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Hi tutor! Please read the screenshot of the reading material and do the following.   Summarize and Highlights of the Chapter: - relationship of events - how one event led to another Reflection - connect things with the present

Hi tutor! Please read the screenshot of the reading material and do the following.   Summarize and Highlights of the Chapter: - relationship of events - how one event led to another Reflection - connect things with the present

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Hi tutor! Please read the screenshot of the reading material and do the following.

 

Summarize and Highlights of the Chapter:

- relationship of events

- how one event led to another

Reflection

- connect things with the present

32 TRADE, TRIBUTE, AND WARFARE IN A REGIONAL CONTEXT Relations between Settlements In this locally focused world, attachment to one's own group and village was strong. This can be seen in the attitude toward outsiders. At the beginning of the tilling season, no strangers were allowed in a village while ceremonies were conducted for a productive harvest. Likewise, a family engaged in Chapter Two harvesting rice would allow no outsiders into the house, lest the fields yield nothing but straw. Upon pain of death, strangers were warned away during the funeral of a datu. Further evidence is found in the differential treatment of slaves from within the community and those from outside. Slaves born within a household were considered part of the family and were rarely sold. On the other hand, when a life was to be sacrificed-for instance, when a slave was to be buried with a great datu to serve him in the afterlife-someone captured in war or purchased from outside would be chosen. But evidence of early shipbuilding indicates that communities were not in- sular. Travel for the purpose of trade was common and had an impact on the growth of settlements and the way they were governed. An archaeological site in Tanjay, Negros Oriental (in the Visayas), shows a settlement's evolution from before the tenth century to the sixteenth century. In its earliest form, this coastal community at the mouth of a large river covered less than seven hectares (around fifteen acres). The excavation of Chinese porcelain from the twelfth century is a sign of early trade, but doesn't prove direct contact with China. By the sixteenth century, when the settlement engaged in metal pro- duction, it covered thirty to fifty hectares (roughly one hundred acres). Houses by then varied in type and size and included one with fortifications- all signs of growing social stratification. w As more goods were imported into coastal settlements, those who con- trolled the trade grew in material wealth and status. Not surprisingly, these were the datus who controlled harbors, collected trade duties, and imported goods. As a class, they were distinguished by their possession of larger-than- average, well-constructed, sometimes stockaded houses filled with such for- eign prestige goods as Chinese porcelains, gold ornaments, musical instru- ments, wood carvings, and fine silks and cottons. This evolving elite did not merely siphon off wealth in the form of duties; it also created wealth. There is some evidence from the Tanjay site that the datu himself was a producer of various grades of pottery (and that his work- force was probably female). The everyday ceramics would have been sold to commoners and the high-quality decorated ceramics given as gifts to allies and high-status followers. But even where datus were not themselves pro- ducers, they did finance production, create a market for high-end goods, and facilitate both interisland and foreign trade. Increased commerce, in turn, at- tracted more people to the settlement and stimulated cottage industries to sup- ply and equip the traders. Iron- and woodworking, the building trades, ship- building and repair, and food supply were all areas that thrived. As some settlements grew large through trade or manufacturing, their da- tus sought to project power beyond their immediate settlement, often
Transcribed Image Text:32 TRADE, TRIBUTE, AND WARFARE IN A REGIONAL CONTEXT Relations between Settlements In this locally focused world, attachment to one's own group and village was strong. This can be seen in the attitude toward outsiders. At the beginning of the tilling season, no strangers were allowed in a village while ceremonies were conducted for a productive harvest. Likewise, a family engaged in Chapter Two harvesting rice would allow no outsiders into the house, lest the fields yield nothing but straw. Upon pain of death, strangers were warned away during the funeral of a datu. Further evidence is found in the differential treatment of slaves from within the community and those from outside. Slaves born within a household were considered part of the family and were rarely sold. On the other hand, when a life was to be sacrificed-for instance, when a slave was to be buried with a great datu to serve him in the afterlife-someone captured in war or purchased from outside would be chosen. But evidence of early shipbuilding indicates that communities were not in- sular. Travel for the purpose of trade was common and had an impact on the growth of settlements and the way they were governed. An archaeological site in Tanjay, Negros Oriental (in the Visayas), shows a settlement's evolution from before the tenth century to the sixteenth century. In its earliest form, this coastal community at the mouth of a large river covered less than seven hectares (around fifteen acres). The excavation of Chinese porcelain from the twelfth century is a sign of early trade, but doesn't prove direct contact with China. By the sixteenth century, when the settlement engaged in metal pro- duction, it covered thirty to fifty hectares (roughly one hundred acres). Houses by then varied in type and size and included one with fortifications- all signs of growing social stratification. w As more goods were imported into coastal settlements, those who con- trolled the trade grew in material wealth and status. Not surprisingly, these were the datus who controlled harbors, collected trade duties, and imported goods. As a class, they were distinguished by their possession of larger-than- average, well-constructed, sometimes stockaded houses filled with such for- eign prestige goods as Chinese porcelains, gold ornaments, musical instru- ments, wood carvings, and fine silks and cottons. This evolving elite did not merely siphon off wealth in the form of duties; it also created wealth. There is some evidence from the Tanjay site that the datu himself was a producer of various grades of pottery (and that his work- force was probably female). The everyday ceramics would have been sold to commoners and the high-quality decorated ceramics given as gifts to allies and high-status followers. But even where datus were not themselves pro- ducers, they did finance production, create a market for high-end goods, and facilitate both interisland and foreign trade. Increased commerce, in turn, at- tracted more people to the settlement and stimulated cottage industries to sup- ply and equip the traders. Iron- and woodworking, the building trades, ship- building and repair, and food supply were all areas that thrived. As some settlements grew large through trade or manufacturing, their da- tus sought to project power beyond their immediate settlement, often
The Philippines to the Fourteenth Century through warfare. According to a late sixteenth-century Spanish account, "There were many chiefs who dominated others less powerful. As there were many without much power, there was no security from the continual wars that were waged between them."13 Common reasons for going to war included avenging a killing, mistreatment, or abduction; there were also customary times of year to plunder and capture slaves. But although the sit- uation was fluid, it was not as chaotic as it appeared to the Spanish. Al- liances were made, often through marriage, for friendship and help against mutual enemies. These alliances yielded hierarchies of chiefs who paid trib- ute to those above-at once a system of trade and a way to reinforce the hi- erarchy (see box 2.4). Alliances were always sensitive to the relative strength of the partners, as is the case in international diplomacy still, and were liable to be tested by warfare. But warfare was episodic, not contin- ual, ending quickly with the seizure of goods and people. The end of hos- tilities usually saw the withdrawal of the victorious forces and the payment of heavy tribute by the defeated datu. Each locality remained under its own datu, although of course a datu was liable to fall to an externally sponsored rival if unsuccessful in war. 33 Box 2.4. Prestige Goods and Datu Alliances "Ethnohistorical analyses indicate that for... Philippine chiefs, gifts of prestige goods were the primary material means of cementing strategic alliances with other elites and rewarding the loyalty of subordinates. In a society in which political coalitions are not automatically defined by territory or unilineal descent groups, personalized alliance networks were, by necessity, built through intermarriage and the circulation of pres- tige goods. Archeological evidence... suggests that, before the early-second-millen- nium beginnings of the Chinese porcelain trade, chiefs and other elites circulated lo- cally manufactured 'fancy' earthenware and either locally made or trade-obtained metal implements and glass beads both within a polity and between island chiefdoms. The growth of the chiefly political systems in the first millennium A.D. created the con- ditions for an ever-increasing demand for valuable and exotic prestige goods. The ex- pansion of trading networks to encompass extra-archipelagic trade for Chinese porce- lains and other status goods may be a reflection of this intensifying desire for sumptuary goods to validate positions of status and authority. At the same time, com- petition for access to foreign prestige goods may have transformed these internal al- liance and prestige goods exchange systems. The desire of foreign traders for interior forest products and other local exports would have enhanced the need for extensive internal alliance and exchange systems cemented by prestige goods redistribution." -Laura Lee Junker, Raiding, Trading, and Feasting: The Political Economy of Philip- pine Chiefdom (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1999), 311-12
Transcribed Image Text:The Philippines to the Fourteenth Century through warfare. According to a late sixteenth-century Spanish account, "There were many chiefs who dominated others less powerful. As there were many without much power, there was no security from the continual wars that were waged between them."13 Common reasons for going to war included avenging a killing, mistreatment, or abduction; there were also customary times of year to plunder and capture slaves. But although the sit- uation was fluid, it was not as chaotic as it appeared to the Spanish. Al- liances were made, often through marriage, for friendship and help against mutual enemies. These alliances yielded hierarchies of chiefs who paid trib- ute to those above-at once a system of trade and a way to reinforce the hi- erarchy (see box 2.4). Alliances were always sensitive to the relative strength of the partners, as is the case in international diplomacy still, and were liable to be tested by warfare. But warfare was episodic, not contin- ual, ending quickly with the seizure of goods and people. The end of hos- tilities usually saw the withdrawal of the victorious forces and the payment of heavy tribute by the defeated datu. Each locality remained under its own datu, although of course a datu was liable to fall to an externally sponsored rival if unsuccessful in war. 33 Box 2.4. Prestige Goods and Datu Alliances "Ethnohistorical analyses indicate that for... Philippine chiefs, gifts of prestige goods were the primary material means of cementing strategic alliances with other elites and rewarding the loyalty of subordinates. In a society in which political coalitions are not automatically defined by territory or unilineal descent groups, personalized alliance networks were, by necessity, built through intermarriage and the circulation of pres- tige goods. Archeological evidence... suggests that, before the early-second-millen- nium beginnings of the Chinese porcelain trade, chiefs and other elites circulated lo- cally manufactured 'fancy' earthenware and either locally made or trade-obtained metal implements and glass beads both within a polity and between island chiefdoms. The growth of the chiefly political systems in the first millennium A.D. created the con- ditions for an ever-increasing demand for valuable and exotic prestige goods. The ex- pansion of trading networks to encompass extra-archipelagic trade for Chinese porce- lains and other status goods may be a reflection of this intensifying desire for sumptuary goods to validate positions of status and authority. At the same time, com- petition for access to foreign prestige goods may have transformed these internal al- liance and prestige goods exchange systems. The desire of foreign traders for interior forest products and other local exports would have enhanced the need for extensive internal alliance and exchange systems cemented by prestige goods redistribution." -Laura Lee Junker, Raiding, Trading, and Feasting: The Political Economy of Philip- pine Chiefdom (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1999), 311-12
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