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Week 5 Kaufman, J. M., Rebellon, C. J., Thaxton, S., & Agnew, R. (2008). A general strain theory of racial differences in criminal offending. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology , 41 (3), 421-437. 1. List and briefly explain the types of strain identified and proposed by the researchers as potentially playing a role in differences in official crime rates between whites and African-Americans. Here, we do not expect you to give a detailed description of each – a summary sentence or two for each will suffice. Please avoid the use of quotes here, we want this to be in your own words. The researchers identified three types of strain that may contribute to differences in official crime rates between whites and African-Americans. Economic strain occurs when individuals experience financial hardship, unemployment, or poverty. The researchers suggest that African-Americans are more likely to experience economic strain due to historical and current systemic racism and discrimination. Status strain occurs when individuals have limited opportunities for social mobility or face discrimination based on their race. The researchers propose that African-Americans may experience status strain because they are often excluded from mainstream society and face barriers to achieving success. Lastly, racial strain occurs when individuals experience prejudice, discrimination, or negative stereotypes based on their race. The researchers suggest that African-Americans may experience racial strain due to systemic racism and discrimination, which can lead to feelings of anger, frustration, and resentment towards mainstream society. 2. In several places, the authors argue that African-Americans experience types of strain directly related to racism. Summarise what these specific strains are, and why the authors see these as playing a central role in their argument that African-Americans may experience more strain that white Americans. Overall, the general strain theory suggests that these different types of strains can lead to negative emotions. Consequently, these negative emotions may increase the likelihood of criminal behaviour as a coping mechanism. They see these specific strains as central to their argument that African
Americans may experience more strain than white Americans because they are exposed to racism in ways that are not experienced by other racial groups, (Kaufman et al., 2008). This can result in a heightened risk for criminal behaviour because individuals who experience heightened levels of strain may be more likely to engage in deviant behaviour as a coping mechanism, (Kaufman et al., 2008). Week 6: Weekly Review of Readings Assessment 1 Winfree Jr, L. T., Bäckström, T. V., & Mays, G. L. (1994). Social learning theory, self- reported delinquency, and youth gangs: A new twist on a general theory of crime and delinquency.  Youth & Society 26 (2), 147-177. 1. Social learning theory as used within criminology is often mischaracterised as “birds of a feather flock together.” The authors (p. 155) note, “Rather, as observed by Sutherland and Cressey (1974), the theory of differential association is concerned with ratios of associations with patterns of behavior, no matter the character of the person representing them.” Explain what is meant by “ratios of associations with patterns of behavior.” Then explain how the authors of the article measure this in their research, and why. 2. The authors (p. 167) find “Gang members were distinguishable from nongang youths more in terms of variables derived from social learning theory than personal biographical characteristics.” What variable or variables did the authors find most important in predicting youth-gang membership? 3. F inally, following on question 2 above, explain why the authors see these variable(s) as lending support to the social learning perspective? "Ratios of associations with patterns of behaviour" refer to the strength and direction of the relationship between different variables or factors and their influence on a particular behaviour, (WINFREE et al., 1994). In their research, the authors measure ratios of associations by using logistic regression analysis. This involves looking at the relationships between various independent variables (such as social learning theory and self-reported delinquency) and a dependent variable (in this case,
youth gang involvement), (WINFREE et al., 1994). This allows researchers to determine the probability if that a given factor is associated with a particular outcome. The authors use this method to explore the relative importance of social learning theory and self-reported delinquency in predicting youth gang involvement, (WINFREE et al., 1994). (WINFREE et al., 1994) Week 8: Melossi, D. (2000). Changing representations of the criminal. British Journal of Criminology , 40 (2), 296-320. 1. What does Melossi mean by the concept of “inclusionary penal modes?” When have these generally happened, historically? How are “criminals” represented in inclusionary modes? Finally, how are inclusionary penal modes related to social uses of punishment, and specifically incarceration? Please avoid the use of excessive quotes here and answer in no more than two paragraphs. Melossi refers to inclusionary penal modes as a form of punishment that is aimed at integrating offenders back into society rather than simply punishing them, (Melossi, 2000). These modes focus on rehabilitation and reintegration, with the goal of reducing recidivism rates and creating safer communities, (Melossi, 2000). Inclusionary penal modes have historically occurred during periods of social change and upheaval, (Melossi, 2000). In these inclusionary modes, criminals are represented as people who can be rehabilitated and reintegrated into society, (Melossi, 2000). This contrasts with exclusionary penal modes, where punishment is focused solely on retribution and separating offenders from society. Inclusionary penal modes are related to social uses of punishment because they reflect
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broader societal attitudes towards crime and justice, (Melossi, 2000). They also highlight the role of incarceration as a tool for rehabilitation rather than just punishment, (Melossi, 2000). 2. Conversely, what does Melossi mean by the concept of “exclusionary penal modes?” When have these generally happened, historically? How are “criminals” represented in exclusionary modes? Finally, how are exclusionary penal modes related to social uses of punishment, and specifically incarceration? Melossi refers to the concept of "exclusionary penal modes" as a set of criminal justice policies and practices that aim to exclude certain groups or individuals from society through punishment, (Melossi, 2000). These exclusionary modes are characterized by harsher penalties, longer sentences, and restrictive laws that target marginalized communities such as racial minorities, immigrants, and the poor, (Melossi, 2000). According to Melossi, exclusionary penal modes have occurred at various points throughout history, particularly during times of social upheaval or political instability. Similarly, Melossi argues that the late 20th century has contributed to a new form of exclusionary penal mode, characterized by an emphasis on punitive measures and a reduction of social welfare programs, (Melossi, 2000). Criminals are represented as "others" who are fundamentally different from law-abiding citizens and must be kept separate from society. Exclusionary penal modes, such as incarceration, are related to social uses of punishment because they serve to exclude individuals from society, reinforce societal norms and values through punishment and control, (Melossi, 2000). Week 10 Reading Cook, K. J. (2016). Has criminology awakened from its “androcentric slumber”?. Feminist Criminology , 11 (4), 334-353.
1. The author uses a feminist lens to promotes a “yes, and . . . ” approach to the study of crime and justice. What does the author mean by a “yes, and.” approach? Identity two examples of social inequalities other than gender the author identifies using an “yes, and” approach. The author suggests that criminology needs to adopt a "yes, and." approach which means acknowledging the work done by feminist criminologists in exposing gender biases while also recognizing the need for intersectionality to address other forms of oppression such as race, sexuality, and class, (Cook, 2016). This approach involves moving beyond simplistic understandings of gender and crime and embracing a more complex understanding of how different identities intersect to shape experiences with crime and criminal justice. Overall, the "yes, and." approach emphasizes the importance of ongoing critical reflection and engagement with diverse perspectives within criminology, (Cook, 2016). The author identifies race and class as social inequalities other than gender, (Cook, 2016). She argues that criminology has historically ignored the ways in which black and poor people are disproportionately criminalized and incarcerated compared to white and wealthy individuals, (Cook, 2016). 2. What does the author mean by the concepts of “doing gender” and “doing difference” in criminological research? How does the author differentiate these concepts from more mainstream criminological research, and why? The author argues that criminological research has traditionally been androcentric (focused on men) and has ignored the experiences of women. To address this issue, she suggests using the concepts of "doing gender" and "doing difference" in research, which means analyzing how individuals perform their gender and other social identities in different contexts, (Cook, 2016). This approach can help researchers better understand how gender and other factors intersect to shape criminal behavior and experiences with the criminal justice system. 3. The author introduces the idea of “survivor criminology” as a valuable area for future feminist studies. Explain what this concept entails. Specifically, what is meant by “survivor” here? How might this approach help to shed light on the experiences of women to better inform gendered differences in offending and victimisation?
The concept of “survivor criminology” refers to an area of feminist studies that focuses on the experiences and perspectives of those who have survived victimization, particularly in cases of sexual violence, (Cook, 2016). In this context, the term “survivor” is used to refer to individuals who have experienced harm as a result of criminal behaviour but who have managed to overcome it and continue living their lives, (Cook, 2016). Survivor criminology seeks to centre the voices and experiences of survivors, rather than focusing solely on the actions and motivations of perpetrators. This approach recognizes that survivors often face significant challenges in navigating the criminal justice system and society more broadly, and aims to provide a platform for them to share their stories and advocate for change, (Cook, 2016). Week 12 Ferrell, J. (2013). Tangled up in green: Cultural criminology and green criminology. In Routledge international handbook of green criminology (pp. 365-380). Routledge. 1. Ferrell (p. 350) argues, “Cultural criminology can be seen to share with green criminology a deeper agenda as well; the revitalisation of the criminological imagination.” What does Ferrell mean by the “criminological imagination?” How do cultural criminology and green criminology each suggest a return to or revitalization of the criminological imagination? Please use your own words here. Ferrell defines the “criminological imagination” as the ability to see crime and its causes beyond traditional legal and criminal justice frameworks, (Ferrell, 2013). It involves understanding how social, cultural, economic, and political factors contribute to criminal behaviour, (Ferrell, 2013). It encourages researchers to analyse how cultural symbols, values, and practices shape criminal activities and how these activities are perceived by society. Green criminology involves criminological imagination by focusing on the environmental harm caused by human actions. This perspective urges scholars to look beyond traditional legal definitions of crime and explore new forms of environmental harm, (Ferrell, 2013). Overall, both approaches suggest that expanding our understanding of crime requires us to be imaginative in our thinking about what constitutes harm and how it is produced within specific social contexts.
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2. Why does Ferrell argue that “consumer culture” should be analysed in terms of “ecological harms”? Specifically, what are the primary features of consumer capitalism, according to Ferrell? And how do these result in significant ecological and environmental harms? Please use quotes sparingly. Ferrell argues that consumer culture should be analysed in terms of ecological harms, as it is a major factor contributing to environmental destruction, (Ferrell, 2013) . According to Ferrell, the primary features of consumer capitalism are, “The production and consumption of commodities for profit,” “Encouraging a culture of consumption with advertising and marketing tactics” and “The commodification of nature and natural resources, (Ferrell, 2013). These result in significant ecological and environmental harm in several ways. Overproduction and overconsumption lead to the depletion of natural resources such as water, forests, and minerals. The generation of waste and pollution from production, transportation, and disposal processes contributes to the degradation of ecosystems. The commodification of nature leads to the exploitation and destruction of habitats, species, and biodiversity. Lastly, consumer capitalism promotes a throwaway culture that encourages disposability rather than sustainability.