scope of interest), or it can be done in a field setting, where the term field (or social) experiment has emerged to cover research where investigators “treat” whole groups of people in different ways, such as providing (or not providing) them with different kinds of vouchers to purchase services (Boruch & Foley, 2000). The full range of experimental research also includes those situations in which the experimenter cannot manipulate behavior but in which the logic of experimental design still may be applied. These situations have been commonly regarded as quasi-experimental research (e.g., Campbell & Stanley, 1966; Cook & Campbell, 1979) or observational studies (e.g., Rosenbaum, 2002, 2009). They differ from case study research because of their adherence to experimental principles and inferences. Summary. You should be able to identify some situations in which all research methods might be relevant (such as doing an exploratory study) and other situations in which two methods might be considered equally attractive. You also can use multiple methods in any given study (e.g., a survey within a case study or a case study within a survey). To this extent, the various methods are not mutually exclusive. But you also should be able to identify some situations in which a specific method has a distinct advantage. For case studies, this niche is when
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e a “how” or “why” question is being asked about o a contemporary set of events o over which a researcher has little or no control. To determine the questions that are the most pressing on a topic, as well as to gain some precision in formulating these questions, requires much preparation. One way is to review the literature on the topic (Cooper, 1984). Note that such a literature review is therefore a means to an end and not—as many people have been taught to think—an end in itself. Novices may think that the purpose of a literature review is to determine the answers about what is known on a topic; in contrast, experienced investigators review previous research to develop sharper and more insightful questions about the topic. Variations In Case Studies, But A Common Definition Our discussion has progressed without formally defining case study. In addition to a need for a definition, three commonly asked questions about variations in case studies still have to be addressed. For example, (1) Is it still a case study when more than one case is included in the same study? (2) Does a case study preclude the use of quantitative evidence? (3) Can a case study be used to do evaluations? Let us now attempt first to define the case study as a research method and then to address these three questions. Definition of the Case Study as a Research Method Some definitions of case studies have merely repeated the types of topics to which case studies have been applied. For example, in the words of one scholar, The essence of a case study, the central tendency among all types of case study, is that it tries to illuminate a decision or set of decisions: why they were taken, how they were implemented, and with what result. (Schramm, 1971, emphasis added) This definition thus cites cases of “decisions” as the major focus of case studies. Other common cases can include “individuals,” “organizations,” “processes,” “programs,” “neighborhoods,” “institutions,” and even “events.” However, dwelling on the definition of a case study by interest in an individual case, not by the methods of inquiry used (e.g., Stake, 2005, p. 443), would seem insufficient to establish the complete basis for case studies as a research method. Outside of social science research, notice that the everyday use of case studies in the popular literature and media (popular case studies—see the Preface) further blurs the issue. In fact, many of the earlier social science textbooks failed to consider case studies as a formal method at all. As discussed previously, one common shortcoming was to consider case studies as the exploratory stage of some other
type of research method. Another definitional shortcoming had been to confuse case studies with doing “fieldwork,” as in participant-observation. Thus, early textbooks limited their discussion of case studies to descriptions of participant-observation or of fieldwork as a data collection process, without elaborating further on a definition of case study research (e.g., Kidder & Judd, 1986; Nachmias & Nachmias, 2014). In a historical overview of the case study in American methodological thought, Jennifer Platt (1992) explains the reasons for these treatments. She traces the practice of doing case studies back to the conduct of life histories, the work of the Chicago school of sociology, and casework in social work. She then shows how participant-observation emerged as a data collection technique, effectively eliminating any further recognition of case study research. Thus, she found ample references to case study research in methodological textbooks up to 1950 but hardly any references to case studies or to case study research in textbooks from 1950 to 1980 (Platt, 1992, p. 18). Finally, Platt explains how the first edition of this book (1984) definitively dissociated case study research from the limited perspective of only doing some kind of fieldwork. She then also showed how a renewed discussion of case study research began to emerge in textbooks, largely occurring from 1980 to 1989 and continuing thereafter. Case study research, in her words, had now come to be appreciated as having its own “logic of design . . . a strategy to be preferred when circumstances and research problems are appropriate rather than an ideological commitment to be followed whatever the circumstances” (Platt, 1992, p. 46). A twofold definition of case study as a research method. And just what is this research method? The critical features first appeared in earlier publications (Yin, 1981a, 1981b, and reproduced on the companion website, study.sagepub.com/yin6e), predating the first edition of this book. The resulting definition as it has evolved over the five previous editions of this book reflects a twofold definition. The first part begins with the scope of a case study, when doing case study research: 1. A case study is an empirical method that e investigates a contemporary phenomenon (the “case”) in depth and within its real-world context, especially when o the boundaries between phenomenon and context may not be clearly evident. In other words, you would want to do a case study because you want to understand a real-world case and assume that such an understanding
is likely to involve important contextual conditions pertinent to your case (e.g., Yin & Davis, 2007). This first part of the definition therefore helps you to continue distinguishing case studies from the other modes of inquiry that have been discussed. Experimental research, for instance, deliberately separates a phenomenon from its context, attending only to the phenomenon of interest (usually as represented by a few variables). Typically, experiments ignore the context by “controlling” it in a laboratory environment. Historical research, by comparison, does deal with the entangled situation between phenomenon and context but usually in studying noncontemporary events. Finally, survey research can try to deal with phenomenon and context, but a survey’s ability to investigate the context is extremely limited. The survey designer, for instance, constantly struggles to limit the number of items in a questionnaire (and hence the number of questions that can be analyzed) to fall safely within the allotted degrees of freedom (usually constrained by the number of respondents who are to be surveyed as well as the presumed variability in the likely response sets). The second part of the definition of case studies arises because phenomenon and context are not always sharply distinguishable in real-world situations. Therefore, other methodological characteristics become relevant as the features of a case study, when doing case study research: 2. A case study o copes with the technically distinctive situation in which there will be many more variables of interest than data points,! and as one result o benefits from the prior development of theoretical propositions to guide design, data collection, and analysis, and as another result o relies on multiple sources of evidence, with data needing to converge in a triangulating fashion. In essence, the twofold definition—covering the scope and features of a case study—shows how case study research comprises an all-encompassing mode of inquiry, with its own logic of design, data collection techniques, and specific approaches to data analysis. In this sense, case studies are not limited to being a data collection tactic alone or even a design feature alone (Stoecker, 1991). How case study research is practiced is the topic of this entire book. See Tutorial 1.1 on the companion website at study.sagepub.com/yin6e for an elaboration of the definition of “case study.”
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Exercise 1.4 Finding and Analyzing an Existing Case Study From the Research Literature 3 Retrieve an example of case study research from the research literature. The case study can be on any topic, but it must have some empirical method and present some empirical (qualitative or quantitative) data. Why is this a research case study? What, if anything, is distinctive about the findings that could not be learned by using some other social science method focusing on the same topic? Applicability of different epistemological orientations. This all-encompassing mode of inquiry also can embrace different epistemological orientations—for example, embracing a relativist or interpretivist orientation, compared with a realist orientation.2 Much of case study research as it is described in this book appears to be oriented toward a realist perspective, which assumes the existence of a single reality that is independent of any observer. However, case study research also can excel in accommodating a relativist perspective (e.g., Boblin, Ireland, Kirkpatrick, & Robertson, 2013; Leppéaho, Plakoyiannaki, & Dimitratos, 2015)— acknowledging multiple realities and having multiple meanings, with findings that are observer dependent. By pursuing a relativist perspective, you might pursue a constructivist approach in designing and conducting your case study—attempting to capture the perspectives of different participants and focusing on how their different meanings illuminate your topic of study. Although this book may not offer comprehensive guidance on pursuing a relativist or constructivist approach, many of the book’s topics still offer helpful and relevant ideas for doing such case studies. For instance, Chapter 2 will later discuss the importance of “theory” in designing case studies and alert you to the optional choices. Variations in Case Studies as a Research Method Certain other characteristics of case studies are not critical for defining the method. They may be considered variations in case studies, which now also provide the opportunity to address the three questions posed at the outset of this subsection. Yes, case studies include both single- and multiple-case studies (e.g., Stake, 2006). Although some fields, such as political science and public administration,
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have tried to distinguish between these two situations (and have used such terms as the comparative case method as a distinctive form of multiple-case studies; see Agranoff & Radin, 1991; Dion, 1998; Lijphart, 1975), single- and multiple- case studies are in reality but two variations of case study designs (see Chapter 2 for more). BOX 3 contains two examples of multiple-case studies. Box 3 Multiple-Case Studies: Case Studies Containing Multiple The same case study can cover multiple cases and then draw a single set of “cross-case” conclusions. The following two examples both focused on a topic of continuing public interest: identifying successful programs to improve U.S. social conditions. 3A. A Cross-Case Analysis Following the Presentation of Separate, Single-Case Studies Jonathan Crane (1998) edited a book that has nine social programs as separate case studies. Each case study had a different author and was presented in its own chapter. The programs had in common strong evidence of their effectiveness, but they varied widely in their focus —from education to nutrition to drug prevention to preschool programs to drug treatment for delinquent youths. The editor then presented a cross-program analysis in a final chapter, attempting to draw generalizable conclusions that could apply to many other programs.
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3B. A Book Whose Entire Text Is Devoted to the Multiple-Case (“Cross-Case”) Analysis Lisbeth Schorr’s (1997) book is about major strategies for improving social conditions, illustrated by four policy topics: welfare reform, strengthening the child protection system, education reform, and transforming neighborhoods. The book continually refers to specific cases of successful programs, but these programs do not appear as separate, individual chapters or case studies. Also citing data from the literature, the author develops numerous generalizations based on the cases, including the need for successful programs to be “results oriented.” Similarly, she identifies six other attributes of highly effective programs (also see BOX 44A and 44B, Chapter 6). And yes, case studies can include, and even be limited to, quantitative evidence. In fact, any contrast between quantitative and qualitative evidence does not set apart the various research methods. Note that, as analogous examples, some experiments (such as studies of perceptions) and some survey questions (such as those seeking categorical rather than numerical responses) rely on qualitative and not quantitative evidence. At the opposite end of the spectrum, some historical studies can include enormous amounts of quantitative evidence. As an important caveat to the preceding paragraph, the relationship between case study research and qualitative research still has not been fully explored. Some have recognized case studies as being among the viable choices in doing qualitative research (e.g., Creswell & Poth, 2017). Nevertheless, and in contrast, the features and core characteristics of case studies—for example, the necessity for defining a “case,” the triangulation among multiple sources of evidence, and the ability to rely on quantitative data—seem to push case study research beyond being a type of qualitative research. As a further example, case study research need not always engage in the thick description (Geertz, 1973) or detailed observational evidence that marks many forms of qualitative research. And as yet another challenge, qualitative research (almost by definition) may not be limited to quantitative evidence. Not surprisingly, some disciplines such as psychology have tended to allow case study research and qualitative research to stand apart from each other (see Appendix A of this book). And yes (and as discussed in greater detail in Appendix B of this book), case study research has its own place in doing evaluations (see Cronbach & Associates, 1980; Patton, 2015; Stufflebeam & Shinkfield, 2007, pp. 309-324; U.S. Government Accountability Office, 1990; Yin, 2013). There are at least
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four different applications (U.S. Government Accountability Office, 1990). The most important is to explain the presumed causal links in real-world interventions that are too complex for survey or experimental methods. A second application is to describe an intervention and the real-world context in which it occurred. Third, a case study can illustrate certain topics within an evaluation, again in a descriptive mode. Fourth, case study research may be used to enlighten those situations in which the intervention being evaluated has no clear, single set of outcomes. Whatever the application, one constant theme is that program sponsors—rather than researchers alone—may have a prominent role in defining the evaluation questions and relevant data categories. Addressing Traditional Concerns About Case Study Research Although case study research is a distinctive mode of social science inquiry, many researchers nevertheless disdain case studies. As an illustration, case studies have been viewed as a less desirable research method than either an experiment or a survey. Why is this? Rigorous enough? Perhaps the greatest concern has arisen over a presumed need for greater rigor in doing case study research. Too many times, a case study researcher has been sloppy, has not followed systematic procedures, or has allowed equivocal evidence to influence the direction of the findings and conclusions. In doing case study research, you need to avoid such practices. Confusion with “nonresearch” case studies. As discussed in the preface to this book, case studies have played a prominent role outside of the research realm. These include case studies that (a) serve teaching or professional development functions (“teaching-practice” case studies), (b) appear in the popular literature and media (“popular” case studies), or (c) appear as an integral part of various administrative archives (“case records”™). Although all three types of case studies have great value, they nevertheless may be considered nonresearch case studies. They do not claim to follow a research method, and they may not be concerned with conventional social science procedures—as in formally describing their methodologies. Thus, in each of the three nonresearch situations, the producer of the case study was not necessarily conducting the case study as a research endeavor but was serving some other purpose. The ensuing case study might have been carefully crafted and well written, and it might have led to informative conclusions, but the producer may
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not have been trying to follow any explicit research method. For instance, the use of case studies as a teaching tool, originally popularized as “teaching cases” in the fields of law, business, medicine, or public administration (e.g., Ellet, 2007; Garvin, 2003; Llewellyn, 1948; Stein, 1952; Towl, 1969; Windsor & Greanias, 1983) now embraces virtually every professional field and subspecialty, including those in the physical and life sciences.2 The teaching- practice case study may dominate a professional course curriculum (e.g., in business schools or law schools) or may appear as a supplement in a pedagogical setting (e.g., continuing education courses in medicine or other fields). Either way, for teaching purposes, this kind of case study need not contain a complete rendition of all the critically relevant events or perspectives. Rather, the purpose of the teaching-practice case study is to establish a framework for student discussion and debate around some critical professional issue. The criteria for developing good teaching and training case studies—usually of the single- and not multiple-case variety—are therefore different from those for doing case study research (e.g., Caulley & Dowdy, 1987). The same confusion also may extend to the unknown quality of case studies when they appear in the popular literature or media (popular case studies). The presented case study may span an entire magazine article or appear as a brief vignette or video. Under any of these circumstances, the writers still readily refer to their work as a “case study.” As one result, many people, including scholars in non-social science fields, may then inappropriately derive their impression of case study research from these popular works that in fact do not claim to have followed any research method. Finally, case studies may appear as case records. Medical records, social work files, and other case records can be used to facilitate some administrative practice, such as a case-based procedure involving child custody evaluation (e.g., Vertue, 2011). Although the creation of a case record or case evaluation may follow a similar procedure as if doing a research case study, in fact the criteria for developing case records differ from those for doing case study research. In particular, Bromley (1986) suggests that the content of case records may be undesirably influenced by “expectations regarding accountability rather than factual data” (p. 69)—also see Appendix A of this book. You need to be alert to the possibility that some people’s only prior exposure to case studies may have been to these three types of nonresearch case studies. Such an exposure may taint a person’s view of the case study as a research method. For instance, because the teaching-practice case studies exist in great number and are used nowadays so routinely in professional training (preservice and inservice), the experience can have a disparaging effect on one’s impressions
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of case studies as a research method. When doing a research case study, you need to overcome this confusion by highlighting your methodic procedures, especially the reporting of all evidence fairly. You also need to be transparent and explicit about limiting or eliminating any biases, similar to efforts in the other modes of social science inquiry, such as in avoiding the “experimenter effect” (see Rosenthal, 1966), in designing unbiased survey questions (Sudman & Bradburn, 1982), or in searching for evidence when doing historical research (Gottschalk, 1968). The challenges are not different, but in case study research, they may occur more frequently and demand greater attention. In essence, your procedures and documentation need to distinguish your research case study from the other kinds of nonresearch case studies. Exercise 1.5 Examining Teaching-Practice Case Studies 3 Obtain a copy of a case study designed for teaching purposes (e.g., a case study in a textbook used in a business school course). Identify the specific ways in which this type of “teaching case” is different from research case studies. Does the teaching case fully cite its primary sources, contain all the relevant evidence, or display data so you can arrive at your own interpretation of the conclusions? Does the teaching case discuss how the evidence resulted in substantive findings and conclusions and compare them with rival interpretations? What appears to be the main objective of the teaching case? Generalizing from case studies? A third common concern about case study research is an apparent inability to generalize from case studies. “How can you generalize from a single-case study?” is a frequently heard question. The answer is not simple. However, consider for the moment that the same question had been asked about an experiment: “How can you generalize from a single experiment?” In fact, generalizations in the physical and life sciences are rarely based on single experiments. They are usually based on a multiple set of experiments that have replicated the same phenomenon under different conditions. Even then, the generalizations from experimental research can vacillate enormously over time (think of the many reversals regarding the presumed nutritional consequences from consuming caffeine or other foods).
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The same approach can be used with case studies, as discussed in detail in Chapter 2. The short answer is that case studies, like experiments, are generalizable to theoretical propositions and not to populations or universes. In this sense, neither the “case” nor the case study, like the experiment, represent “samples.” Rather, in doing case study research, your goal will be to expand and generalize theories (analytic generalizations) and not to extrapolate probabilities (statistical generalizations). Or, as three notable social scientists describe in their single-case study done years ago, the goal is to do a “generalizing” and not a “particularizing” analysis (Lipset, Trow, & Coleman, 1956, pp. 419-420).4 Unmanageable level of effort? A fourth frequent concern about case study research is that case studies can potentially take too long and result in massive, unreadable documents. This concern may be appropriate, given the way case studies have been done in the past (e.g., Feagin et al., 1991), but this is not necessarily the way case studies must be done in the future. Chapter 6 discusses alternative ways of composing a case study (whether presenting the case study in writing or orally)—including an option in which the traditional, flowing (and potentially lengthy) narrative even can be avoided, if desired. Nor need case studies take a long time. This incorrectly confuses case study research with a specific method of data collection, such as ethnography (e.g., O’Reilly, 2012) or participant-observation (e.g., DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011). Ethnographies usually require long periods in the field and emphasize detailed observational and interview evidence. Participant-observation may similarly assume a hefty investment of field effort. In contrast, case study research is a form of inquiry that does not depend solely on ethnographic or participant- observer data. Comparative advantage? A fifth possible concern with case study research has to do with its unclear comparative advantage, in contrast to other research methods. This issue especially emerged during the first decade of the 21st century, which favored randomized controlled trials (RCTs) or “true experiments,” especially in education and related topics. These kinds of experiments were esteemed because they aimed to establish the effectiveness of various treatments or interventions (e.g., Jadad & Enkin, 2007). In the eyes of many, the emphasis led to a downgrading of case study research because case studies (and other types of nonexperimental methods) cannot directly address the effectiveness issue. Overlooked has been the possibility that case studies can nevertheless offer important insights not provided by RCTs. Noted quantitative scholars suggest,
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for instance, that RCTs, though addressing the effectiveness question, are limited in their ability to explain “how” or “why” a given treatment or intervention necessarily worked (or not), and that case studies can investigate such issues (e.g., Shavelson & Towne, 2002, pp. 99-106)—or, as succinctly captured by the subtitle of an excellent article on evaluating public programs, “not whether programs work, but how they work” (Rogers, 2000).2 In this sense, case study research does indeed offer its own advantage. At a minimum, case studies may be valued “as adjuncts to experiments rather than as alternatives to them” (Cook & Payne, 2002). In clinical psychology, a “large series of single case studies,” confirming predicted behavioral changes after the initiation of treatment, may augment the evidence of efficaciousness from a field trial (e.g., Veerman & van Yperen, 2007). Finally, in a similar manner, case study research can readily complement the use of other quantitative and statistical methods (see BOX 4). Box 4 Complementarity of Case Study and Statistical Research In the field of international politics, a major proposition has been that “democracies seldom if ever make war upon one another” (George & Bennett, 2005, p. 37). The proposition has been the subject of an extensive body of research, involving statistical research as well as case study research. An excellent chapter by George and Bennett (2005, pp. 37-58) shows how statistical studies may have tested the correlation between regime types and war, but how case studies have been needed to examine the underlying processes that might explain such a correlation. For instance, one of the more prominent explanations has been that democracies are able to make formal commitments with each other that make the use of military force unnecessary for resolving disputes (p. 57). The review shows how the relevant research has taken place over many decades, involving many different scholars. The entire body of research, based on both the statistical and case studies, illustrates the complementarity of these methods. Summary. Despite the fact that these five common concerns can be allayed, as above, one major lesson is that good case study research is still difficult to do. The inability to screen for a researcher’s ability to do a good case study further compounds the problem. People know when they cannot play music; they also know when they cannot do mathematics beyond a certain level, and they can be tested for other
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skills, such as the bar examination in law. Somehow, the skills for doing good case study research have not yet been formally defined. As a result, “most people feel that they can prepare a case study, and nearly all of us believe we can understand one. Because neither view is well founded, the case study receives a good deal of approbation it does not deserve” (Hoaglin, Light, McPeek, Mosteller, & Stoto, 1982, p. 134). This quotation is from a book by five prominent statisticians. Surprisingly, from another field, even they recognize the challenge of doing a good case study. Summary This chapter has introduced the relevance and importance of case study research. Like other social science research methods, case studies investigate an empirical topic by following a set of desired procedures. Articulating these procedures dominates the remainder of this book. The chapter has provided an operational definition of case studies and has identified some of the known variations. The chapter also has distinguished the case study from other social science methods, suggesting the situations in which doing a case study may be preferred, for instance, to doing a survey. Some situations may have no clearly preferred method, as the strengths and weaknesses of the various methods may overlap. The basic goal, however, is to consider all the methods in an inclusive and pluralistic fashion—before settling on your method of choice in conducting a new social science study. Finally, the chapter has addressed some of the major concerns about case study research, offering possible responses to these concerns. However, we must all work hard to overcome the problems of doing case study research, including the recognition that some of us were not meant, by skill or disposition, to do such research in the first place. Case study research is remarkably hard, even though case studies have traditionally been considered to be “soft” research, possibly because researchers have not followed systematic procedures. By offering an array of such procedures, this book tries to make case study research easier to follow and your own case study better.
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Notes to Chapter 1 1. Appendix A has a full discussion of the reasons for the large number of variables in a case study. 2. These terms were deliberately chosen even though they oversimplify two contrasting perspectives. Ignored are the many more subtle orientations that investigators may bring to their research. For brief definitions, see Schwandt’s (2015a) dictionary of qualitative inquiry, which characterizes realism as “the doctrine that there are real objects that exist independently of our knowledge of their existence,” relativism as “the doctrine that denies that there are universal truths,” and interpretivism as a term that has occasionally been used as a synonym for all qualitative inquiry. For a fuller discussion of the worldviews more generally, see Creswell (2014). 3. For instance, see the case studies made available by the National Center for Case Study Teaching in Science, at the University of Buffalo, SUNY, a resource supported by the National Science Foundation. 4. There nevertheless may be exceptional circumstances when a single-case study is so unique or important that a case study investigator has no desire to generalize to any other case studies. See Stake’s (2005) “intrinsic” case studies, Lawrence-Lightfoot and Davis’s (1997) “portraits,” and Abma and Stake’s (2014) “naturalistic” case studies. 5. Scholars also point out that the classic experiments only can test simple causal relationships—that is, when a single treatment such as a new drug is hypothesized to produce an effect. However, for many social and behavioral topics, the relevant causes may be complex and involve multiple interactions, and investigating these may well be beyond the capability of any single experiment (George & Bennett, 2005, p. 12). Body Exercise icon by Gan Khoon Lay (https://thenounproject.com/icon/637461/) licensed under CC BY 3.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/us/) is used in the Exercise boxes throughout the chapter.
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Designing Case Studies [dentifying Your Case(s) and Establishing the Logic of Your Case Study
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Chapter 2: Design o Define the case(s) to be studied e Develop theory, propositions, and related issues to guide the anticipated case study and generalize its findings o Identify the case study design (single or multiple, holistic or embedded cases) o Test the design against four criteria for maintaining the quality of a case study Abstract A research design links the data to be collected (and the conclusions to be drawn) to the initial questions of study. Every empirical study has an implicit, if not explicit, research design. You can strengthen case study designs by articulating a “theory” about what is to be learned. The theoretical propositions also lay the groundwork for making analytic rather than statistical generalizations from your case study. Critical to the design will be to define the “case” to be studied and to set some limits or bounds to the case. You can then examine the quality of your emerging design in relation to four tests commonly used in social science research: (a) construct validity, (b) internal validity, (c) external validity, and (d) reliability. Among the specific case study designs, four major types follow a 2 x 2 matrix. The first pair consists of single-case study and multiple- case study designs. The second pair, occurring in combination with either of the first pair, distinguishes between holistic and embedded designs. Whether holistic or embedded, single-case studies can be invaluable when the single-case has any of five characteristics— being a critical, extreme or unusual, common, revelatory, or longitudinal case. Again whether holistic or embedded, the selection of the cases in a multiple-case study should follow a replication rather than sampling logic. Although single-case studies can yield invaluable insights, most multiple-case studies are likely to be stronger than single-case studies. Compared with doing a single-case study, trying even a “two-case” design is therefore a worthy objective. Case studies also can be used in combination with other methods, as part of a larger mixed-methods study. General Approach To Designing Case Studies
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Chapter 1 has shown when you might choose to do case study research, as opposed to other types of research, to carry out a new study. The next step is to design your case study. For this purpose, as in designing any other type of research, you need a research design. The research design will call for careful craftwork. Unlike other research methods, a standard catalog of case study designs has yet to emerge. There are no textbooks, like those in the biological and psychological sciences, covering such design considerations as the assignment of subjects to different groups, the selection of different stimuli or experimental conditions, or the identification of various response measures (see Cochran & Cox, 1992; Fisher, 1990; Sidowski, 1966). In an experiment, each of these choices reflects an important logical connection to the issues being studied. Nor have any common case study designs emerged—such as the panel studies, for example—used in surveys (see Kidder & Judd, 1986, chap. 6). One pitfall to be avoided, however, is to consider case study designs as a subset or variant of the research designs used for other methods, such as quasi- experiments (e.g., Campbell & Stanley, 1966; Cook & Campbell, 1979). For a long time, scholars incorrectly thought that the case study was but one type of quasi-experimental design (the “one-shot post-test-only” design—Campbell & Stanley, 1966, pp. 6-7). Although the misperception lingers to this day, it was later corrected when one of the original authors made the following statement in the revision to his original work on quasi-experimental designs: Certainly the case study as normally practiced should not be demeaned by identification with the one-group post-test-only design. (Cook & Campbell, 1979, p. 96) Tip: How should I select the case(s) for my case study? p'y You need sufficient access to the data for your potential case—whether to interview people, review documents or records, or make field observations. Given such access to more than a single candidate case, you should choose the case(s) that will most likely illuminate your research questions. Absent sufficient access, you may want to consider changing your research questions, hopefully leading to new candidates to which you do have access. Do you think access should be so important? In other words, the one-shot, posttest-only design as a quasi-experimental design
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still may be flawed, but case studies have now been recognized as something different, with their own research designs. Unfortunately, case study designs have not been codified. The following chapter therefore expands on the ground broken by earlier editions of this book and describes a basic set of research designs for doing single- and multiple-case studies. Although these designs will need to be modified and improved in the future, they will nevertheless help you to design more rigorous and methodologically sound case studies. Definition of Research Designs Every type of empirical research study has an implicit, if not explicit, research design. In the most elementary sense, the design is the logical sequence that connects the empirical data to a study’s initial research questions and, ultimately, to its conclusions. Colloquially, a research design is a logical plan for getting from here to there, where here may be defined as the set of questions to be addressed, and there is some set of conclusions about these questions. Between here and there may be found a number of major steps, including the collection and analysis of relevant data. As a summary label, another textbook has labeled a research design as a logical model of proof (Nachmias & Nachmias, 2014). Another way of thinking about a research design is as a “blueprint” for your research, dealing with what questions to study, what data are relevant, what data to collect, and how to analyze the results (Philliber, Schwab, & Samsloss, 1980). Note that a research design is more than a work plan. The design’s main purpose is to avoid the situation in which the evidence does not address the research questions. In this sense, the design deals with a logical, not a logistical, problem. For example, suppose you want to study a single organization. Your research questions have to do with the organization’s competitive or collaborative relationships with other organizations. You can properly address such questions only if you collect information from the other organizations, not just the one you started with. If you examine the relationships from the vantage point of only one organization, you cannot draw unbiased conclusions. This is a flaw in your research design, not in your work plan. Components of Research Designs In case study research, five components of a research design are especially important: A case study’s questions; Its propositions, if any; Its case(s); The logic linking the data to the propositions; and LN
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5. The criteria for interpreting the findings. Study questions. This first component has already been described in Chapter 1, which suggested that the form of the question—in terms of “who,” “what,” “where,” “how,” and “why”—provides an important clue regarding the most relevant research method to be used. Case study research is most likely to be appropriate for “how” and “why” questions, so your initial task is to clarify precisely the nature of your study questions in this regard. More troublesome may be your having to come up with the substance of the questions. Many students take an initial stab, only to be discouraged when they find the same question(s) already well covered by previous research. Other less desirable questions focus on too trivial or minor parts of an issue. A helpful hint is to move in three stages. In the first, try to use the literature to narrow your interest to a key topic or two, not worrying about any specific research questions. In the second, examine closely—even dissect—a few key studies on your topic of interest. Identify the questions in those few studies and whether they conclude with new questions or loose ends for future research. These may then stimulate your own thinking and imagination, and you may find yourself articulating some potential questions of your own. In the third stage, examine another set of studies on the same topic. They may reinforce the relevance and importance of your potential questions or even suggest ways of sharpening them. As a brief reminder, Chapter 1 also mentioned that, even in the absence of defining your research questions, you could start with some fieldwork first. What’s going on in the field might then suggest relevant questions for study. However, be careful about this alternative. You may be unduly swayed by transient conditions that won’t lead to insightful research questions. Also, a lot is going on in the field, so knowing where to focus your attention may be no easier than culling the literature to identify good questions. Study propositions. As for the second component, each proposition directs attention to something that should be examined within the scope of study. For instance, assume that your research, on the topic of interorganizational partnerships, began with the following question: How and why do organizations collaborate with one another to provide joint services (e.g., a manufacturer and a retail outlet collaborating to sell certain computer products)? These “how” and “why” questions, capturing what you are really interested in addressing, led you to case study research as the appropriate method in the first place. Nevertheless, these “how” and “why”
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questions may not sufficiently point to what you should study. Only if you are forced to state some propositions will you move in the right direction. For instance, you might think that organizations collaborate because they derive mutual benefits. This proposition, besides reflecting an important theoretical issue (that other incentives for collaboration do not exist or are unimportant), also begins to tell you where to look for relevant evidence (i.e., to define and ascertain the extent of specific benefits to each organization). At the same time, exploratory studies may have a legitimate reason for not having any propositions. Every exploration, however, should still have some purpose. Instead of propositions, the design for an exploratory study should state this purpose, as well as the criteria by which an exploration will be judged successful (or not). One successful outcome might include the identification of the propositions to be examined in the later study. Consider the analogy in BOX 5 for exploratory case studies. Can you imagine how you would ask for support from Queen Isabella to do your exploratory study? Box 5 “Exploration” as an Analogy for an Exploratory Case Study When Christopher Columbus went to Queen Isabella to ask for support for his “exploration” of the New World, he had to have some reasons for asking for three ships (Why not one? Why not five?), and he had some rationale for going westward (Why not south? Why not south and then east?). He also had some (mistaken) criteria for recognizing the Indies when he actually encountered them. In short, his exploration began with some rationale and direction, even if his initial assumptions might later have been proved wrong (Wilford, 1992). This same degree of rationale and direction should underlie even an exploratory case study. For an example of an exploratory case study, see Application 1 at the end of this chapter. The “case.” This third component deals with your identifying the “case” to be studied—a problem that rightfully confronts many researchers at the outset of their case studies (e.g., Ragin & Becker, 1992). You will need to consider at least two different steps: defining the case and bounding the case. In defining the case, the classic case studies usually focus on an individual person as the case (e.g., Bromley, 1986, p. 1). Jennifer Platt (1992) has noted how the early case studies by scholars in the Chicago school of sociology were
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life histories of such persons as juvenile delinquents or derelict men. You also can imagine case studies of clinical patients (e.g., Brice, Wallace, & Brice, 2014; Johansen, Tavakoli, Bjelland, & Lumley, 2017), exemplary students (e.g., Jett, Curry, & Vernon-Jackson, 2016; Schmitt & Goebel, 2015), teachers (e.g., Parsons, 2012), or different leaders. In each situation, an individual person is the case being studied. Information about the relevant individual would be collected, and several such individuals or “cases” might be included in a multiple-case study. You would still need study questions and study propositions to help identify the relevant information to be collected about this individual or individuals. Without such questions and propositions, you might be tempted to cover “everything” about the individual(s), which is impossible to do. For example, the propositions in studying these individuals might be limited to the influence of early childhood or the role of peer relationships. Such seemingly general topics nevertheless represent a vast narrowing of the relevant scope and subsequent need for data. The more a case study contains specific questions and propositions, the more it will stay within feasible limits. Of course, the “case” also can be some event or entity other than a single person. Case studies have been done about a broad variety of topics, including small groups such as families (e.g., Kindell, Sage, Wilkinson, & Keady, 2014), citizen participation (e.g., Frieling, Lindenberg, & Stokman, 2014; Wang & Breyer, 2012), communities, decisions, programs (e.g., Gavaravarapu & Pavarala, 2014), nonprofit organizations (e.g., Kohl-Arenas, 2016), organizational learning (e.g., Ohemeng & Owusu, 2015), schools (e.g., Dimartino & Jessen, 2016), and events such as social movements (e.g., Vos & Wagenaar, 2014) and disaster recovery efforts (e.g., Chung, 2017; Downey, 2016). Feagin et al. (1991) also contains some classic examples of these single-cases in sociology and political science. Beware of these types of cases—none is easily defined in terms of the beginning or end points of the “case.” For example, a case study of a specific program may reveal (a) variations in program definition, depending on the perspective of different actors, and (b) program components that preexisted the formal designation of the program. Any case study of such a program would therefore have to clarify whether these conditions form part of the case (or not). Similarly, you might at first identify a specific locale, such as a “city,” as your case. However, your research questions and data collection might in fact be limited to tourism in the city, city policies, or city government. These choices would differ from defining the geographic city and its population as your case. As a general clue, the tentative definition of your case can derive from the way you define your initial research question(s). Suppose, for example, you want to
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study the role of the United States in the global economy. Years ago, Peter Drucker (1986) wrote a provocative essay (but not a case study) about fundamental changes in the world economy, including the importance of “capital movements” independent of the flow of goods and services. If you were interested in doing a case study on this topic, Drucker’s work would only serve as a starting point. You would still need to define the research question(s) of interest to you, and each question might point to a different type of case. Depending on your question(s), the appropriate case might be a country’s economy, an industry in the world marketplace, an economic policy, or the trade or capital flow between countries. Each case and its related questions and propositions would call for a different case study, each having its own research design and data collection strategy. If your research questions do not lead to the favoring of one case over another, your questions may be too vague or too numerous—and you may have trouble doing a case study. However, when you eventually arrive at a definition of your case(s), do not consider closure permanent. Your case definition, as with other facets of your research design, can be revisited as a result of discoveries during your data collection (see discussion and cautions about maintaining an adaptive posture, throughout this book and at the end of this chapter). Sometimes, the case may have been defined one way, even though the phenomenon being studied actually follows a different definition. For instance, investigators might have confused case studies of neighborhoods with case studies of small groups. How a geographic area such as a neighborhood copes with racial transition, upgrading, and other phenomena can be quite different from how a small group copes with these same phenomena. For instance, two classic case studies, Street Corner Society (Whyte, 1943/1993; see BOX 2A in Chapter 1 of this book) and Tally’s Corner (Liebow, 1967; see BOX 9, this chapter), frequently have been mistaken for being case studies of neighborhoods when in fact they are case studies of small groups (note that in neither book is the neighborhood geography described, even though the small groups lived in a small area with clear neighborhood definitions if not boundaries). In contrast, BOX 6 presents a good example of how cases can be defined in a more discriminating manner—in the field of world trade. Box 6 Defining the Case Ira Magaziner and Mark Patinkin’s (1989) book, The Silent War: Inside the Global Business Battles Shaping America’s Future, presents nine individual case studies. Each case study helps the
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reader to understand a real-life situation of international economic competition. Two of the cases appear similar but in fact represent different types of cases. One case covers a firm—the Korean firm Samsung—and the critical policies that make it competitive. Understanding Korean economic development is part of the context, and the case study also contains a nested entity—Samsung’s development of the microwave oven as an illustrative product. The other case covers a country— Singapore—and the policies that make it competitive. Within the country case study also is a nested unit—the development of an Apple computer factory in Singapore, serving as an illustrative example of how the national policies influence foreign investments. To reduce the confusion and ambiguity in defining your case, one recommended practice is to discuss your potential case selection with a colleague. Try to explain to that person what questions you are trying to address and why you have chosen a specific case or group of cases as a way of addressing those questions. This may help you to avoid incorrectly identifying your case. Once you have defined your case, other clarifications—sometimes called bounding the case—become important. For instance, if the case is a small group, the persons to be included within the group (they will become the immediate topic of your case study) must be distinguished from those who are outside of it (they will become part of the context for your case study). Similarly, if the case is about the local services in a specific geographic area, you need to decide which services to cover. Also desirable, for almost any topic that might be chosen, are the specific time boundaries to define the estimated beginning and ending of the case, for the purposes of your study (i.e., whether to include the entire or only some part of the life cycle of the entity that will become the case). Bounding the case in these ways will help to determine the scope of your data collection and, in particular, how you will distinguish data about the subject of your case study (the “phenomenon”) from data external to the case (the “context”). The bounding also should tighten the connection between your case and your research questions and propositions. Exercise 2.1 Defining the Boundaries of a Case 3 Select a topic for a case study you would like to do. Identify some research questions to be answered or propositions to be examined by your
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case study. Does the naming of these questions or propositions clarify the boundaries of your case with regard to the time period covered by the case study; the relevant social group, organization, or geographic area; the type of evidence to be collected; and the priorities for data collection and analysis? If not, should you sharpen the original questions? These latter cautions regarding the need for spatial, temporal, and other explicit boundaries underlie a key but subtle aspect in defining your case. The desired case should be a real-world phenomenon that has some concrete manifestation. The case cannot simply be an abstraction, such as a claim, an argument, or even a hypothesis. These abstractions could rightfully serve as the starting points for research studies using other kinds of methods and not just case study research. To justify doing case study research when only starting with an abstraction, you need to go one step further: You need to define a specific, real-world “case” to be the concrete manifestation of any abstraction. (For examples of more concrete and less concrete case study topics, see Figure 2.1.) Figure 2.1 Illustrative Cases for Case Studies More Concrete Individuals Small Groups Organizations Less Concrete Communities Relationships Decisions Partnerships Source: Clip Art © Jupiter Images. Take the concept of “neighboring.” Alone, it could be the subject of research studies using methods other than the case study method. The other methods might include a survey of the relationships among neighbors, a history of the evolution of the sense of neighboring and the creation of neighborhood
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boundaries, or an experiment in which young children do tasks next to each other to determine the distracting effects, if any, of their “neighbors” in a classroom. These examples show how the abstract concept of “neighboring” does not alone produce the grounds for a case study. However, the concept could readily become a case study topic if it were accompanied by your selecting a specific neighborhood (“case”) to be studied and posing study questions and propositions about the neighborhood in relation to the concept of “neighboring.” (For a discussion of how the “case” was defined to start a case study, see Application 2 at the end of this chapter.) One final point pertains to the role of the available research literature. Most researchers will want to conclude their case studies by comparing their findings with previous research. For this reason, the key definitions used at the outset of your case study should not be unknowingly idiosyncratic. Rather, the terminology used to define the case should be relatable to those previously studied by others—or should innovate in clear, operationally defined ways. In this manner, the previous literature also can become a guide for defining the case, whether you are trying to emulate or to deviate from the literature. Exercise 2.2 Defining the “Case” for a Case Study ) Examine Figure 2.1. Discuss each subject, which illustrates a different kind of case. Find a published case study on at least one of these subjects, indicating the specific case that was studied. Understanding that each subject involves the selection of different cases to be studied, do you think that the more concrete units might be easier to define than the less concrete ones? Why? Linking data to propositions. The fourth component has been increasingly better developed in doing case study research. The component foreshadows the data analysis steps in your case study. Chapter 5 covers these steps and the various analytic techniques and choices in detail. However, during the design stage, you need to be aware of the choices and how they might suit your case study. In this way, your research design can create a more solid foundation for the later analysis. All the analytic techniques in Chapter 5 represent ways of linking data to propositions: pattern matching, explanation building, time-series analysis, logic models, and cross-case synthesis. The actual analyses will require that you combine or assemble your case study data as a direct reflection of your study
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propositions. For instance, knowing that some or all of your propositions cover a temporal sequence would mean that you might eventually use some type of time- series analysis. If you note this strong likelihood during the design phase, you might make sure that your planned data collection includes the collection of appropriate time markers as part of the case being studied. As a caution, if you have had limited experience in conducting empirical studies, at the design stage you may not easily identify the likely analytic technique(s) or anticipate the needed data to use the techniques to their full advantage. Even more experienced researchers may find that they have either (a) collected too much data that was not later used in any analysis, or (b) collected too little data that prevented the proper use of a desired analytic technique. Sometimes, the latter situation may force researchers to return to their data collection phase (if they can), to supplement the original data. The more you can avoid either of these situations, the better off you will be. Criteria for interpreting the strength of a case study’s findings. For other research methods, a common illustration of this fifth component arises when statistical analyses are relevant. For instance, by convention, quantitative studies consider a p level of less than .05 to demonstrate that observed differences are “statistically significant” and therefore associated with more robust findings. In other words, the statistical benchmarks serve as the criteria for interpreting the findings. However, much case study analysis will not rely on statistics, leading to the need to find other ways of thinking about such criteria. When doing case study research, a major and important alternative strategy is to identify and address rival explanations for your findings. Addressing such rivals becomes a criterion for interpreting the strength of your findings: The more rivals that have been addressed and rejected, the stronger will be your findings. Again, Chapter 5 discusses this strategy and how it works. At the design stage of your work, the challenge is to anticipate and enumerate the potentially important rivals. You will then want to include data about them as part of your data collection. If you think of rival explanations only after data collection has been completed, your thinking will help to justify and design a future study, but you will not be helping to complete your current case study. For this reason, specifying important rival explanations is a part of a case study’s research design work. Summary. A research design should include five components. The first three components— that is, defining your study’s questions, propositions, and case(s)—will lead your research design into identifying the data that are to be collected. The last two
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components—that is, defining the logic linking the data to the propositions and the criteria for interpreting the findings—will lead the design into anticipating your case study analysis, suggesting what is to be done after the data have been collected. The Role Of Theory In Research Designs Covering the preceding five components of research designs can happen to move you toward constructing some preliminary theory or theoretical propositions related to your topic of study. At the same time, and as suggested previously, you may want to do some preliminary fieldwork before trying to specify any theory or propositions in greater detail. However, and also as pointed out previously, starting with some fieldwork first also has its perils. For instance, you cannot start as a true tabula rasa. You already will have some implicit theoretical orientation in deciding whom to contact in the field, in your opening perspective about what’s going on in the field, and in choosing what to observe and how to converse with participants. Without these predilections, you may get lost in your preliminary fieldwork. However, ignoring them can lead to a bias in your case study. As a result, you may at least want to acknowledge some preliminary theoretical considerations first. Theory Development The needed theory can be plain and simple. For example, a case study on the implementation of a new management information system (MIS) started with the following straightforward theoretical statement: The case study will show why implementation only succeeded when the organization was able to re-structure itself, and not just overlay the new MIS on the old organizational structure. (Markus, 1983) The statement presents the nutshell of a theory of MIS implementation—that is, that implementing an MIS goes beyond adding a new technology to an existing organization but requires some organizational restructuring to work. The same MIS case study then added the following theoretical statement: The case study will also show why the simple replacement of key persons was not sufficient for successful implementation. (Markus, 1983) This second statement presents the nutshell of a rival theory—that is, that successful MIS implementation mainly calls for overcoming individuals’ resistance to change (and not any organizational restructuring), leading to the rival theory that the replacement of such people will permit implementation to succeed. You can see that elaborating these two initial statements can help to shape the upcoming case study. The stated ideas will increasingly cover the questions,
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propositions, specifications for defining and bounding the case, logic connecting data to propositions, and criteria for interpreting the findings—that is, the five components of the needed research design. In this sense, the research design can come to embrace a “theory” of what is being studied. The desired theory should by no means be considered with the formality of grand theory in social science. Nor are you being asked to be a masterful theoretician. Rather, the simple goal is to have a sufficient blueprint for your study, usefully noted by Sutton and Staw (1995) as “a [hypothetical] story about why acts, events, structure, and thoughts occur” (p. 378). However, you also should be prepared to heed Diane Vaughan’s (1992) wise words of caution: The paradox of theory is that at the same time it tells us where to look, it can keep us from seeing. (p. 195) Your theoretical propositions can represent key issues from the research literature. Alternatively, they can represent practical matters, such as differing types of instructional leadership styles or interpersonal relationships in a study of families and social groups. Ultimately, the propositions will lead to a complete research design—and will provide surprisingly explicit ideas for determining the data to collect and the strategies for analyzing the data. For this reason, some theory development prior to the collection of any fieldwork is desirable. Paul Rosenbaum notes that, for nonexperimental studies more generally, the preferred theoretical statements should elaborate a complex pattern of expected results—the more complex the better (Rosenbaum, 2002, pp. 5-6 and 277-279). The benefit of the complexity will be a more articulated design and a heightened ability to interpret your eventual data. However, theory development in case study research takes time and can be difficult (Eisenhardt, 1989; Rule & John, 2015). For some topics, existing works may provide a rich theoretical framework for designing a specific case study. Alternatively, if you desire your propositions to fill mainly descriptive functions (rather than trying to do an explanatory case study), your concern should focus on such issues as (a) the purpose of the descriptive effort, (b) the full but realistic range of topics that might be considered a “complete” description of what is to be studied, and (c) the likely topic(s) that will be the essence of the description. Good answers to these questions, including the rationales underlying the answers, will help you go a long way toward developing the needed theoretical base—and research design—for your study. For some topics, the existing knowledge base may be poor, and neither the available literature nor the prevailing practical experiences will provide any conceptual ideas or hypotheses of note. Such a knowledge base does not lend
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itself to the development of good theoretical statements, and you should not be surprised if your new study ends up being an exploratory study. Nevertheless, as noted earlier with the illustrative case in BOX 5, even an exploratory case study should be preceded by statements about what is to be explored, the purpose of the exploration, and the criteria by which the exploration will be judged successful (or not). Overall, you may want to gain a richer understanding of how theory is used in case studies by reviewing specific case studies that have been successfully completed. You can do this either by examining the completed case studies for their initial propositions or, as a more daring venture, by trying to understand the significance of the case study’s findings and conclusions. The findings and conclusions should be couched within some theoretically important issues, even if they may not have been openly stated at the outset of the case study. Ilustrative Topics for Theories In general, to overcome the barriers to theory development, you should try to prepare for your case study by doing such things as reviewing the literature related to what you would like to study (e.g., see Cooper, 1984), discussing your topic and ideas with colleagues or teachers, and asking yourself challenging questions about what you are studying, why you are proposing to do the study, and what you hope to learn as a result of the study. As a further reminder, you should be aware of the full range of theories that might be relevant to your study. For instance, note that the earlier MIS example illustrated MIS “implementation” theory and that this is but one type of theory that can be the subject of study. Other types of theories for you to consider include the following: e Individual theories—for example, theories of individual development, cognitive behavior, personality, learning and disability, individual perception, and interpersonal interactions; e Group theories—for example, theories of family functioning, informal groups, work teams, supervisory-employee relations, and interpersonal networks; e Organizational theories—for example, theories of bureaucracies, organizational structure and functions, excellence in organizational performance, and interorganizational partnerships; and e Social justice theories—for example, theories of housing segregation, international conflicts, cultural assimilation, uneven access to technologies, and marketplace inequities. Other examples cut across these illustrative types. Decision-making theory
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(Carroll & Johnson, 1992), for instance, can involve individuals, organizations, or social groups. As another example, a common topic of case study research is the evaluation of publicly supported programs, such as federal, state, or local programs. In this situation, the development of a theory of how a program is supposed to work is essential to the design of the evaluation. In this situation, Bickman (1987) reminds us that the theory needs to distinguish between the substance of the program (e.g., how to make education more effective) and the process of program implementation (e.g., how to install an effective program). The distinction would avoid situations where policy makers might want to know the desired substantive remedies (e.g., findings about a newly effective curriculum) but where an evaluation unfortunately focused on managerial issues (e.g., the need to hire a good project director). Such a mismatch can be avoided by giving closer attention to the substantive theory of interest. Using Theory to Generalize From Case Studies Besides making it easier to design your case study, having some theory or theoretical propositions will later play a critical role in helping you to generalize the lessons learned from your case study. This role of theory has been characterized throughout this book as the basis for analytic generalization and has been contrasted with another way of generalizing the results from empirical studies, known as statistical generalization. Understanding the distinction between these two types of generalization may be your most notable accomplishment in doing case study research. Let us first take the more commonly recognized way of generalizing—statistical generalization—although it is the less relevant one for doing case study research. In statistical generalization, an inference is made about a population (or universe) on the basis of empirical data collected from a sample from that universe. This is shown graphically as a Level One inference in Figure 2.2.1 This method of generalizing is commonly followed when doing surveys (e.g., Fowler, 2014; Lavrakas, 1993) or analyzing archival data such as in studying housing or employment trends. As another example, political polls need to generalize their findings beyond their sample of respondents and to apply to the larger population, and research investigators readily follow statistical procedures to determine the confidence with which such extrapolations can be made. A fatal flaw in doing case studies is to consider statistical generalization to be the way of generalizing the findings from your case study. This is because your case or cases are not “sampling units” and also will be too few in number to serve as an adequately sized sample to represent any larger population. Generalizing from the case study, not from the case(s).
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Rather than thinking about your case(s) as a sample, you should think of your case study as the opportunity to shed empirical light on some theoretical concepts or principles. The goal is not unlike the motive of a laboratory investigator in conducting and then learning from a new experiment. In this sense, both a case study and an experiment have an interest in going beyond the specific case or experiment. Both kinds of studies are likely to strive for generalizable findings or lessons learned—that is, analytic generalizations—that go beyond the setting for the specific case or experiment that had been studied. (Also see Tutorial 2.1 on the companion website at study.sagepub.com/yin6e for more detail about defining “analytic generalization.”) For example, the lessons learned could assume the form of a working hypothesis (Cronbach, 1975), either to be applied in reinterpreting the results of existing studies of other concrete situations (i.e., other case studies or experiments) or to define new research focusing on yet additional concrete situations (i.e., new case studies or experiments). Note that the aim of an analytic generalization is still to generalize to these other concrete situations and not just to contribute to abstract theory building. Also note that the generalizations, principles, or lessons learned from a case study may potentially apply to a variety of situations, well beyond any strict definition of the hypothetical population of “like cases” represented by the original case (Bennett, 2010). The theory or theoretical propositions that went into the initial design of your case study, as empirically enhanced by your case study’s findings, will have formed the groundwork for your analytic generalization(s). Alternatively, a new generalization may emerge from the case study’s findings alone. In other words, the analytic generalization may be based on either (a) corroborating, modifying, rejecting, or otherwise advancing theoretical concepts that you referenced in designing your case study or (b) new concepts that arose upon the completion of your case study. The important point is that, regardless of whether the generalization was derived from the conditions you specified at the outset or uncovered at the conclusion of your case study, the generalization will be at a conceptual level higher than that of the specific case (or the subjects participating in an experiment?)—shown graphically as a Level Two inference in Figure 2.2. By moving to this higher conceptual level, also realize that you need to make an analytic generalization as a claim, by providing a supportive argument. Your experience will be far different from simply applying the numeric result emanating from the use of some formulaic procedure, as in making statistical generalizations. However, the implications for your analytic generalization can lead to greater insight about the “how” and “why” questions that you posed at the outset of your case study.
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Figure 2.2 Making Inferences: Two Levels Level Two Level One Theory Rival theory Policy Rival policy implication implication T K X X Survey : Case study Exp-rincntz Population Case study Experimental characteristics findings findings Sample Subjects Ilustrative examples. Several prominent case studies illustrate how analytic generalizations can use a case study’s findings to implicate new situations. First, consider how the two initial case studies highlighted in BOXES 1 and 2A of Chapter 1 of this book treated the generalizing function: BOX 1: Allison’s (1971) case is about the Cuban missile crisis, but he relates the three theoretical models from his case study to many other situations, first to other international confrontations, such as between the United States and North Vietnam in the 1960s (p. 258). The later edition of his case study (Allison & Zelikow, 1999) then discusses the models’ relevance to the “rethinking of nuclear threats to Americans today” (p. 397) as well as to the broader challenge of inferring the motives underlying actions taken by a foreign power. BOX 2A: Whyte’s study (1943/1993) is well known for uncovering the relationship between individual performance and group structure, highlighted by a bowling tournament where he directly experienced the impact on his own performance (“as if something larger than myself was controlling the ball”— p. 319) and observed how the gang members’ bowling scores, with one notable exception, emulated their standing in the gang. Whyte generalizes his findings by later commenting that “I believed then (and still believe now) that this sort of relationship may be observed in other group activities everywhere” (p. 319). Second, BOX 7 contains four additional illustrations. All show how findings
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from a single-case study nevertheless can be generalized to a broad variety of other situations. The fourth of these case studies has one other notable feature: It demonstrates how an entire case study can be published as a journal article (the first three examples appeared in the form of rather lengthy books). Analytic generalization can be used whether your case study involves one or several cases, which shall be later referenced as single-case or multiple-case studies. Also to come later in this chapter, the discussion under the topic of external validity adds a further insight about making analytic generalizations. The main point at this juncture is that you should try to aim toward analytic generalizations in doing case studies, and you should avoid thinking in such confusing terms as “the sample of cases” or the “small sample size of cases,” as if a single- or multiple-case study were equivalent to respondents in a survey. In other words, again as graphically depicted in Figure 2.2, you should aim for Level Two inferences when generalizing from case studies. In a like manner, even referring to your case or cases as a “purposive sample” may raise similar conceptual and terminological problems. You may have intended to convey that the “purposive” portion of the term reflects your selection of a case that will illuminate the theoretical propositions of your case study. However, your use of the “sample” portion of the term still risks misleading others into thinking that the case comes from some larger universe or population of like cases, undesirably reigniting the specter of statistical generalization. The most desirable posture may be to state a clear caveat if you have to refer to any kind of sample (purposive or otherwise). (The preferred criteria and terminology for selecting cases, as part of either a single- or a multiple-case study, are discussed later in this chapter under the topic of “case study designs.”) In this sense, case study research directly parallels experimental research: Few if any people would consider that a new experiment should be designed as a sample (of any kind) from a larger population of like experiments —and few would consider that the main way of generalizing the findings from a single experiment would be in reference to a population of like experiments. Box 7 Generalizing From Single-Case Studies: Four More Examples i 7A. A Sociology of “Mistake” The tragic loss of the space shuttle Challenger in 1986, vividly shown in repeated TV replays of the spaceship’s final seconds, certainly qualifies as a unique case. The causes of this loss became the subject of a Presidential Commission and of a case study by
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Diane Vaughan (2016). Vaughan’s detailed study shows how the social structure of an organization (the NASA space agency) had, over time, transformed deviance into acceptable and routine behavior. Vaughan’s ultimate explanation differs markedly from that of the Presidential Commission, which pointed to individual errors by middle managers as the main reasons for failure. In Vaughan’s words, her study “explicates the sociology of mistake”—that “mistakes are systemic and socially organized, built into the nature of professions, organizations, cultures, and structures.” She shows how deviance is transformed into acceptable behavior through the institutionalization of production pressures (originating in the organizational environment), leading to “nuanced, unacknowledged, pervasive effects on decisionmaking.” Her final discussion applies this generalization to a diverse array of other situations. As examples, she cites studies showing the research distortions created by the worldview of scientists, the uncoupling of intimate relationships, and the inevitability of accidents in certain technological systems. All these illustrate the process of making analytic generalizations. 7B. The Origins of Social Class The second example (which comes from Application 3) is about the uncovering and labeling of a social class structure based on a case study of a medium-sized American city, Yankee City (Warner & Lunt, 1941). This classic case study in sociology made a critical contribution to social stratification theory and an understanding of the social differences among “upper,” “upper-middle,” “middle- middle,” “upper-lower,” and “lower” classes. Over the years, the insights from these differences have applied to a broad range of social structures, by no means limited to other medium-sized cities (or even to cities). 7C. Contribution to Urban Planning The third example is Jane Jacobs and her famous book, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (1961). The book is based mostly on experiences from a single-case, New York City. The book’s chapters then show how these New York experiences can be used to develop broader theoretical principles in urban planning, such as the role of sidewalks, the role of neighborhood parks, the need for primary mixed uses, the need for small blocks, and the processes of
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slumming and unslumming. Jacobs’s book created heated controversy in the planning profession. New empirical inquiries were made about one or another of her rich and provocative ideas. These inquiries helped to test the broader applicability of her principles to other concrete settings, and in this way Jacobs’s work still stands as a significant contribution in the field of urban planning. 7D. Government Management of “Spoiled” National Identity The fourth example creatively extended Erving Goffman’s well- known sociological theory, regarding the management of stigma by individual people, to an institutional level (Rivera, 2008). A field- based case study of Croatia showed how the stigma created by the wars of Yugoslav secession had demolished the country’s image as a desirable tourist destination, but then how the country successfully used an impression management strategy to revive the tourism. Croatia thus presented “an exciting case of reputation management in action” (p. 618). The author suggests that her adapted theoretical model can be used as “a launching point for understanding the public representation dilemmas faced by other states and organizational actors that have undergone reputation-damaging events” (p. 615). In so doing, the case study has provided another illustration of analytic generalization. The challenge of making analytic generalizations involves understanding that the generalization is not statistical (or numeric) and that you will be making an argumentative claim. In so doing, you need to give explicit attention to the potential flaws in your claims and therefore discuss your analytic generalizations, not just state them. And to repeat an earlier point, remember that you are generalizing from your case study, not from your case(s).2 Summary This section has suggested that a complete research design, while including the five components previously described, will benefit from the development of theoretical propositions. A good case study researcher should pursue such propositions and take advantage of this benefit, whether the case study is to be exploratory, descriptive, or explanatory. The use of theory and theoretical propositions in doing case studies can be an immense aid in defining the appropriate research design and data to be collected. Equally important, the same
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theoretical orientation also will become the main vehicle for generalizing the findings from the case study. Criteria For Judging The Quality Of Research Designs Because a research design is supposed to represent a logical set of statements, you also can judge the quality of any given design according to certain logical tests. Four tests have been commonly used to establish the quality of most empirical social research. Because case study research is part of this larger body, the four tests also are relevant to case study research. An important innovation of this book is the identification of several tactics for dealing with these four tests when doing case study research. Figure 2.3 lists the tests and the recommended tactics, as well as a cross-reference to the phase of research when the tactic is to be used. (Each tactic is described in detail in the chapter of this book referenced in Figure 2.3.) Because the four tests are common to most social science methods, the tests have been summarized in numerous textbooks (e.g., see Kidder & Judd, 1986, pp. 26— 29). The tests also have served as a framework for assessing a large group of case studies in the field of strategic management (Gibbert et al., 2008). The four tests are e Construct validity: identifying correct operational measures for the concepts being studied o Internal validity (for explanatory or causal studies only and not for descriptive or exploratory studies): seeking to establish a causal relationship, whereby certain conditions are believed to lead to other conditions, as distinguished from spurious relationships o External validity: showing whether and how a case study’s findings can be generalized o Reliability: demonstrating that the operations of a study—such as its data collection procedures—can be repeated, with the same results Figure 2.3 Case Study Tactics for Four Design Tests
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Construct o use multiple sources of evidence data collection validity o have key informants review draft (see Chap. 4) case study report composition (see Chap. 6) Internal ¢ do pattern matching data analysis (see Chap. 5) validity * do explanation building data analysis (see Chap. 5) o address rival explanations data analysis (see Chap. 5) o use logic models data analysis (see Chap. 5) External o use theory in single-case studies research design validity o use replication logic in multiple-case studies (see Chap. 2) research design (see Chap. 2) Reliability | e use case study protocol data collection o develop case study database (see Chap. 3) * maintain a chain of evidence data collection (see Chap. 4) data collection (see Chap. 4) Each item on this list deserves explicit attention. For case study research, an important revelation is that the several tactics to be used in dealing with these tests should be applied throughout the subsequent conduct of a case study, not just at its beginning. Thus, the “design work” for doing case studies may actually continue beyond the initial design plans. Construct Validity This first test is especially challenging in case study research. People who have been critical of case studies often point to the fact that a case study researcher fails to develop a sufficiently operational set of measures and that “subjective” judgments—ones tending to confirm a researcher’s preconceived notions (Flyvbjerg, 2006; Ruddin, 2006)—are used to collect the data.? Take an example such as studying “neighborhood change”—a common case study topic (e.g., Bradshaw, 1999; Keating & Krumholz, 1999): Over the years, concerns have arisen over how certain urban neighborhoods have changed their character. Any number of case studies have examined the types of changes and their consequences. However, without any prior specification of the significant, operational events that constitute “change,” a reader cannot tell whether the claimed changes in a case study genuinely reflect the events in a neighborhood or whether they happen to be based on a researcher’s impressions only. Neighborhood change can cover a wide variety of phenomena: racial turnover,
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housing deterioration and abandonment, changes in the pattern of urban services, shifts in a neighborhood’s economic institutions, or the turnover from low- to middle-income residents in revitalizing neighborhoods. The choice of whether to aggregate blocks, census tracts, or larger areas also can produce different results (Hipp, 2007). To meet the test of construct validity, an investigator must be sure to cover two steps: 1. Define neighborhood change in terms of specific concepts (and relate them to the original objectives of the study) and 2. Identify operational measures that match the concepts (preferably citing published studies that make the same matches). For example, suppose you satisfy the first step by stating that you plan to study neighborhood change by focusing on trends in neighborhood crime. The second step now demands that you select a specific measure, such as police-reported crime (which happens to be the standard measure used in the FBI Uniform Crime Reports) as your measure of crime. The literature will indicate certain known shortcomings in this measure, mainly that unknown proportions of crimes are not reported to the police. You will then need to discuss how the shortcomings nevertheless will not bias your study of neighborhood crime and hence neighborhood change. As previously shown in Figure 2.3, three tactics are available to increase construct validity when doing case studies. The first is the use of multiple sources of evidence, in a manner encouraging convergent lines of inquiry, and this tactic is relevant during data collection (see Chapter 4). A second tactic is to establish a chain of evidence, also relevant during data collection (also Chapter 4). The third tactic is to have the draft case study report reviewed by key informants (a procedure described further in Chapter 6). Internal Validity This second test has been given the greatest attention in experimental and quasi- experimental research (see Campbell & Stanley, 1966; Cook & Campbell, 1979). Numerous “threats” to internal validity have been identified, mainly dealing with spurious effects. Because so many textbooks already cover this topic, only two points need to be made here. First, internal validity is mainly a concern for explanatory case studies, when an investigator is trying to explain how and why event x led to event y. If the investigator incorrectly concludes that there is a causal relationship between x and y without knowing that some third event—z—may actually have caused y, the research design has failed to deal with some threat to internal validity. Note
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