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De Guzman, Romina Rae P.
BSSTAT 1-2
Midterm Paper
Prof. Jun Valila
A Critical Assessment: The State of Moro Armed Conflict in the Philippines by Rizal
Buendia and The Bangsamoro Question and the National Democratic Option of Prof. Jun
Valila
The Philippines has a long history that is influenced by Asian, European, and American
cultures. The Filipinos had a rich culture and had been trading with different countries since the
Spanish Occupation. With its topography of mountainous terrain, lush forests, plains, and
coastal areas, the Philippines is a culturally diverse country rich in biodiversity. With a high
percentage of flora and fauna endemism, it is considered one of the world's major biodiversity
countries. Mindanao is the Philippines' second-largest island (after Luzon), located in the
archipelago's southernmost region, surrounded by the Bohol, Philippine, Celebes, and Sulu
seas. It measures 293 miles (471 kilometers) north to south and 324 miles (521 kilometers) east
to west and is irregularly shaped. The Davao and Moro gulfs in the south and Iligan Bay in the
north significantly indent the island, which is defined by peninsulas. Because of its abundant
natural resources, Mindanao has been dubbed the country's "Land of Promise." It's also known
for having the Philippines' surf capital, a well-known, highly urbanized city, and jaw-dropping
beaches. In the largely Roman Catholic Philippines, Mindanao is a Muslim outpost. Despite the
fact that Muslims are no longer the majority, Islamic culture is still present. In 1990, the Muslim
Mindanao autonomous zone was established, consisting of territory in western and southern
Mindanao as well as a number of nearby islands, including Tawi Tawi and Jolo.
Moro resistance to the Americans was focused in the Sultanate of Sulu on Jolo Island,
off the coast of western Mindanao, from 1903 to 1913. Jolo is recognized for the Tausug ethnic
population's warrior history. The Tausug of Sulu carved out a prosperous sphere of influence—
the Sulu Zone—with Jolo as one of the great centers of maritime trade in Southeast Asia. Slave
raiding and trading, as well as pirate attacks against Spanish-established settlements in the
Central Philippines, north of Mindanao, were also significant sources of wealth for the Tausugs.
Organized Moro resistance to the Americans ended only after the critical battle of Bud Bagsak
(1913), and Muslim Mindanao was pacified. The Moro country was directly occupied by
American aggressors from the signing of the Treaty of Paris until 1950. The Philippine provinces
of Mindanao, Lanao, and Cotabato were only given to the Filipinos in 1950.The derogatory
epithet "Moro," which was applied to Muslims in Mindanao, was a reference to the Moors,
against whom the Spaniards had battled on the Iberian Peninsula. It was a way for the Spanish
colonial authorities to portray Mindanao's Muslims as the "other." Many Muslims in Mindanao
collectively refer to themselves as "Moro" to highlight their deep feeling of independence as a
people. This includes the use of the term "Bangsamoro" (Moro Nation) to refer to a group of
people distinct from the rest of the Philippine population. "Bangsamoro" (Moro Nation) was
adopted by Filipino Muslims as a badge of identity to emphasize the presence of their
communities long before the present Philippine state was established.
The Moros want the return of their ancestral domain, which has been stolen by American
aggressors and succeeding imperial Filipino puppet regimes. The conflict in Mindanao between
the Philippine government and armed groups, primarily the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
(MILF), is not the only conflict in the region. Many armed organizations, as well as tribes,
criminal gangs, and political elites, are involved in the violence in Mindanao. The Moro Islamic
Liberation Front (MILF), Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), and other groups such as the
Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), Abu Sayyaf (considered a bandit group engaged
in various criminal activities such as kidnapping and bombings), as well as other armed non-
state actors who are consistently "in conflict" with the central government, are the main actors in
this decades-long conflict. The narrative of Mindanao peoples' ongoing struggle for their right to
self-determination is the core cause of armed conflict in the region. In the face of the national
government's failure to achieve genuine social progress, peace, and development in the
southern Philippines, they are fighting to establish their identity and demand meaningful
governance. The fight is also a reaction to "historical injustices" and significant human rights
violations perpetrated against Mindanao's people. Manipulation by state and non-state entities,
as evidenced by the formation of a variety of groups, some of which are involved in illegal acts,
which use the term "Islam" as a shield to protect them.
The government produced a law, the "Bangsamoro Organic Law" (BOL), which focuses
on the goal and intent of forming the new Bangsamoro political entity and constructing its basic
government structure. This also includes a territorial expansion to accommodate the
Bangsamoro people's desires. According to the law, the Bangsamoro government will be a
parliamentary government. While people believe that the ratification of the BOL and the eventual
establishment of the Bangsamoro government are significant political milestones toward
achieving just peace and social progress not only in Mindanao but throughout the country, I also
believe that they are not the end-all and be-all of the peace struggle. In an unstable peace
process, challenging issues such as governance, equality, land distribution, foreign assistance
invasion, dealing with shadow economies, and violent extremism must still be addressed. If a
peacebuilding approach is substantively integrated into governance in the incipient
Bangsamoro, together with participation and protection paths, the promise of a more improved
and meaningful autonomy can attain its full potential.
MILF has become less optimistic as a result of the ARMM's and preceding "independent
zones" founded in 1977 to empower and improve the living conditions of Muslims. Under the
draft GRP-MILF Final Peace Agreement, former President Gloria Arroyo's suggestion for greater
"improved, enlarged, and stronger autonomy" was dismissed. While previous governments
endeavored to resolve these issues, the main problem is the failure to address the Mindanao
people's legitimate struggle for their "right to self-determination, dignity, and governance," which
is a significant hindrance to peace and stability. Indeed, the Moro struggle's "national character"
has yet to be strengthened. Its fragility is depicted not simply in terms of the Moros' historical
inability to stand on their own as a unified people led by a single figure who effectively engages
the state but also in clearly defining and clarifying the concept of self-governance. The state's
nation-building project and the secessionist movement's attempt to establish a state have not
only resulted in violent conflict, but they have also put the current Philippine political system to
the test in terms of its ability to unite the country given its people's variety.
The answer to the Bangsamoro question could never be autonomy. Autonomy will not
solve poverty, disenfranchisement, and recurring rebellion. It will not bring peace to Mindanao
as long as the Bangsamoro people are underprivileged and the founder Muslim rulers and
leaders enjoy the benefits of war and concessions from the Manila-based ruling elite. As long as
the Moro people are neglected and oppressed, rebellion, terrorism, and banditry will persist in
Mindanao and beyond. The resolution that can be possibly effective in resolving the conflict in
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the South could be realizing the Bangsamoro's (and the region's) meaningful autonomy and
right to self-rule, based on their distinct cultural identities, historical struggles, beliefs, heritage,
and beliefs. Allowing the Bangsamoro to have true and efficient fiscal sovereignty which can
lead to peaceful negotiations within Manila and Mindanao. Providing effective management,
control, and advantages of natural resources in Bangsamoro land to the Bangsamoro by not
having the control of the landlords. Also, ensuring respect and protection to indigenous peoples'
rights, as well as to address historical marginalization and exclusion, full inclusion of indigenous
peoples' rights in Bangsamoro government is required. Realizing a Bangsamoro transitional
justice and reconciliation program should be in mind. Following such prior initiatives to establish
a Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Commission for the Bangsamoro (NTJRCB), which will
ensure and promote, among other things, justice, healing, and reconciliation. All of these are
such significant resolution and can be solve only and only if the Filipino people will be able to be
have one vision and one purpose in freeing our Bangsamoro brothers and sisters.
Whether it’s a Marcos or Aquino administration or other succeeding government officials,
as long as they are one with the landlords, bourgeois compradors or capitalists, nothing will
change. We should have one vision for our country, not only for the sake of our fellow Filipinos
or the Moro people, but also for the greater good of our future generations. We should vote
wisely in these upcoming 2022 elections and vote for the deserving candidate because the
leader of our country, or the President, will have the power to rule and make our fellow Filipino
people be as one in terms of protecting the Moros and giving them the right to continue their
lives peacefully. It is in our hands to be able to free them. Our fellow Moro brothers and sisters
are not a threat to us Christians, but the key to our progressive and economically healthy
country, the Philippines.
References:
Valila, J. J. (2018, October).The Bangsamoro Question and National Democratic Option.
Buendia, R. (2005, June).The State of Moro Armed Conflict in the Philippines.
Huang, L., Musembi, V., Petronic, L. (2012,June 21) The State-Moro Conflict in the Philippines.
https://reliefweb.int/report/philippines/state-moro-conflict-philippines
Franco, J. (2016, May 24)Chapter 7 The Philippines: The Moro Islamic Liberation Front - A
Pragmatic Power Structure?
https://cco.ndu.edu/news/article/780183/chapter-7-the-philippines-
the-moro-islamic-liberation-front-a-pragmatic-power-s/
Acaps
Org.
(2021,
July
7)
Displacement
in
Mindanao.
https://www.acaps.org/country/philippines/crisis/mindanao-conflict?
acaps_mode=slow&show_mode=1
Batac, M. (2019, February 26) Interview: the Struggle for Peace in Mindanao, the Philippines.
https://www.gppac.net/news/interview-struggle-peace-mindanao-philippines